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K i'dp3d.^ - (S^. e^/l^ /^9S. 

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j^arbatti College l^tbratg 




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or JAPAN. 









Persiftn ElemestB in Japanese Legends. Dy J. Edkins, D.D 1 

Bodrignez' System of Transliteration. By B. H. Chamberlain 10 

On the Ainu Term '' Eamni." By J. Batchelor 17 

Reply to Mr. Batchelor on the words "Eamai'* and "Aino." By B. H. 

Chamberlain 83 

Early Japanese History. By W. G. Aston 89 

The Japanese Edacation Society. By W. Dening 76 

Specimens of Ainu Folk-Lore. By Bev. Jno. Batchelor Ill 

Around the Hokkaido. By By C. S. Meik, C. E 151 

Ino Chukei, the Japanese Sarveyor and Cartographer. By Cargill G. Knott, 

D. Sc, P. R. S. E 173 

Chinese and Annamese. By E. H. Parker 179 

Jiujutsn. By Rev. T. Lindsay and J.^ano 192 

O Christian Talley. By J. M. Dixon, M." A., F. R. S. E 207 

A Literary Lady of Old Japan. By the late Dr. T. A. Poroell and W. G. Aston. 215 
A Vocabulary of the most Ancient Words of the Japanese Language. By B. H. 

Chamberlain, assisted by M. Ueda 225 

Minutes of Meetings v 

Report of Council xix 

List of Members xxiv 



TOKYO, October 12th, 1887. 

A General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the College of 
Engineering, Tokyo, on Wednesday, October 12th, 1887, N. J. Hannen, Esq., Pre- 
sident, in the Chair. 

The minutes of last meeting, having been published in the Japan Mail^ were 
taken as read. 

It was announced that the following gentlemen had been elected Ordinary 
Members: — Prof. W. K. Burton, H. von Jasmund, Esq., Dr. W. Van der Heyden, 
Captain Munter, Dr. 8. Scriba, H. Watanabe, Esq., T. B. Clarke-Thornhill, Esq., 
P. Mayet, Esq., Dr. E. Baelz, Professor C. B. Storrs, Hon. R. B. Hubbard, 
E. Odium, Esq. 

Dr. Edkins' paper on " Persian Elements in Japanese Legends *' was read by 
Dr. Amerman. 

The Chairman, after expressing the indebtedness of the Society to Dr. Edkins 
for his instnictive paper, called on Dr. Amerman to read the next presented by 
Mr. Chamberlain, who was unfortunately prevented from coming himself to read 
it. The paper was an account of " Rodriguez' System of Transliteration." 

The Chairman, in expressing the thanks of the Society to the author of the 
paper, i:emarked that, as usual, Mr. Chamberlain had treated with characteristic 
felicity what might in many hands have proved a very dreary subject. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

In the discussion which' followed the reading of Dr. Edkins' paper on *' Persian 
Elements in Japanese Legends," in which Messrs. Amerman, Aston, Dixon, 
Knott, and Miller took part, the feeling was generally expressed that the evidence 
so far brought forward by Dr. Edkins was hardly sufficient to form a basis for any 
argument. One of the six resemblances was of no value whatever, as horses were 
not known in Japan before the Brd century. In general too the resemblances 
mentioned seemed insignificant in comparison with the difFerences. Indeed, 
granting that the human race is descended from one stock, we should expect to 
find more striking resemblances than we do. Besides it has been recently 
demonstrated pretty clearly that similarity of myths does not imply community of 
origin, the only common element being human nature. 

( vi ) 

After the reading of Mr. Chamberlaiu*s paper on " Rodriguez' System of 
Transliteration," qaite a lively discussion followed, which was in great measure a 
sparring between the advocates of the phonetic and so- called historic systems of 

Professor Milne said it would be well to know if the Portuguese x of the 17th 
century was pronounced as it is pronounced now. This criticism was accentuated 
by Bev. Mr. Summers, who doubted if the Portuguese r was at the present time 
fitly represented by the English $h. 

Dr. Knott argued that the comparison of the two systems, Rodriguez' and 
Hepburn's, led to the conclusion that the Portuguese x had not changed its 
phonetic value since Rodriguez' days. In 1603 a certain Japanese hana was the 
equivalent of the Portuguese xi ; in 1887 the same kanu was the equivalent of shi, 
and therefore otxi as at present pronounced by the Portuguese. Either then xi was 
so pronounced in 1603, or since that time Japanese and Portuguese pronunciation 
had changed, with respect to this sound, in exactly the same manner. No change 
at all was infinitely more credible than an exactly same change in two such 
different languages. In his opinion, Rodriguez' transliteration system proved 
constancy of pronunciation in both the Portuguese and Japanese languages. 

The Rev. E. R. Miller drew attention to Rodriguez' series /a yi^it/e/o, and 
asked if any one could tell to what extent that pronunciation existed now. 

Mr. Aston replied that^ and/w were distinctly so pronounced near Nagasaki, 
but that in the other cases there could not bo said to be any true approximation to 
our / sound. As to the general conclusions of the paper, he was in perfect agree- 
ment with Mr. Chamberlain. There could be no reasonable doubt that Rodriguez 
was transliterating a language whose phonetic elements had the same value as 
they have to-day. He was also quite in accord with the position taken up by Mr. 
Chamberlain with reference to the various rival systems of transliteration which 
had been advocated in our day. 

Tokyo, November 9th. 1887. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the College of 
Engineering, Tokyo, on Wednesday, November 9th, 1887, at 4 p.m. 

N. J. Hannen, Esq., President, occupied. the Chair. 

The minutes of last meeting, having been published in the Japafi Mail, were 
taken as read. 

It was intimated that Dr. J. N. Seymour had been elected an Ordinary Mem- 
ber of the Society. 

At the request of the Chairman, Mr. J. Batdielor read a paper "^On the 
Ainu Term Kamui." A lively discussion followed. 


The President, after congratulating Mr. Batcliolor ou bavlDg given rise to one 
of the most animated and interesting dicussions that he had ever witnessed in the 
Society, declared the meeting adjourned. 

After the reading of Mr Batchelor*8 paper on the Ainu term Eamui, the 
President invited discussion from those present. 

Mr. Chamberlain, who was prevented by ill health from attending the meeting, 
send some written remarks which have been printed as a separate paper 
{p. 33). 

Mr. J. C. Hall said that the new array of facts which Mr. Batchelor had 
brought before them had, iu his opinion, a distinct bearing upon the question of the 
origin ol natural religions. In this country we were brought into close contact 
with Chinese religious ideas, which, at the time of their introduction, found in the 
Japanese ideas a lower stratum of religious thought. Now we learn of a lower 
stratum still. What elements, if any, are common to these three forms of 
religion ? Herbert Spencer believes that natural religion finds its origin in dreams ; 
while others maintain that there is a still lower religious phase, namely Fetishism. 
Fetishism was simply the incapacity to recognise the difference' between activity 
and life. It was surprising how tenacious fetishistic ideas had been in the histoiy 
of mankind. The case of the ancient Greeks, who combined strong fetishistic ideas 
with philosophical conceptions of a very high order, was one of the most striking. 
There bad been a lung controversy as to whether the Chinese had any true idea of 
"God," and it is now generally admitted that they had not— that the word Tien 
really signifies the sky, regarded fetishistically as a living thing, and not used 
metaphorically, as we sometimes use Heaven as a synonym for God. The failure 
of many eminent students of Chinese literature to appreciate this fact, and their 
persistency iu reading into the Chinese terms the religious ideas of the West, are 
perhaps more surprising even than the persistence of this fetishism. He believed 
that Japanese religion was originally of the same character, although Hirata, under 
the influence of more modern ideas, concludes after a long discussion that the Sun- 
goddess w^as always regarded as a being residing in the Sun. The truth of the 
fetishistic theory seemed also to be borne out by an account recently given by 
Mr. Batchelor of the effect produced upon an Ainu by an eclipse of the sun. The 
Ainu at once remarked, " the luminary is dying." Perhaps Mr. Batchelor could 
give other facts, either supporting this theory, or controverting it. 

Mr. Batchelor remarked that the Ainu really regards the sun as a body iu 
which the deity resides, distinguishing, so to speak, between a body and a soul. 

Professor Milne suggested that the Ainns and Japanese might have borrowed 
their respective words Kamui and Kavii from the same source. He sided with Mr. 
Batchelor in the spelling of the name Ainu, contending that Mr. Chamberlain's 
illustrations were not really parallel cases. Ainu studies are now, strictly 
speaking, only making a commencement. Let us, then, at all events begin as 
correctly as possible. 

( viii ) 

Professor Dixon argued that it was useless at this date to try to alter a 
spelling vliich had so firmly established itself. We know how futile had been the 
attempts of the Saxon School to change the recognised spelling of Saxon names to 
what they certainly were originally. He therefore sided with Mr. Chamberlain as 
to the spelling of Aino in European literature. At the same time it would be best 
of course to use Ainu in Ainu literature. 

Mr. Batchelor maintained that Ainu had been spelt Aino because of ignorance. 
It was all very well to talk of the usage of two hundred and fifty years, and of the 
literature on the subject. How much of that is really reliable ? Now that we had 
but recently made a true beginning in Ainu studies, are we not then to try and 
start right ? 

The Bev. H. Waddell thought it was quite a mistake to regard the Chinese as 
having no true idea of God. What was the idea of Qod? Was it not the 
mysteiious, the wonderful ? And to regard heaven as a protecting power, raising up 
nations and pulling them down, and in general superintending human affairs, 
is a sentiment very akin to our own. Without entering into the question as to the 
origin of the religions idea in man, we can surely easily understand how, the idea 
of God once formed, anything extraordinary in nature should come to be wor- 
shipped as a God ; and certainly all nations have more or less worshipped nature. 

Mr. Aston wished to call attention to one or two miuor points that had been 
referred to by Mr. Batchelor. First, the gohei in Shinto temples do not represent 
the kami; they are the survivals of the bits of cloth which were originally brought 
as offerings. Then as to the general argument based on the improbability of the 
Ainu word kamui with all its associated ideas being derived from the Japanese 
hamij even granting that they were not originally identical, it might clear our 
notions a little if we considered a somewhat parallel case in the development of 
European religious ideas. Thus the Greek word dlaholog means originally simply 
a calumniator ; but our words, devil, devilish, derived therefrom, are used in ways 
that never could have been imagined by the Greeks. The adjective is indeed 
sometimes used to emphasise a good quality. Even if the Ainu term kamui 
differed more than it does from its supposed parent the Japanese kami, it would 
give little cause for surprise. 

Mr. Mayet expressed his opinion that nature worship is the real origin of all 
natural religions, and that much of it still survived in Japanese rites, the gohei for 
example being, he believed, the symbol of the lightning. He was therefore 
surprised to learn that the Ainu recognises no star-god, thunder-god, or lightning- 
god. Could Mr. Batchelor offer any explanation of this ? 

Mr. Batchelor remaked that the facts of the Ainu religion were very simply 
stated. They had one chief god, and all the others were officers or messengers 
of this supreme being. The sun, moon, and stars were certainly not worshipped, 
and there was no lightning or thunder god. These were the facts, but the explana- 
tion of them was beyond bim. 

Tokyo, December 4Ui, 1887. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the College of 
Engineeriug, Tokyo, on Wedneeday, December 14th, 1887, at 4 p.m. 

Dr. Divers occupied the chair. 

The minutes of last meeting were read and approved. 

It was announced that Messrs. H. L. Fardel and C. H. Hintou had been 
elected ordinary members of the Society. 

The Chairman informed the meeting that the Society's Library had, by the 
permission of the Presiiient of the Imperial University, been accommodated with 
a room in the College of Engiueering ; that the Library was open on week-days 
from 7 a.m. to 9 p.m., and on Sundays from 8 p.m. to 9 p.m.; and that membcm 
and visitors, wishing to make use of the Library, cither for reading or borrowing 
books, were Lo apply to the Librarian of the College. 

The Chairman then called on Mr. Hall to read Mr. Aston's paper on *- Early 
Japanese History," the author himself being unfortunately unable to be 

The Chairman, in asking the Secretary to convey to Mr. Aston the thanks of 
the Society for his paper, remarked that there could be but one sentiment as to its 
great value. It was an important addition to those valuable historical contribu- 
tions, which had already made the Society's record so satisfactory. He would also, 
in the name of the Society, thank Mr. Hall for his kindness in having undertaken 
the reading of the paper. 

A prolonged discussion followed the reading of the paper. 

Mr. Chamberlain, who was prevented by ill health from attending the meeting, 
sent the following written remarks : — 

The destruction of the fables that are current under the name of early 
Japanese history, and the partial reconstruction of a true early history of this 
country being one of my special hobbies, it need scarcely be said how great appears 
to me to bo the value of the paper which has just been read. Mr. Aston seems to 
have a special talent for finding his way abont in dark and mLsty places. He also 
has the talent of making the driest subject interesting. Dates themselves become, 
under his handling, much more than mere dates, — as when, for instance, by his re- 
markable discovery of the often recurring eiTor of just 120 years, ho shows us how 
unexpected are the elements which must be taken into account in judging whether 
a Japanese date is probably true or probably false. He has perhaps exhausted the 
subject from the outside. It now remains for other scholars, — or, better still, for 
himself, — to treat it in equal detail from the point of view of internal evidence, — the 
evidence, that is of the books, the customs, the place-names of Japan itself. Mr. 
Satow's work on the early Shinto Bituals, contained in an earlier volume of this 
Society 'ii " Transactions," is an instalment of what we require. But the Nihongif 
the old topographical works entitled Fudolii^ and the poems of the Man-yoshu^ still 
remain without a critic. Nor is it only the early history and the pre-histoxy of 

Vol. xvi.-B 

Japan which await their Niebuhr. We are scarcely better off when wc tread the 
solid ground of the last twelve handred years. What a recent writer in the 
Saturday Bevieic termed •' the poor halting Japanese Clio" has, with eyes ever fixed 
on the throne and the battle-field, told as scarcely anything beyond the accessions 
and abdications of puppet-emperors, the year, month, and day when certain great 
officials' were appointed to certain posts or vacated them, and the hand-to-hand 
fights of feudal chieftains. The dates seem to be correct. But what are they 
worth in so meagre a context? Surely a reliable, well-written, edifying history of 
the Japanese people is the greatest desideratum of the enlightened Japan of the 
present* day. It is a work which one of the Goverament Departments should set 
itself to with a will. The materials are there. The only embarrassment is the 
embarras de richesssc. The whole classical literature, the poems, the romances, the 
court diaries and diaries of travel, the biographies of Buddhist saints, the memoirs 
which the Middle Ages and more recent times have left in such abundance,— all 
this, and much more, is there, waiting only to be sifted by a critical hand. This 
will supply the flesh wherewith to clothe the dry bones of the official annals. Then, 
too, for the last three centuries, there are European sources which must not be 
neglected. What may, for instance, be culled the Catholic episode of the seven- 
teenth century would stand a poor chance of being fairly appreciated, if Japanese 
sources alone were relied on. Nevertheless, the Japanese sources are the chief 
sources, and their voluminousness almost negatives the possibility of any European 
ever properly ransacking them. This is a task which must be left to the Japanese 
themselves. Two obstacles still bar the way to Japanese success in this direction. 
Que, — a serious one, — is the ignorance which still prevails in Japan concerning 
the methods of criticism, especially of the criticism of sources. It vitiates all that 
has hitherto been done by native Japanese scholars in this field, even down to the 
Nihoii Tnuflan published in this very year by men from whom better things might 
have been looked for. The other obstacle sounds to our ears rather ludicrous, but 
yet undoubtedly has real weight with the Japanese even in these outspoken days. 
It consists in a fear of offending the powers that be, by digging for facts instead of 
respectfully repeating fables. Japanese in good positions have frequently told me 
that they would not dare publicly to assert that the Zilikado was not descended from 
the Sun-goddess, or that Jimmu Tenno had never existed, although privately they 
entertained no objection to the foreign books in which the denial is made. Surely it is 
time to have done with all this make-believe. If the imperial dynasty depended for 
its safety on such aiiy nothings, its fate would long ago have been sealed. To make 
use of the railway, the telegraph, the telephone, to permit the study of Mill, Darwin, 
and Spencer, to entablish newspapers and popular assemblies, in fact to navigate in 
the mid-current of nineteenth century thought, and at the same time to put a veto 
on history, and to perpetuate in its stead the childish legends of Jimmu Tenno, 
Yamato-dake, and their compeers, is surely a piece of inconsistency, which only 
needs a little ventilating to be discarded. Discarded it will be. But the honour ol 


diBcardlDg it and of setting the Btndy of Japanese history on a legitimate basis, will 
fall to some private individual, if the Barean of History or some other of the great 
Government Departments does not very soon step into the breach. 

Mr. Gabbins, after expressing his general accord with all that had been said, 
by both Mr. Aston and Mr. Chamberlain, related an experience he had had when 
pursuing his special studies in the historical romances. It was his fortune oncef 
while searching through the booii-Bhops of Osaka, to come across a mannscHpt of 
an historical romauce purporting to contain a detailed account of the conquest ot 
the Loochoo Islands by the Satsuma clan about 250 years ago. At first sight it 
seemed to be just the thing he had been wanting. It gave a detailed corre- 
spondence between the Shogun and the Satsuma chief, and represented the invasion 
of Loochoo as having resulted from a private intrigue. Before making any definite 
use of the manuscript, however, he took the opinion of Mr. Ichiji, the chief Japan- 
ese authority on subjects connected with Loochoo, and he then found that, with 
the exception of the numerous dates, —and here his experience tallied with that of 
Mr. Chamberlain, — there was not a single word of the whole romauce which was 
founded on fact. In regard to the special excellence of Mr. Aston's paper, regarded 
from a literaiy point of view, to which Mr. Chamberlain had drawn attention, he 
thought it should be remembered that it was one thing to give dry facts dryly and 
another thing to put them into an attractive form. To the making of the latter 
there went a vast amount of labour, which perhaps only students of Japanese 
history were able thoroughly to realize. The special thanks of the Society were 
therefore, he thought, due to Mr. Aston for the attractive literary form into which 
he had cast his facts. 

Mr. Dening thought that Mr. Aston's testimony might be of special value in 
its effect on certain native Japanese critics. It was a rare thing indeed for a 
scholar to possess, as Mr. Aston did, an intimate knowledge of the language and 
history of Korea as well as of Japan ; and in these circumstances Mr. Aston*s 
testimony was calculated to have great weight with many Japanese of advanced 
views. He believed many such would be quite willing to express their true senti- 
ments in English, although refraining from doing so in Japanese for the reasons 
already touched upon by Mr. Chamberlain. It would be noticed that Mr. Aston^s 
criticism was in the main destructive. This must necessarily come first, but the 
constructive should not be long in following ; and he felt sure that if the Society 
set itself to try and do something towards this, its efforts would be folly appreciated 
by native Japanese scholars. These all feel that a true history, written by 
themselves, is impossible at present. It is certainly a curious spectacle to see 
Japan, which is so eager in the acquisition of all knowledge in other departments 
of life and thought, drawing back from all attempts to advance the conect inter- 
pretation of the history of the past. 

Mr. Milne remarked that Mr. Aston's very suggestive paper gave an illustra- 
tion of what is found in all histories. The further one goes back in time, the less 


reliable all liistory becomes, passing ultimately into the mytluoal stage, and 
behind that into absolute darkness. It was here, however, that the anthropologist 
stepped in, and constructed a kind of history from pre-historic remains. Thus 
anthropology had proved that the Ainns had once occupied Japan as far south as 
Kyushu ; and that must have been prcTious to the arrival of the Japanese race on 
the island. He should like to know if the Korean or Chinese records, of which 
Mr. Aston had made so much, contained any reference which might be applicable 
to the Ainus. In regard to Mr. Aston's critical methods, he was not quite sure in 
his own mind as to how far the Chiuese and Korean records were authentic. Might 
not some scholar, for instance in Shanghai, who compared the Japanese records 
with the Chinese, draw the conclusion that the latter were erroneous ? At present 
Japan is showing a far higher appreciation of the truth of things than China is, 
and might it not so have been in earlier days ? 

Mr. Hall said that the enquiry, which had been so ably opened up by Mr. 
Aston, had a far deeper and wider beariug than the mere question of historical 
criticism might seem to involve. The opinions that had just been expressed 
might, in their effects and consequences upon the Japanese, be of very serious 
import indeed. For historic dogma to be inextricably involved in the deep-seated 
religious beliefs of a nation, and so become part of the national life, was a fact 
familiar to all students of history. In Japan this had especially been the case. 
The Kojiki and NUiongi might truly be called the Japanese Scriptures ; and all 
who are familiar with the events which ended with the Mikado's restoration to 
power know what an important part the sacred writings took in the development 
of these. A strong religious sentiment permeated the whole movement, a fresh 
interest was taken in these ancient books, and the old doctrine of the divine 
descent of the Mikado was officially adopted, and remains to this hour the great 
dogma of the Imperial Court. It therefore behoved the Japanese Government to 
consider what would be the effect of trying to bolster up those dogmas in the face 
of unbelief, secret and silent though it might now be. Of one thing he was sure, 
that native Japanese critics would not treat these dogmas with a rude hand, but 
would, in the spirit of Mr. Aston, give to them the reverence that was their due. 

Bishop Bickersteth added a few words on the general question of historic 
methods. No doubt the earlier work of the historian was to destroy that which 
had been believed ; but after that there arose a second stage, in which criticism 
was constructive. Mr. Milne had spoken of the anthropologist as a constructor of 
history ; but the archseologist and historian proper were quite as importaut iu 
their special sphere. Each contributed something towards the faithful reproduc- 
tion of the past. 

Tokyo, January, 18th, 1888. 
A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held on January 18th, 
1888, in the College of Engineering, Tokyo, N. J. Hannen, Esq., President, in the 

( x»i ) 

The minutes of last meeting were read and approved. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that the reprinting of Vols. IV., V. 
(Part 1), and VI. (Part 1) of the Society's Transactions had been taken in hand, 
and that the following gentlemen had been elected members of the Society :— A. H. 
Lay, Esq., M. A. Arrivet, Esq., F. Siitow, Esq., nnd D. Fearing, Esq.,— the last a 
non-resident member. 

Mr. Dening then read a paper on ** The Japanese Education Society," after 
the reading of which the following discussion took place :— 

The President, in conveying the thanks of the Society to the author of the 
paper they liad heard, remarked that Mr. Deuing had opened up a field of great 
interest to us all. Thus it was instructive to hear from one of the Japanese them- 
selves such outspoken views upon the mental equipment of his race. Another 
interesting point which had been touched upon was the question of how best to 
carry out a needed reform. Is it to be done gradually, or is the new method tu be 
adopted at once, regardless of the old method which it is desired to supersede ? 
Many years ago the wonderfully rapid political change which came over Japan 
used to be a frequent subject of conversation between foreigners and Japanese 
statesmen ; and it was Iwakura, one of the leading men of the day, who gave it 
as his opinion that to do things by a rush was the simpler and more effective 
method of reform amongst the Japanese. What had been deemed best in polities 
should also prove best in education ; and whatever educational reforms were to be 
carried out, should therefore be considered on their own merits only, without any 
regard to what had been. 

Dr. Knott said that the paper just read had touched upon many points of 
special interest to those practically engaged in educational work in Japan. As to 
the lack of originality referred to by Mr. Takei,— that certainly was a fact 
admitted by all. Of all classes of students, perhaps the students of science might 
be expected to display to most advantage the rational imagination spoken of. 
Compared to a similar class of western students, the Japanese did seem defective iu 
this faculty : but for this several special reasons might be given. There was plenty 
of evidence, however, that there was distinct capacity for original thought, which 
only required a congenial environment for its development. 

Dr. Eby, after making some enquiiies as to the number of members iu the 
Japanese Education Society, and to the influence it exerted on the schools of the 
countiy, observed that, however much a sweeping reform iu educational methods 
'might be desired, there was one thing which compelled the present time to be a 
period of transition. That was the simple fact that the great majority of school 
teachers were themselves Japanese, who were necessarily still imbued with the 
spirit of the old methods. 

Dr. Divers thought that the Japanese might well be regarded as being intel- 
lectually comparable to the Europeans when they had just been enlightened by the 
Baconian philosophy. Being, so to speak, hardly beyond the stage of infancy in 

( xiv ) 

scientific things, they could scarcely be expected to show as yet much fruit of any 
originality. He, however, believed them to he gifted with this mental faculty to 
much the same extent as other folk. They lacked the early associations and 
experience of the things told them by their foreign teachers ; and this was one 
chief obstacle in teaching them. For this reason lectures and book work were of 
themselves useless as a proper mental training. The Japanese student above all 
required practice, working as an apprentice undor a master engaged in the prose- 
cution of original research. In regard to the Japanese Education Society itself, he 
had been struck by the marvellous organization which had been described, the 
multitude oE councillors, the supply of clerks, and so on — more like a Government 
Department than a Society. He should like to know if the work done by the Society 
was at all commensurate with its official magnificence, and if the Society as such 
had any influence with the Government. 

Mr. Dening, in reply, said that the work done by the Society was both varied 
and valuable. It sent out speakers to different parts of the countiy to rouse an 
interest in educational matters ; it was also made use of by country gentlemen to re- 
gulate the expenditure of their sons who were being educated in the city. Its 
influence was certainly great upon the schools of Japan. It could hardly be 
otherwise, seeing that its officials were for the most part also officials of the 
Mombusho. At the same time he doubted if the work done was really pro- 
portionate to the large body of councillors set apart to do it. Probably only a few 
of the two hundred were at all eneigetic in their labours for the Society. 

Tokyo, March 14th, 1888. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held on March 14tb, 
1888, in the College of Engineering, Tokyo, Professor J. Milne in the chair. 

The minutes of last meeting were read and approved. 

The Corresponding Secretary intimated that Mr. Hannen, in view of his 
approaching departure from Japan, having resigned the Presidentship, Mr. Aston 
had been elected President of the Society. He also announced the election of the 
Bev. A. Hardie and Mr. C. S. Meik as members of the Society. 

The Chairman referred to the great loss the Society had sustained in the 
recent death of Mr. Pryer, who had been an active member of the Society and a 
valuable contributor to its Transactions. Mr. Pryer had been essentially a 
practical naturalist; and probably no other single man had a more thorough 
knowledge of the natural history of Japan. 

Mr. C. S. Meik then read a paper entitled ** Around the Hokkaido." 

The Cbainnan, in thanking tbe author for his interesting account of the 
Hokkaido (Yezo), spoke of the special attractions which the island had as a 
summer resort. It was curious how different in almost all respects Yezo was from 
Japan proper. This difference applied to shape, to geological structure, to flora, 
and to fauna — a fact first pointed out hy Captain Blakiston. 

In the absence of the Bev. J. Batchelor, his paper on *' Some Specimens of 
Ainu Folk-lore " was read bj Mr. B. H. Chamberlain, after the reading of which 
the following discussion took place. 

The Chairman said he had often heard the Ainu crooning away to himself in 
a soft low tone, quite pleasing to the ear, although he had never suspected that 
their songs and recitations were of such interest. Mr. Chamberlain had referred 
to the vexed question of Ainu or Aino, and he could not let the occasion pass 
without expressing strongly his opinion that the Asiatic Society of Japan, through 
whose Transactions the first true knowledge of the Ainu language and traditions 
were being given to the world, should say Ainu, which meant something, and not 
Aino, which meant nothing. 

Mr. Chamberlain declined to re-commence the Ainu versus Aino controversy, 
but remarked that this was the first instalment of what he believed Mr. Batchelor 
purposed giving to the Society, although for some time to come most of his time 
would probably be taken up in preparing a dictionarj', for which some seven or 
eight thousand words had already been collected. Such a dictionary would in 
all likelihood be a kind of tomb in which the rapidly dying language would remain 
enshrined for the benefit of future philologists. Even now it was striking to observe 
how all except the oldest men and women were really bi-lingual, speaking Japan- 
ese almost as easily as their native tongue. 

In reply to a question by Dr. Divers, as to the presence of historical characters 
in any of the Ainu legends, Mr. Chamberlain said that Oki-Kurumi seemed to be 
the only personality about whom any definite traditions existed. Mr. Batchelor 
after having formerly rejected, had recently adopted the view that Oki-kurumi 
was the Japanese Yoshitsune, who went to Yezo towards the end of the 12th 
century. Yoshitsune was probably the first civiliser of the Ainos, although they 
themselves assert that he really robbed them of their books. This tradition is, 
however, probably simply an invention to explain why it is they do not have any 
books. Excepting these tales of Oki-kurumi and perhaps some legends bearing on 
cosmogony, there is nothing that can be regarded as historical until we come to 
traditions referring to comparatively recent events. Such, for instance, seem to 
be the stoiy of a certain plague, and the account of a frightful massacre of the 
Ainos by the Japanese. 

The Hev. E. B. Miller drew attention to one of Mr. Batcbelor's notes in con- 
nection with a remark made by Mr. Meik, who liad spoken of tbe Ainu woman as 
being ashamed of the tattooing of her lip. Mr. Batchelor, however, had mentioned 
that an Ainu woman put her hand before her mouth as a sign of respect. It was 
this action perhaps which Mr. Meik h^ seen. 

( xvi ) 

Mr. Chamberlain was of opinion that the Aino woman was really proud of her 
lip adornment, which we thought so ugly. He knew indeed of one case in which 
an Aino girl of 7 or 8 years of age, contrary to the desire of her parents who had 
become so far emancipated, got herself tattoed, being apparently put to shame by 
her Aino companions of like age. 

Tokyo, April 18th, 1888. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in tbe College of 
Engineering, Tokyo, on April 18th, 1888, at 4 p.m., Dr. Divers, F.R.S., in the Chair. 

The minutes of last meeting were read and approved. 

The Chairman, having expressed the regret which all must feel at the enforced 
absence of Mr. Aston, their President, from the meeting, called on the Correspond- 
ing Secretary to read the remarks which the President had hoped to deliver. The 
Corresponding Secretary rend as follows : — " Before proceeding to the ordinary 
business of the meeting, it is my sad duty to give expression to the regret which 
is felt by this Society at the loss by death of one of its oldest, indeed one of its 
original, members^Mr. Russell Robertson.. He was a man of solid attainments, 
but the powers of his mind were chiefly devoted to practical work connected with 
his position as H.B.M's Consul at Yokohama. The fruits of his studies are to be 
looked for rather in the admirable trade-reports compiled by him yenrly. and in 
other similar papers, than in the Transactions of this Society. I speak only the 
language of hteral fact and not of eulogium when I say that his equal as a British 
Consul has not been known in this country. We are nevertheless indebted to him 
for two important papers, one an account of the Caroline Islands, communicated 
by him although written by a different hand, and another, a very full and interest- 
ing description of the Benin Islands. Mr. Robertson was also for some tune a 
member of the Council of the Society, and, although I cannot bear personal 
testimony to the fact, I cannot doubt that the Society owed much to the sterling 
common sense which so eminently characterized him. Of our personal relations 
to him I cannot trust myself to speak. His manly, simple, modest character, 
free from every atom of pretension or nilectation, had endeared him to many of 
us, and we feel that the words — the poor conventional words — in which our regrets 
are clothed are fraught with a far deeper sense than they usually bear, when they 
are used of Russell Robertson— fa m cart copititt." 

The election of Mr. A. B. Walford as a member of the Society was announced. 

Dr. Knott then read a biographical note on Ino Chfikei, the great Japanese 
surveyor and cartographer. 

A paper on Jdjutsu by the Rev. T. Lindsay and J. Kano, Esq., was read by 
the former gentleman. 

The Chairman, having thanked the authors for their interesting papers, the 
meeting adjourned to the large hall of the college, where Mr. Kouo gave some 
practical demonstrations of the art. 

( xvii ) 

Tokyo, May 16th, 1888. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held on Wednesday, 
May 16tU, 1888, in the Engintering College, Tokyo, Rev. Dr. Amerman, Vice- 
President, in the Chair. 

The minntes of Inst meeting were read and approved. 

The Corresponding Secretary made the following announcements :-~Dr. O. 
Bering and Mr. J. Eano had heen elected members of the Society. A list of old 
Spanish books bearing on Japan had been presented to the Society by the 
Spanish Charge d' Affaires, Mr. Carrt^ro, for publication. A letter had been 
received from Mr. Watauabe. President of the Imperial University, referring 
to the paper read by Dr, Knott at the last meeting, giving an account 
of the life and labours of Ino Chukei, the Japanese Surveyor and Cartography^. 
It would interest the members of the Society to know that a monument was soon 
to be put up at Shiba in lionour of Ino. A hope was expressed that members 
might see their way to aid the project materially by giving subscriptions, which 
would be received by the Secretary of the Imperial University or by the Secretary 
of the Society. The card issued to the members announcing the present meeting 
had advertised a paper by Mr. Hall '* On the Phenomena of Mood in the Japanese 
Verb." Mr. Hairs recent removal to Shanghai had prevented him from putting 
his paper into fit form for presentation. The Council were, however, able to 
substitute for it a paper *' On Chinese and Annamcse," by Mr. E. H. Parker, which 
had lately come to hand. As this paper had no special reference to Japanese 
subjects, an abstract only of it would be read. 

The Chairman then called on Dr. Enott to read the abstract of Mr. Parker's 
paper on " Chinese and Annamese." 

Mr. Chamberlain then read a paper on " The Earliest Known Form of the 
Japanese Language," in the preparation of which ho had been assisted by Mr. 
M. Ueda. 

After some discussion, the Chairman thanked the authors in the name of the 
Society for their instructive papers. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

Tokyo, June 6th, 1888. 
A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held on Wednesday, 
June 6th, 1888, in the Engineering College, Tokyo, the Bev. Dr. Amerman, Vice- 
President, in the chair. 

The minutes of last meeting were read and approved. 

The Corresponding Secretary announced the election of Colgate Baker, Esq., 
and Major- General H. S. Palmer, R. E., as ordinary members of the Society. It 
was also announced that, owing to the illness of Professor Burton, his lecture on 

( xviii ) 

" Sanitary Problems in Japan,'* which liad been advertised for this meeting, could 
not be delivered ; but that the Council were fortunate in being able to substitute 
for it a paper on " Christian Valley," by Professor Dixon, who had kindly agreed, 
on very short notice, to read it to the Society at that time. 

Professor Dixon then proceeded to read his paper, which was illustrated by 
photographs of the rough tombstone in Christian Valley, of Christian Yashiki, of 
Christian Slope, and of the tomb of Father Guiseppe Chiara. 

The Chairman, in thanking the author for his paper, remarked that Mr. 
Dixon deserved an extra vote of thanks for his kindness in reading it at a few 
hours' notice. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

ToKTu,'. June 20th, 1888. 
The annual meeting of the Asiatic'^ Society of Japan was held on Wednesday, 
20th June, at 4 p.m., in the Physics Theatre of the Imperial College of Engineering. 
Hev. J. L. Amerman, D.D., in the chair. It was announced that the reprint 
of Vol. v., part 1, was already issued, ond that the reprint of Vol. VI., part 2, 
would shortly appear. The report of the council for the year just ended was then 
read by the Corresponding Secretary, and adopted on the motion of Kev. W. J. 
White. The following office-bearers for the coming session were elected by 

President : — W. G. Aston, Esq. 

Vice-Presidents: — Rev. Dr. Amerman (Tokyo), F. S. James, Esq. (Yokohama). 
CoRiuESPONDiNG SECRETARY I— B. H. Cbambcrlaiu, Esq. 
Becordino Secretary: — Dr. C. G. Knott, (Tokyo). 
Recording Secretary :— W. J. S. Shand, Esq. (Yokohama). 
Treasurer :— M. N. Wyckoflf, Esq. 
Librarian : — Rev. J. Summers. 


Rev. Dr. Cochrane. 
W. Dcniug, Esq. 
Dr. E. Divers. 
J. M. Dixon, Esq. 
Rev. Dr. Eby. 

J. H. Gubbius, Esq. 
N. Kan da, Esq. 
J. Eano, Esq. 
J. Milne, Esq. 
H. W^atanabc. E.sq. 

A paper entitled " A Literary Lady of Old Japan," the joint production of the 
late Dr. Purcell, and of Mr. W. G. Aston, was read by Mr. Chamberlain. 

( xix ) 

In short discussion which followed, Mr. Ghamherlain remarked on the great 
diflScnlty of the style of Sei Shnuagon's writings, and on the great variety of 
readings that existed; — indeed, the text was singularly corrupt. Her writings 
were fnll of minute descriptions of clothing, and often read like a French fashion 
paper. Another feminine trait was to be found at the close of a list of pleasant 
things enumerated in one of her essays : " How pleasant is the putting together 
of the bits of a torn letter !" 

In reply to a question, by Mr. Odium, Mr. Chamberlain stated that Sei Shu- 
nagon*s writings must hare remained in manuscript for many centuries after her 
death, probably until about 1600 A.D. An unusual number of MSS. of her works 
are extant. 

The Beport of the Council for the year just ended was then read by the 
Corresponding Secretary :— 

1887— JUNE, 1888. 

In coming before the Society, as usual at the close of the Session, the Council 
is glad to be able to report that the state of the Society^s affairs is in all ways 
flourishing. The expenses have, it is true, been great this year, owing to the 
necessity for an unusual amount of reprinting, in addition to the printing of a new 
volume, which, when completed, will consist of two good-sized parts. Nevertheless 
the Treasurer's Report (Appendix C) shows a balance of 9458.96 on the credit side ; 
and though there are some bills which will be presented for payment soon, there is 
about an equal sum of money owing to the Society, which will probably soon be 

The literary activity of the Society is evinced by the size of the new volume 
just alluded to, and by the originality of the papers composing it. The number 
of general meetings held during the Session and of papers read at those meetings is 
fourteen. The list of papers, as given in Appendix A, evidences the peculiar 
ardour with which the Society has thrown itself intoHhe study of the Island of 
Yezo and its hitherto little-known aborigines, while at the same time there has 
been no falling off, but rather increased activity, in the researches instituted into 
subjects more specially Japanese, and particularly into the ancient history and 
language of the Japanese people. 

With great sorrow the Council has to record the death of two of the Society's 
roost valued members, — H. Fryer, Esq., in whom ornithology and the kindred 
zoological sciences have sustained an irreparable loss, and Russell Robertson, Esq., 
C.M.G., Her Britannic Majesty's Consul at Eanagawa, some time member of the 
Society's Council, and always one of the Society's most loyal supporters. Neither 
can we pass over without a word (though this Society did not count him among 
its members) the death of the octogenarian Japanese scholar, Dr. August Pfizmaier, 

( XX j 

of Vienna, who did so much to render Japanese and Aino studies popular in 
Europe, and who obtained results which were v^onderful indeed when we consider 
that he laboured under the disadvantage of never having personally visited Japan, 
nor acquired a colloquial knowledge of its language. Furthermore should be men- 
tioned the fact of some half-dozen resignations of membership during the coui-se of 
the session. 

Leaving our losses and turning to our gains, the Council is happy to be able to 
announce the election of no lees than twenty-six new members, while the increased 
interest felt in the Society's work by Oiientalists and the public generally in 
Europe and America has been evidenced in the most practical of all manners by 
increased purchases of the Society's " Transactions,'* not only in the EDglish- 
speaking countries, but likewise in Germany. 

It should furthermore be noticed, before closing this report, that the Society 
now possesses that which was so earnestly desired for it by one of the most active 
of its past Presidents, viz., a local habitation as well as a name. The kind courtesy 
of H.E. Mr. H. Watanabe, Presldeut of the Imperial University, has enabled us 
during the past session not only to meet in the Imperial College of Engineering, 
but also to establish our library there. We are happy to be able to announoo that 
H.E. Mr. Otori Eeisuke, President of the Nobles' School, which is now removing 
to the premises of the College of Engineering, has consented to continue this favour, 
thereby enabling the Society to meet in one of the most central and convenient 
localities of the capital, and to throw open to the members a reading-room where 
the books and periodicals received by the Society have been arranged and 
catalogued in such a manner as greatly to increase their utility. Moreover, printed 
catalogues are in preparation, and copies will be distributed among the members. 
The Council has already expressed its warmest thanks both to Mr. Watanabe and 
to Mr. Otori Eeisuke, being confident that in so doing it has but interpreted the 
sentiments of all those members who, being resident in Tokyo, can avail them- 
selves of the privilege thus offered. 

Appendix A. 

List of Papebs Read Before the Society During the Session 1887-1888. 
" Persian Elements in Japanese Legends," by J. Edkins, D.D. 
•• Rodriguez' System of Transliteration," by B. H. Chamberlain, Esq. 
*• On the Ainu Term Aam«/," by Rev. John Batchelor. 

*' Reply to Mr. Batchelor on the Words Kamui and A hw," by B. H. Chamberlain, Esq. 
** Early Japanese History," by W. G. Aston, Esq. 
** The Japanese Education Society," by Walter Dening, E^q. 
" Round Yezo," by C. S. Meik, Esq. 
" Specimens of Ainn Folk-lore," by Rev. John Batchelor. 
" Jvjutm, the Old Samurai Art of Fighting without Weapons," by Rev. T. Lindsay 

and J. Kano, Esq. 


** Ino Chukei, the Japaueee SoiYeyor and Cortograpber/' by Dr. C. G. EnoU. 
** Chinese and Annamese," by £. H. Parker, Esq. 

** Xhe Earliest Known Form of the Japanese Language," by B. H. Chamberlain, Esq. 
" Christian Valley," by J. M. Dixon, Esq. 

" A Literary Lady of Old Japan," by W. G. Aston, Esq., and the late Dr. T. A. 

Appendix B. 

List or Exchanoer. 

Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia. 

Academy of Sciences of Finland (Acta Societatis Scientiarnm Finnicae.) 
Agricaltoral and Horticultural Society of India ; Journal. 
American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal. 
American Chemical Journal. 

American Geographical Society, New York, Bulletin and Joumal. 
American Oriental Society. 
American Philological Association. 
American Philosophical Society. 
Annalen des K. E. Natur Hist. Hofmuseum, Wien. 
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 
Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien ; Mittheilungon. 
Asiatic Society of Bengal ; Journal and Proceedings. 
Australian Museum, Sydney. 
Bataviaasch Genootschap ; Notnlen. 
Bataviaasch Genootschap ; Tidjschrift. 
Bataviaasch Genootschap r Verhandelingen. 
Boston Society of Natural History. 
Bureau of Ethnology, Annual Reports, Washington. 
Bureau of Education, Circulars of luformation, Washington. 
California Academy of Sciences. 
China Beview ; Hongkong. 
Chinese Becorder ; Shanghai. 

Cochinchiue Fran^aise, Excursions et Reconnaisances, Saigon. 
Cosmos ; di Gnido Cora, Turin. 
Canadian Institute, Toronto, Proceedings and Reports. 
Geographical Survey of India ; Records. 
Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada. 
Handels Museum, Wien. 

Harvard University, Museum of Comparative Zoology : Bulletin. 
Imperial Russian Geographical Society ; Bulletin and Reports, Moscow. 
Imperial Society of the Friends of Natural Science (Moscow) : Section of Anthro- 
pology and Ethnography, Transactions. 

( xxii ) 

Japan Weekly Mail, Yokohama. 

Johns Hopkins University, Publications, Baltimore. 

Journal Asiatique. Paris. 

Kaiserliche Leopoldinische Carolinische Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher 

Verhandlongen, Nova Acta. 
Mittheilungen des Deutschen Gesellschaft fiir Natnr-nnd Volkerknnde Ostasiens, 

Mittheilungen des Yereins f ilr Erdkunde zn Leipzig. 
Mittheilungen des Ornithologischen Yereins in \Yien. 
Mus^ Guimet, Lyons, Aunales et B^vue, etc. 
Mnosum of Comparative Zoology, Cambridge, Mass. 
Numismatic and Antiquarian Society, Philadelphia. 
Observatorio Astron6mico Nacional de Taknbaya, Anuario Mexico. 
Oesterreichische Monatsschrift fiir den Orient. 
Omithologischer Yerein in \Yien. 
Ofversigt at Finskap Societen. 

Observatoire de Zi-ka-wei ; Bulletin des Observations, Mexico. 
Boyal Asiatic Society of Great Britain ; Journal, etc. 
Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay Branch ; Journal. 
Boyal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch ; Journal and Proceedings. 
Boyal Asiatic Society, China Branch ; Journal. 
Boyal Asiatic Society, Straits Branch ; Journal. 
Boyal Dublin Society ; Scientific Transactions. 
Boyal Geographical Society ; Proceedings. 
Boyal Society, London ; Proceedings. 
Boyal Society, New South Wales. 
Boyal Society of Tasmania. 
Boyal Society of Queensland. 
Seismological Society of Japan, Transactions. 
Smithsonian Listitute, Washington, D.C. ; Beports, etc. 
Sociedad Geografia de Madrid ; Boletin. 
Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa, Boletin, Lisbon. 
Soci^t^ Aoad6mique Indo-Chinoise, Saigon. 

Soci6t6 de Geographic ; Bulletin et Compte Bendu des Stances, Paris. 
Society des Etudes Japonaises, Chinoises, etc., Saigon. 
Society d' Anthropologic de Paris ; Bulletins et M^moires. 
Society d'Ethnographie, Bulletin, Paris. 
Society Neuchateloise de Geographic, Bulletin, Neuchatel. 
Society des Etudes Indo-Chinoises de Saigon ; Bulletin, Saigon. 
Sydney, Council of Education, Report, Sydney. 
United States Geological Survey. 
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Halle. 

( xxiii ) 



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( xxiv ) 



Sir BuiLerford Alcock, k.c.b., Atheoffium Club, LondoD. 

Bear- Admiral W. Arthur, c/o Mesers. Hallett & Gu., Trafalgar Square, Londuu. 

Professor Geo. E. Day, Yale College, New Haveu, Conn., U. S. A. 

Bev. Joseph Edkins, d.d., Peking. 

A. W. Franks, British Museum. 

Baron A. Nordenskjold, Stockholm. 

Professor J. J. Bein, Bonn-am -Bheiu, Germany. 

Ernest M. Satow,, Montevideo. 

Bev. E. W. Syle, d.d., Surbiton, Surrey, England. 

Sir Thomas F. Wade, k.c.b., Athenseum Club, London. 

Professor TV. D. Whitney, New Haveu, Conn., U. S. A. 

Life Msubebs. 

Anderson, f.b.c.s., W., St. Thomas' Hospital, London. 

Bisset, F.L.B., J., care of Messrs. A. J. Macpherson & Co., 5 East India Avenue, 

London, E. C. 
Burty, Ph., 11 bis, Boulevard des BatignoUes, Paris. 
Canon, T. G., Bamfield, Coleraine, County Londonderry, L-eland. 
Cooper, B.A., LL.B., C. J., Bromwich Grange, Worcester, England. 
Dillon, E., 18 Upper Phillimore Gardens, Kensington, London, S.W. 
Dixon, M.A., Bev. William Gray, 137 Victoria Parade, Fitzroy, Melbourne, 

Fearing, D., Newport, Bhode Island, U. S., A. 

Gowland, W., 13 Upper Phillimore Gardens, Kensington, London, S. W. 
Kinch, Edward, Agricultural College, Cirencester, England. 
Lyman, Benjamin Smith, State Geological Survey Office, Philadelphia, Pa., 

U. S. A. 
Maclagan, Bobert, 9 Cadogan Place, Belgrave Square, Loudon. 
Napier, H. M., Glasgow, Scotland. 

O'Neill, John, Trafalgar House, Selling, Faversham, Kent, England. 
Parker, E. H., H. B. M.'s Consulate, Shanghai. 
Tompklnson, M., Franche Hall, near Kidderminstei*, England. 


Obdinary Meubers. 
Amerman, d.i>m Rev. Jas. L., 19 Tsukiji, Tukyo. 
Andrews, Rev. Walter, Hakodate. 
Arriyet, J. B., Koishikawa, Kanatomicko, Tokyo. 
Aston, U.A. W. G., Villa Malbosc, Grasae, Alpeu MaritimeH, France. 
Atkinson, b. bc., R. \V., Cardiff, Wales. 
Baelz, u.D., E., Imperial University, Tokyo. 
Baker, Colgate, Kobe. 
Batcbelor, Rev. J., Hakodate. 
Bickerstetb, Right Reverend Bishop, Tokyo. 
Bigelow, Dr. W. S., 6 Hongo, Kaga Yashiki, Tokyo. 
Bonar, H., c/o H. S. King A Co., London. 
Booth, Rev. £. S., 178 Blnff, Yokohama. 
Brandram, Rev. J. B., Enmamoto. 
Branns, Prof. Dr. D., Halle Uuiversity, Germany. 
Brinkley, r.a., Capt. Frank, 50, Naka Rokubancho, Tokyo. 
Brown, A. R., Nippon Yusen Kaisha, Tokyo. 
Brown, Jr., Matthew, G Yokohama. 
Barton, W. K., Imperial University, Tokyo. 
Carrie, H. E. Don Pedro de, Spanish Legation, Tokyo. 
Center, Alex., 4-a Yokohama. 
Chamberlain, B. H., 19, Akasaka Daimachi, Tokyo. 
CUrke-ThomhilJ, T. B., H.B.M.'s Legation, Tokyo. 
Clement, £. W., Mito. 

Cochran, d.d., Rev. G., 13 Higashi Toriizaka-maohi, Azaba, Tokyo. 
Cocking, S., 55 Yokohama. 
Conder, J., Government Architect, Tokyo. 
Cmickshank, W. J., 35 Yokohama. 
Dautremer, J., French Legation, Tokyo. 
De Becker, J. E., 142 Bluff, Yokohama. 
Dening, Walter, 15, Hongo, Masago-cho, Tdkyo. 
Dietz, F., 70, Yokohama. 

Divers, v.d., f.b.6., Edward, Imperial University, Tokyo. 
Dixon, X.A., F.R.8.E., James Main, 85, Miyogadani, Koishikawa, Tokyo. 
Da Bois, Dr. Francis, c/o Brown, Shipley & Co., London. 
Dner, Yeend, Shanghai. 
Eaves, Rev. Geo., 18 Tsnkiji, Tokyo. 
Eby, D.D., Rev. C. S., 18 Easnmi-cho, Azaba, Tokyo. 
Ewing, B. sc, F.R.8., J. A., University College, Dnndee, Scotland. 
Fardel, C. L., Victoria School, Yokohama. 
Favre-Brandt, J., 145 Blaff, Yokohama. 
FenoUosa, Prof. E., Imperial University, Tokyo. 
T«l. XTl.— D 

( «^i ) 

Flowers, Marcus, New Glab, Cheltenham, England. 

Eraser, J. A., 143 Yokohama. 

Gardiner, J. McD., 40 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Gay, A. O., 2 Yokohama. 

Georgeson, m. so., C. C, Eomaba, TokyO. 

Oinssani, C, 90-b Yokohama. 

Glover, T. B., 53 Shiba Sannai, Tokyo. 

Goodrich, J. K., Kobe. 

•Green, James, 118 Concession, Kobe. 

•Green, Rev. C. W., Hakodate. 

•Greene, Rev. Dr. D. C, Kyoto. 

Oregory, G. £., 1 Hikawacho, Akasaka, Tokyo. 

Gribble, Henry, 66 Pine Street, New York. 

Griffiths, E. A., H.B.M.'s Legation, Tokyo. 

Gring, Rev. Ambrose D., c/o Daniel Gring, Lancaster, Penn., U. S. A. 

Groom, A. H., 3o Yokohama. 

Gubbins, J. H., H. B. M.*s Legation, Tokyo. 

Hall, J. C, H.B.M. Consnlate, Shanghai. 

Hall, Frank, Elmira, Chemnng Co., Yew York. 

Hanuen, N. J., Judge, H.B.M.*s Consnlate, Yokohama. 

Hardie, Rev., A., Gakushuin, Tokyo. 

Hattori IchizO, Educational Department, Tokyo. 

Hansknccht, Dr. E., Imperial University, Tokyo. 

Hellyer, T. W., 210 Yokohama. 

Hering, Dr. 0., 28, Kojimachi, Hirakawacho, 5 chdmo, Tokyo. 

Hepburn, m.d., ll.d., 1. C, 245 Bluff, Yokohama. 

Hinton, C. H., Vicioria School, Yokohama. 

Hubbard, Hon. R. B., U. S. Legation, Tokyo. 

Hunt, H. J., 62 Concession, Kobe. 

Irwin, R. W., 5 Kiridoshi, Sakae-cho, Shiba, Tokyo. 

Isawa, S., Educational Department, Tokyo. 

James, F. S., 142 Yokohama. 

James, Capt. J. M., 416 Minami Bamba, Shinagawa, Tokyo. 

Jamieson, G., H. B. M.*8 Consulate, Yokohama* 

Jaudon, Peyton, 2 Sannen-cho, Tokyo. 

Eanda, Naibn, Imperial University, Tokyo. 

KanO, J. 1, Kojimachi, Fnjimicho, 1 chome, Tokyo. 

Keil, C, 12 Yokohama. 

Kenny, W„ H.B.M.'s Legation, Tokio. 

Kirby, J. R., 8 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Kirkwood, M., Nakanocho, Azabu, Tokyo. 

Knott,, F.R.8.E., Cargill G., Imperial University, Tokyo. 

( xzvii ) 

Kooz, Bev. Dr. G. W., o/o Dr. Imbrio, 16 Tsnkiji, Tokyo. 

Lambert, E. B., Kyoto. 

Laroom, A., Foreign Office, London. 

Lay, A. H., H.B.M.*fl Legation, Tokyo. 

Lindsay, Bev. Thomas. 

Lloyd, Bev. A., Eeio Gijiku, Mita, Tokyo. 

Longford, J. H., H.B.M.'a Vice-CJonsulate, Tokyo. 

Lowell, Percival, 40 Water St., Boston, Mass., U. S. A. 

Macdouald, Dr. Davidson, 5, Tsakiji, Tokyo. 

Macnab, A. J., Nishi-Kobai-cho, Snrngadai, Tokyo. 

MacNair, Bev. T. M., Meiji Gakuin, Shirokane, Tokyo. 

Malan, Bev. C. S., West Cliff Hall, Bonrnemonth, England. 

Marshall, Prof. D. H., Queen's College, Kingston, Canada. 

Masnjima, B., 55 Zaimoka-cho, Azabn, Tokyo. 

Mayet, Dr. P., 12 Yamashirooho, Kyobasbiko, Tokyo. 

McCauley, Bev. James, 15 Saukozaka, Shirokane, Tokyo. 

Meik, C. S., Hokkaid(3-cbo, Sapporo, Yezo. 

Michaelis, Dr. G., 21 Saunai-zaka, Ichigaya, Tokyo. 

Miller, Bev. E. Bothesay, Morioka, Iwate ken. 

Milne, f.g.s., f.h.s., John, Imperial University, Tokyo. 

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Miinter, Captain, Shanghai. 

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( xxviii ) 

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van der Pot, J. J., Netherlands Minister, 1 Shiba, Eiridoshi, TokytV 

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Wilson, J. A., Hakodate. 

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\ui /y h 

; /.w' 

^^. '*' ■■« J > > M ,H I u > i « 







Penian Elements in Japanese Legends. By J. Edkins, D.D i 

Rodriguez' System of TranHliteration. By B. H. Chamberlain .... 10 

On the Ainu Term " Kamni." By J. Batchelor 17 

Beply to Mr. Batchelor on the words " Kamni " and " Aino." By 

B. H. Chamberlain 33 

Early Ja p^^^ History ^ B y W. G. Aeton 39 

The Japanese Education Society. By W. Dening 76 



Tokyo: Z. P. Maruya A Co.. L*d. 

Sbamohai a Hongkong : Kelly A Walsh, L'd. 

London : TbUbneb & Co.— Pabis : Ernest Leroux. 

Lbipzig a Bablin : K. F. Koehlbr's Antxquariom. 

FEBRUARY, 1888. 



R. Mbixzjbjobn a Co., Printers, No. 26 Water Street, Yokohama. 




By J. Edkins, D.D. 

[Read October 12, 1887.] 

There are sevoral resemblances between the Persian religion and 
that of Japan, which I now proceed partially to point oat. 

1. Japan has a Mithras, but a female one. Am aterasa, the San- 
goddess, is either of purely native creation, or the ancient Japanese were 
taaght by visitors h'om the continent to worship the sun, and to frame 
national legends which exalt the name, origin and achievements of ''her 
who shines (terasu) from heaven ** (ama). 

2. lu the old Parseeism the departments ofnatare, metal, fire, 
water, trees, earth, each had an angel. Spiegel, in the ''Schaff Herzog 
Enyclopaedia,*' article Parseeism, says the spirits first created by Ormazd 
were ''Bahman, protector of all living beings, Ardibihisht, spirit of fire, 
Sbarevar, spirit of metals, Spendarmat, spirit of earth, Ghordad, 
spirit of water, Amcrdad, spirit of trees. " They were created to 
aid Ormuzd in governing. Let Japanese legends be consulted. In the 
"Nihon Shoki " we find a wood god, a water god, a fire god, a wind 
god, an earth god, a metal god, a sea god, a mountain god, all created by 
Izanami and Izauagi. These divinities were a creating pair arrived at, 
as Mr. Griffis says in the same Encyclopaedia, article Shinto, by evolution 
through several pairs of gods. There were several legends, and I suggest 
that a Persian element exists in them. The metal god is less frequently 
mentioned than the other elemental divinities of Japan, but it exists on an 
equal footing with the rest in China, where the spirits ofthe five elements 
are worshipped as gods of the highest grade {f^ tt), and have their place 
assigned as north, south, east, west, and central. The Persians viewed 
the five elements as gods to be adored. The Chinese viewed them not 


only as gods to be adored, bat as principles inflaencing all natore, as 
powers controlling the human body and as visible essences in the five 

8. The Japanese dedicate white horses to the goddess of the sun. 
Strabo mentions an ancient custom of sacrificing white horses to the sun» 
but we are without details on this point. 

4. In the legend of creation and the order in which creation was 
made, there is a resemblance in Japanese and Persian ideas. The legends 
of the Japanese indicate no philosophical power : they show an unbridled 
imagination and an admiration for nature of a rough kind. The only 
philosophical ideas in these legends are of obviously Chinese origin. But 
we observe a lively exercise of the imagination in these tales of long ago, 
and they exhibit a peculiar type of mythological invention. Whence did 
it come ? Was it only the effect of the Inland Sea, the boundless ocean, 
the volcanoes, the mighty Fujiyama, the many lively harbours and nooks 
of hill and lake scenery working on an impressionable nation just arrived 
from Corea ? A nation in its infancy was here wandering in Wonder- 
land, and the child's imagination can do much in weaving marvellous 
creation out of the wonders which the world presents to the eye and 
ear. But in the present instance this does not seem sufficient to 
account for what we see. We have a progressive creation of angels and 
men and the world they occupy. Creation takes an evolutionary form, 
and yet there is the distinct ascription of creation to divine beings. It 
is well worth our while to notice, too, the early creation of spirits in seven 
generations, finishing with Izanami and Izanagi. One legend creates 
heaven and earth first, and then these spirits. Another says that the 
spirits appeared at the first separation between heaven and earth. After 
the creation of Japan, Tsushima and other islands, eight in all, the sea 
was created, then the rivers, then the mountains, then tree gods, and lastly 
gods of grass and herbs. In proceeding to describe the creation of the 
sun, the legend-maker draws particular attention to this divinity. Then 
he describes the appearance of the moon and the birth of Hiruko, a son 
who causes sorrow to his divine parents. 

Possibly if there is hidden in these legends the teaching of followers 
of the Persian religion, it may be in some more than others. Thus we 
have in the 12th leaf of the Ist chapter of the '< Nihongi " or '' Yamato- 


xoxorfl : wsbmum ufliams m tA^Asmn UMaiiDS. 8 

fomi no maki," the ohange of iki or breath into the spirit of "vrind. Then 
the sea god, the mountain god, the wood god, the earth god and the fire 
god appear. Here the names of the elements suggest that the Japanese 
had help from some strangers who knew the philosophy of the five 
elements. Otherwise it is hard to explain how they shonld have the 
same five elements as the Parsees, and all in the form of divinities. 

The order of creation by Ormnzd in the old Persian books was : 
spirits, heaven, water, earth, trees, catfle, man. Creation eontinned for 
three thonsand years. 

5. There is in the Shintd and Parsee religions an nnder-world of 
darkness where departed spirits reside. In the visit of Izanagi to Yomif 
the Hades of Shinto, as described by Mr. Satow in the " Revival of 
Pare Shinto,"^ we perceive a resemblance to the Legend of Ishtar 
descending to Hades, translated by H. F. Talbot, F. B. S., in ** Records 
of the Past," Vol L It is an Assyrian legend ; and from it the Greek 
legend of Adonis entrusted by Aphrodite to Persephone, Queen of the 
lower world, may have been formed, since Ishtar corresponds to 
Aphrodite and to Venus. The Queen of Hades, Proserpina or Perse- 
phone, becomes Ninkigal in the Assyrian story. The Assyrian Hades 
has seven gates, through each of which in succession Ishtar is received 
on her way to see the Queen. After the waters of life had been poured 
out for Ishtar, she was dismissed through the same gates. In Parseeism 
the under- world is represented as depths of darkness, above which is the 
bridge of Paradise. When the souls of the departed pass along this 
bridge, their deeds are weighed by the angel of justice. If the evil deeds 
are heaviest, the soul tumbles into the depths of darkness to be 
tormented there by Ahriman and the Devs till the day of judgment. In 
the Japanese story, Izanagi and Izanami are the Tanunuz and Adonis 
of the Syrian legend. 

In the Tso chwen (& g|) of the Chinese, we have an echo of the same 
story in the 6th page of Legge's Classics, Vol. Y. A certain duke had 
taken an oath in B.C. 721 that he would not see his mother again till 
he met her under the ''yellow fountain." He had no way of evading 
the fulfilment of this oath, till a councillor persuaded him to dig a deep 

1** Transaetioos of the Asiat. Sec. of Japan," VoL m. Appendix. 


passage andergrotmd till he reached a spring of water. Here he met 
his mother, and both sang snatches of songs to express their joy at 
meeting. This is the first instance of the occurrence in Chinese of the 
phrase <* yellow fountains " for the Hades of departed souls. It shows 
that, as early as B.C. 721, the Chinese had received from the west the 
notion of departed souls meeting in a future state. Subsequently the 
Japanese adopted the Chinese '* yellow fountain " to express their yomL 
As to the word yomi, there is no apparent objection to our taking it to 
be the word S yim, ** darkness,** in Chinese, and tan, " hell,** in Mongol. 

6. In the Parsee doctrine that the five elements are to be kept 
pure, we see the possible origin of Shinto usages and legends in regard 
to purification. Mr. Satow says, in '* Revival of Pure Shinto," page 78, that 
the god of fire hates impurity. Izanami was afraid to return to the 
world of day, because she was defiled by eating food which had been 
cooked with unclean fire and might offend the god. In casting metal 
there will be a failure if the metal is not pure. Izanagi, on returning to 
earth, hastened to wash himself in the sea from the foulness he had 
contracted in yomL The pollution which he washed away produced 
two gods, whose names Mr. Satow gives. In Parseeism the five gods of 
the five elements keep the elements over which they rule, pure from con- 
tamination. The good Parsee must keep himself always clean, especially 
from the contamination of a corpse. 

The preceding six resemblances between the Shintd and Parsee 
legends and traditions will be sufficient for the present purpose, if it can 
be shown that the Persian religion spread much in eastern Asia in 
former times. 

In the Tso chwen (Legge's Chinese Classics, Vol, V., p. 176) it is 
said '* the Viscount of Tseng came too late for the covenant in T'sau. 
Being fearful probably of the consequences, he followed at least some of 
the covenanters to Choo, and would appear there to have taken the 
covenant. This did not however avail to save him from a terrible fate.** 
*' The people of Choo seized him and used him as a victim.** Tso 
remarked on this statement in the Confucian history, ** the duke of Sung 
induced duke Wen of Choo to sacrifice the Viscount of Tseng at an altar 
on the bank of the Suy to awe and draw to him the wild tribes of the 
east.' Further on it is said that the victim was offered to an irregular 


gpirit. Ta Yii says that the altar belonged to the Persian religion, or, as 
he calls it, the Hien sheii or god of heaven adored there by the eastern 
barbarians. In the " Ewang yii " the HUn shen is called a foreign god.' 
Later Chinese critics agree in the opinion that this was the Persian 
religion. This instance of human sacrifice belongs to the year B.C. 640. 
The river Sai is in the province of Honan, and the barbarians said to 
have honoured the Persian god were the Tung yi of Shantung border- 
ing on the Yellow Sea. 

There are many allusions in Chinese History to the Persian religion. 
Thus in the History of the Tang dynasty (T'ang shu), in the notice of 
Khoten near Eashgar, it is said the people are fond of the Persian 
worship ^ 4^ jR #. The same worship prevailed in the Kangcha 
Kingdom, as we learn in the chapter. Account of the Western Kingdom. 
By this Kingdom is meant Khokand and Khiva. The Turks were at 
that time powerful in Hi, and they also worshiped the Hien shen. 
They did so without temples and they had human sacrifices. These 
statements are found in Yeu yang tsa tsn, a work by a T'ang dynasty 
author. The same writer says that the people of the Kingdom called 
# tt Hian yik were unacquainted with Buddhism and followed the 
Persian worship. They had three hundred altars of this religion, and yet 
their kingdom was not more than a thousand miles in circuit. In the Lisa 
History we learn that the emperor, at the end of the year, ofiered 
sacrifices to the god of fire. Salt and mutton fat were used. These 
offerings were burnt in an iron furnace. At the same time wizards 
chanted songs in praise of the god. The emperor prostrated himself 
before the fire, the emblem of the god. This kingdom embraced Man- 
churia and the Chinese province of Chili, and the time when this worship 
of fire was, as thus recorded, a part of the Imperial ceremonial, was the 
eleventh century. 

In the first and second centuries we find the doctrine of the con- 
tinued existence of the soul extending in China and in Manchuria in 
advance of the period when the Buddhist missionaries arrived in these 
regions teaching a future state. lu China the mountain in Shantung 
known as Tai sban came to be known as the favourite residence of a god 

>In the "Shwo wen" it is said that in Ewan chang heaven is called hien* 
Kwanchung seems to mean Chinese Turkestan. 


wbo had under his jarisdiction the sonls of men, and at death men's 
Bonis were believed to go there.' This is the reason that in the present 
day Chinese build temples to the god of the eastern mountain outside 
of the east gate of their cities, and that in them the seventy-two courts 
of judgment for all the dead are represented in painted clay. The 
Manchurian people of the same age, called Uhwan or Owan, believed that 
souls went to the Red Mountains some thousands of miles north-west of 
their home in Liau tung. The mountains meant may have been the 
Altai mountains, in the vicinity of which the Turkish and Indo- 
European races then residing there would have no religious guides so 
zealous as the Persians. It is said of the Owan people (.1^ it) that they 
had the doors of their tents to the east in order to face the sun. Also 
they sang joyful hymns at the death of persons, not regarding them as 
having suffered a misfortune in dying, and firmly believing them to be 
still living; they burned their favourite horses, clothing and other 
possessions, together with a well-fattened dog, which was led with a 
many-coloured silk string and otherwise decorated with elegant silk 
trappings. This Manchurian nation, so near Japan, was accustomed to 
worship at that time heaven, earth, the sun and moon, the stars, 
rivers, mountains and the souls of ancestors. In sacrificing to men of 
high reputation, they burned the oxen and sheep used as victims when 
the act of offering was completed. 

Among the ancient usages of the Chinese, the worship of the god 
of fire is very prominent. The worship of the sun preceded, it. But 
in the Chow dynasty there was a special worship of fire, and there was 
probably a like order of evolution in Persia. The worship of the powers 
of nature preceded the worship of fire, as a pure monotheism preceded 
the worship of the gods of the elements. The Persian and the Chinese 
religions were both branches of the Old Asiatic religion, which ultimately 
becomes identical with that of Babylonia and that of the first chapters of 
the Book of Genesis. In worshipping the elements, the Chinese were 
contented with adoring the spirits of the sun and moon, the mountains and 
rivers, without any biographic or individualistic detail. The Persians 

B*' Hen Han Sha " ^ 3^ fT ^^t I* The god of the mountain is, in the modern 
Tauiflt hell of China, made one of the ten jodges before whom the dead appear for 


thought of the spiritB of the elements as great angels clothed m\h 
oharaoteriatie attrihutes ; but the Chinese gods of the wind, of rain, of 
thunder, in the Chow dynasty, are to be viewed the same as the Per- 
sian, though looked on by the people as passionless divinities. Among 
the Chinese gods of the Chow dynasty was the god of fire, the kitchen 
god, the domestic divinity of every household. In this fire worship of 
the Chinese, accompanied in aftertimes with bonfires and fire- works, and 
the burning of paper hoases, money, clothing, horses, and the like, we 
see partly the fruit of native invention, and partly the effect of Tartar 
and Persian notions connected with fire worship. Probably the modem . 
custom of burning paper for the dead is more foreign in its origin than 
native ; so we may suppose that the notions on a future state prevailing 
among the Chinese anterior to Baddhism were also more indebted for 
their origin to foreign religious ideas than to native Confucian thought. 
There iA another book, i& 3^11 $9 (*'Si hi tsung yii"), by Yau kwan of 
the dung dynasty. In says that ** the god intended by the Hien shen is 
V fil tt S,'* Mahaishwara, the supreme God according to the opinions 
o{ the later Hindoos as occurring in Buddhist books, where it is translated 
by the words ^ti^^taWi tsai t'en, *' the self-existent one." Yau kwan 
further says the Hien Shen was taught by Zoroaster the Persian (IK 1^ 
iL Zerdusht), who had a pupil it ^ Huien chen. Having become familiar 
with his master's system, he became patriarch ^ It ft in Persia. He 
came afterwards to China to propagate his religion, and in the eastern 
capital (Eai feng fu) had a temple called the Hien Shen Miau in the Ning 
Yuen street. On a monument there erected, it is said that in the Eang 
kingdom there is a god called Hien, and in the whole extent of the king- 
dom there are >^ ^ K IQ (temples for the worship of fire). This is the 
same as the Kang cha above-mentioned, and refers to Bokhara and Khiva. 
In China in the ninth century the Persian religion was persecuted ; and 
in the year 845 more than sixty of their monasteries were condemned 
to be dosed and the monks compelled to return to ordinary life. 

The Persians, beginning with monotheism we may suppose, drew 
from the Babylonians a dual philosophy and the teaching of a physical 
theory of five elements. This would be in the third millenium before 
Christ ; and as early as this there would probably be scboob of instruc- 
tion ia the Bokhara country, which would have some eSect on the usages 


and beliefs of neighbouring nations. At any rate at that time the 
Chinese came to know the arts of writing and the observation of the 
stars. The Persians proceeded to weave a mythology, of which 
Ormazd and Ahriman were the chief personages. Ormnzd the creator 
reigns among a multitude of angels whom he made. We see in the 
Chinese worship of Shen (#)that at that time in China also a like step 
had been taken, by which the various parts of nature were believed to be 
governed by spirits and to represent and exemplify the nature of their 
activity. We see the beginning of a dual philosophy at this time in the 
'* Yi ching " of China, and a philosophy of the elements in that work and in 
the remaining documents of the Hia dynasty. At the end of the second 
milleninm before Christ we find the Chinese studying and expanding the 
dual philosophy, and acquiring a great accession of literary power, of 
legislative thought, and of scientific progress. Some centuries after, 
the future life, — evidently as a Persian doctrine, — creeps in unobserved, 
and we learn that the Persian religion is propagated among the barbarous 
tribes of eastern China in the horrible form of human sacrifices. The 
idea of the future life becomes more distinct, and by the beginning of 
the Christian era it is widely spread in China and Tartary. It is beyond 
doubt that the agency of propagation would be in the first instance the 
priests of the Persian religion, physicians and workers of enchantments, 
who, by the cures they could perform and the science they possessed, as 
well as by divination and other arts, ingratiated themselves with the 
chiefs of tribes wherever they went. At this point the Japanese legends 
present themselves as a further contribution to our knowledge of the 
effects of the Persian propaganda in the beautiful islands lying to the 
east of the continent. They belong to different periods. The earlier 
may have arisen four or five centuries before Christ ; the later, especially 
those containing doctrines of Chinese cosmogony and philosophy, would 
enter Japan with the art of writing in the third or fourth century after 
Christ. Mr. Satow places the first committal to writing of the ** Eojiki " 
and the ** Nihongi " in the eighth century. 

The Asiatic cosmogonies have all originated in the Babylonian and 
Biblical account of creation and the first history of the human race. 
It is a matter of extreme interest to find that, just as the Japanese 
language is distinctly akin to the language of the continent^ so it is 


T^ith the legends which profess to describe the origin of the world and 
of the Japanese islands and population. After the decipherment of the 
tablets of the creation unearthed from Babylonian mounds, we ought no 
longer to hesitate to regard the first chapters of Genesis and the first 
faith of the Babylonians as in general accord. It is quite possible to 
shew in the same way that the religious ideas of Persia and Mesopo- 
tamia had a powerful effect in India, and in fact form the basis of the 
mytliology and cosmogony of Brahmanism and Buddhism. 

From the Laws of Manu it appears that the Hindoos looked on the 
elements, at a date about B.C. 1000, as five, namely, ether, air, fire, 
water and earth. As this agrees nearly with the four elements as 
taught by the early Greek philosopers before Socrates, and by Plato 
and Aristotle, we may assign two groups of elements to western Asia, of 
which the Hindoos and the Greeks adopted one, and the Persians and 
Chinese the other. The Zeudavesta mentions, near the beginning, the 
cities of Balkh and Mero, as well as some in Media. Tradition assigns 
Zoroaster to Bacti-ia. Thus we may infer that the philosophy of the 
five elements reached China from Bactria, as the Buddhist group of 
elements (which is the same as the Greek) was certainly imported into 
China from India. 

Mr. Satow says, at the end of his very valuable article on Shint6, 
" the most effectual means of conducting the investigation would be a 
comparison of the legends in the '* Kojiki " and ** Nihongi *' and the rites 
and ceremonies of the '< Yengishiki " with what is known of other ancient 

V«l. XTl^-S 



By Basil Hall Chamberlain. 

IRead October 12, 1887.'] 

We suffer in Japan from the want of old books of reference, even of 
books referring to Japan itself. I therefore greatly appreciated the 
courtesy of the Fathers of the Soci^t6 des Missions Etrangdres in 
peimitting me to examine a copy of Rodriguez* Japanese Grammar in 
the original Portuguese. The original manuscript of this work is (or 
vras till the year 1865) in the possession of a British nobleman, Lord 
Lindsay. The copy, which I had the advantage of perusing some 
months ago, was made in Paiis by two French priests and collated by the 
well-known Japanese scholar, Monsieur L6on Pagds, by whom it was 
entrusted to the care of Monseigueur Osouf, the Present Aspostolic Vicar 
of North Japan, with a view to the possibility of some practical use to 
students fi'om a new edition of the work. The plan of issuing a 
new edition was (as I think, wisely) abandoned. But though no longer 
of much practical use at a time when Hoffmann, Aston, Satow, Lnbrie 
and others have been enabled by favourable circumstances to publish 
works more consonant with modern requirements, the grammar of the 
old seventeenth century Jesuit is still a mine of interest to the theoretical 
student of the language. Various things might be said in connection 
with it. For instance, we might dwell on the curious information 
it gives ns concerning the state of the colloquial speech of the epoch 
at which it was composed, or we might enlarge on the terminology used, 
and show, among other things, that it is to Rodriguez that Japanese 
grammar owes the convenient term '* Postposition." But the only 
point to which I would direct your attention to-day is its system of 


The Freneh edition of Rodriguez, printed in 1825, is utterly 
untrustworthy ou this point. For the editor (Landresse) has not only 
altered the spelling so as to suit French usage, hut has tampered with 
ifc in other ways. 

Transliteration is a subject which must always he felt to be 
important to all students of the Japanese language. During the last 
two or three years we have heard particulai'ly much about it, Apropos of 
tbe Bomanisation Society. Now the peculiar interest of the original 
Portuguese draft of Father Rodriguez* Grammar is that it shows con- 
clusively that the pronunciation of his time scarcely differed at all from 
tbat of the present day. A favourite argument with those who advocate 
a historical spelling, with those who wish us to write, for instance, tuti 
for tsuchi, *• earth " ; «* tiya " for " c/«a," " tea " ; " mi " for «* shishi;' 
*< lion," etc., is that the pronunciation of the syllables y as ttu, ^ as 
ehif ^ -Y as eha, i' as shi, etc., is but a recent and unimportant innova- 
tion. WeUf this innovation i» at least 283 years old ! If allowance be 
made for the fftct that Rodriguez took Portuguese, and that Dr. Hepburn 
and the Romanisation Society take English consonantal usage as the 
standard of transliteration, and for the further fact that Rodriguez took 
the Nagasaki, and that Dr. Hepburn and the Romanisation Society take 
the Tokyo pronunciation as the standard to be transliterated, the two 
orthographies of the disputed series are identical. Where Dr. Hepburn 





















Rodriguez has 

sa zi su X6 so 
ta chi t^u te to 

Now Portuguese jr^English sk. Rodriguez* s series therefore agrees 
with Hepburn's, except in so far as se is she (xe), as still pronounced by 
the Nagasaki people. Rodriguez moreover adds a note to say that it is 
pronounced se in the east of the Empire, so that the Yedo pronunciation 
of those days was the same as that now current. In the t series there 
is fibsolute identity, Portuguese g being equivalent to English s. 


Bodriguez specially mentions ihe syllables aa, xo, xu (i.e. ilia^ sho^ 
shu^) representing ibe haiia combinations ^^, s^a, >'^, and chut eJiOt 
chu, representing f"V, f- a , f-^. His way of writing the^correspondiug 
nigon*ed syllables sbows the same close agreement with the pronancia- 
tion of the present day, Dr. Hepburn's^' being represented by (French) 
j for the s series, and for the t series by g directed to be pronoanced as in 
Italian, i.e. like English j. Tgti similarly becomes dzu, precisely as in 
the second edition of Hepburn's dictionary, while su b6Comes*;si«, a distinc- 
tion which, thongh not usually made by modern transliterators, can still 
be perceived in the pronunciation of some careful speakers. Nor is the 
absence of the syllables ti and diy tu and c2u, d and ^ to be simply in/eired 
from the spelling which Bodriguez adopts. He expressly states, and 
he returns to the statement more than once, that those sounds are not 
found in the language, but are replaced by chi, gi (our ji), tgu (our tou), 
dzUf (d (our «/»), and ji. Nothing in the world could be more explicit. 

In the/ series alone does Bodriguez' usage differ from that with 
which we are familiar. Ho spells this series consistently with an/, viz.: 

fa fi fu fe Jo 
where Hepburn, the Bomanisation Society and our own ears give us 

/ia hi fu lie Jio. 
Bat even here the difference is more apparent than real ; for Bodriguez 
learnt his Japanese at Nagasaki, where, even at the present day, people 
sound an/ where the inhabitants of Central and Eastern Japan sound an 
h. And to leave no doubt on the question, Bodriguez' Spanish successor 
CoUado, whose *' Dictionarium LingusB JaponicsB " and " Ars Grammati- 
C8B JaponicsB LingusB" were published at Borne in 1682, expressly states 
that the Nagasaki/ was already then pronounced h in certain provinces. 
A consideration of the vowel series and of the y and to series brings 
us to a similar conclusion. Bodriguez, in common with other early 
Catholic writers, wrote v for u. Naturally enough, there being no w 
in Portuguese or in any of the languages of Southern Eui'ope, he used this 
same u (written v) to represent the closely similar, though not identical, 
sound which we are enabled, by the greater fullness of our English 
alphabet, to distinguish by means of the letter w. Thus he has va for 
ua or wa^ and vo for tto or wo. 


The distiDction originally obtaining between ^ and ^ {ye and tr^) 
bad already vanished in llodiiguez' time, as we see from his transcription 
of both these kana letters by the simple Roman lettei' e. Indeed the fact 
of the coalescence of ye and we at a considerably earlier period is known 
to OS independently from Japanese soarces. Similarly Rodriguez admits 
only one sound of the i series (originally ^ t, and ^ in) which he writes t, 
Mid one of the u series, which he writes v when it occurs alone or before 
the vowels a and o, as already stated. It seems strange that his Frencb 
editor, Landresse, should not have perceived that the v (u) was to be 
sounded as a vowel, not as a consonant. Instead of perceiving and 
explaining this, Landresee confirmed European investigators in the 
erroneous idea that the Japanese language possesses the letter «, a 
consonant which it is almost impossible to get modem Japanese organs 
to form, and which there is no good reason to suppose that the language 
ever possessed in the past. 

What I would suggest as the result of these considerations, is that 
the advocates of the phonetic spelling of Japanese may claim, as against 
the historical spiers, that the phonetic spelling itself has no mean 
antiquity to boast of. It is itself historical as well as phonetic. The 
study of Rodriguez may also help us to repel another taunt, which is 
that we have been misled by English analogies, that for instance 
Japanese ^ and ^ are not exactly English shi and teu, and might there- 
fore as well be written si and tu. Now doubtless Japanese ^ is not 
exactly English shi,' nor Japanese y English tsu. No two nations 
pronounce sounds exactly iu the same manner. Indeed it is probable 
that no two individuals do so, just as no two watches keep exactly the 
same time, and no two colours exactly match. The already quoted 
Spanish priest Gollado, writing in 1682, becomes quite pathetic over the 
difficulty of pronouncing ts (or, as he wi'ites it, tg) correctly. The best 
means he can bethink himself of, is to advise students to pray to 
Almighty God to guide their lips aright ! But he adds (what is still trae 
at the present day) that, of the two elements of the consonantal compound, 
the sibilant is heard more distinctly than the dental. Granting, however, 
the impossibility of establishing complete identity between the phonetic 
units of any two countries, the fact that the chief authority, writing two 
hundred and eighty-three years ago in a language totally distinct from 


EDglish, 11868 letters as nearly approximatiDg to the EDglish $hi and tsu 
IIS RDy written signs can be made to approximate, shows that iJii and 
Uu were then and are now the Roman letters most appropriate for trans- 
cribing Japanese ^ and y , if our object is to write phonetically with 
English consonantal usage as the standard. And if our object is not to 
write phonetically, what is it ? Doubtless it would be a little easier to learn 
the paradigms of some^^of the Japanese verbs, if the terminations of 
Japanese sounds were more regular than they actually are. Thus the 
classical past of kurcuu would look easier to a beginner, if it were kurasitu 
than it does now as hurashitm. But it is pronounced kurashitsu now, 
and it was pronounced in exactly the same manner two hundred and 
eighty-three years ago, teste Bodriguez* orthography curacdt^u, which 
(substituting English usage for Portuguese) represents knrashitsu letter for 
letter ; — and that Bodriguez had no specially and viciously constituted 
ear, is proved by the agreement of his directions for pronunciation with 
those of the Spaniard Collado who wrote twenty-nine years later. 
That it is not only Englishmen who, at the present day, perceive ^ to 
resemble ski rather than si, y to resemble tsxi rather than fu, etc., is 
proved by the spelling of Japanese current among the French com- 
munity in Japan. Frenchmen resident here spell S/VT^a.^ as chimhoun, 
y ^ OB tsouki, and so on, showing that their ears recognize exactly the 
same sounds as oura do. The German residents have, for the most part, 
followed Hepburn without change, as a fair representation of the sounds 
they hear. 

So far, then, as the actual pronunciation of the living language, 
as taken from the lips of the natives, is^ concerned, the so-called 
corruption of/ into A, oft into ts and c/i, and of s into sh has existed ever 
since the time when Europeans fii*st began to reside in Japan. Those 
who came to Japan in 1608 heard exactly the same sounds as do those 
who come to Japan in 1887. It was reserved for the systematisers of 
a later date to discover that these corruptions were corruptions, and to 
suggest that, theoretically speaking, certain sounds ought to be certain 
other sounds which they are not. 

The question then is : are we to transliterate actual Japanese, or 
are we to transliterate a sort of artificial Japanese ? Some eminent 
scholars in Europe would have us believe the latter plan to be the more 


scientific of the two. For my own part, I cftnnot help thinking that it 
is more scientific, as well as more practically useful, to represent things 
as they are, rather than as they might, could, should, or ought to be. 
Moreover, if we once begin to spell historically, why stop half-way ? 
The regularisation of the «, t and/ series is by no means all. In order 
to obtain a picture of the earliest state of the Japanese language to 
which justifiable inference may lead us back, we must be much more 
radical in our departure from modern pronunciation. We must re- 
instate all the omitted u^'s of which the old kana spelling has preserved 
the remembrance, e.g. in [w]«r«, "to grave;*' [w]idOf " a well ; *» 
*• [tp] onna" ** a woman ; " and the omitted y's as in o [y] u-u, " to grow 
old," which the hayta spelling has not preserved, but which etymological 
reasons demand. Wemust^strike out all the/'s and /t*8, and putp's in 
their stead, substituting for instance papa for hdha, ** mother ; " puruki, 
iotfunildj " old." In fact we must write in a manner which would 
make plain folks wonder whether we were writing Japanese at all, — a 
manner which would certainly have interest for the etymological student, 
but with which no etymological student has yet been bold enough to pro- 
pose to saddle the general public. It seems therefore a matter of regret, 
in view of all the circumstances of the case, that many Japanese scholars 
in Europe should adhere to methods of transliteration (e. g. that 
proposed by the International Congress of Orientalists in 1878), which 
fall between two stools, — which are neither truly historical, nor yet 
representative of the modern pronunciation as it has existed for at least 
two hundred and eighty-three years, and as it strikes the ears of a 
majority of persons of all nationalities resident in Japan itself, be they 
French, German or English. 

(Note, — A friend, looking over this paper before it is sent to press, acouses me 
of inoonsisteney : " How,*' says he, *'can you, the former zealous advocate of Satow*8 
so-called Orthographical Traruliteration^ come forward to-day as the champion of 
phonetic spelliog ? " 

To this I reply : " Yes, I am inconsistent to a certain extent, and I am not 
ashamed to confess it. Progress along any line of investigation naturally brings 
about changes in the point of view, and especially in the relative importance which 
one is inclined to attribute to different considerations. Properly speaking, Mr. Satow's 
system, too, was meant to be phonetic. Bat the sounds which it aimed at repre- 
senting were those of that phase of the Japanese language which the Jkana 


speUiQg itflalf represents, whereas Dr. Hepbom and the Bomanisailon Socleigr aim 
at representing the pronanciation of onr own day. A knowledge of the older 
phonetic spelling of the kana is indispensable to the theoretical student of the 
language. No one who has it not at his fingers' ends is qualified to discoss any 
question of Japanese etymology. At the time when Mr. Satow wrote, Japanese 
was chiefly interesting as a dead language. To picture the sonnds of that dead 
language seemed, therefore, more important than to indicate modem nsage. To- 
day, on the contrary, there is a fair prospect of Japanese being rejavenated, — of its 
coming out clothed in the Boman letter, which will save millions of people years 
of unproductive study. It would be unwise, even were it possible, to hamper so 
beneficial a reform by peculiarities interesting to none but half a dozen philologists, 
and with whicb, moreover, those philologists have other means of making themselves 
acquainted. For this reason Mr. Satow himself, as I believe I am not indiscreet 
in stating, is now willing to sacrifice the ancient to the modem rather than the 
modem to the ancient, and indeed all private preferences to the convenience of the 
majority. If inconsistency there is, it is the times which force it on us. In Japan 
nowadays no one can afford to stand still.") 



Bt J, Batohelob, 

[Read November 9th, 1887.] 

1. — A mere cursory examiuatioii into the nature of the various 
objects which by the Ainu race are designated Kamui, together with a 
consideration of the acknowledged reasons why that name is given to 
them, will not only show us that the word is of exceedingly wide and 
diversified application (and admits therefore of various modifications of 
meaning), but will, by throwing some degree of light upon what passes 
in the Ainu mind when he uses that term, possibly lead us to conclude 
that, after all, it is a bona fide kina word, and is not (as one would 
naturally suppose it to be) derived from the possibly more organic and 
(when compared with this) certainly more circumscribed Japanese term 

2. — That Eamui is an original Ainu word is merely a suggestion of 
my own, and is founded rather upon a psychological than a philological 
consideration of the question. It is my intention in this paper to 
present you first with a list of the objects to which the term Eamui is 
applied, together with the reasons for so applying it ; then to make a 
few deductions therefrom, leaving the final settlement of the question to 
those able to decide such matters. 

8. — But, before passing on, allow me to correct just one little error 
which I have heard vented somewhere, and which is, though perhaps 
bat slightly, connected with the present subject. It is a statement to 
the effect that the inao which the Ainu make are Kamui, i. e. '* gods" ; 
nay, not only are they said to be gods, but it is also said that some 
represent male and others female gods. Such statements are as far 
removed from the truth as was that of a certain sagacious photographer 

18 batchelob: on thb Apm tbbu **kauui" 

whO| I am told, sold photographs of Aina atorehonses with the remark- 
able words " Aino Temple " written beneath them. Inao are whittled 
pieces of willow wood having the shavings left attached to them. They 
are merely ofiferings to the object worshipped. They are not supposed 
to have anything of deity-natare about them, and differ greatly from the 
Japanese Oohei; for, while the Oohei represents the Kami {ses 
Hepburn^ $ Diet,), inao never does the Kamui, It is, as the Ainu say, a 
mere sign or proof to the gods of the sincerity of the worshipper, and 
generally bears his mai*k. When offered, the name of the object for 
whom it is meant is pronoonced, as well as the name of the giver. The 
words run — *' from the man so and so to the god so and so.'' Inao are 
certainly of different patterns, but that has nothing whatever to do with 

4.— It may be remembered by some that, in my " Notes on the 
Ainu " [see Transactions, Vol. x. part 11), I invariably wrote Kamox, 
whereas now the word has been changed into Kamui. The explanation 
I have to offer is : — When those " Notes " were penned, I was but a 
novice in this particular field of study and had neither caught the true 
sound of the word, nor was aware of the importance of making that 
sharp distinction between the sound of the vowels o and u which it is 
absolutely necessary to observe if one wishes to speak and write the 
Ainu language correctly. Since then I have learned that the true sound 
of the word is Eamiii ; moreover, Eamoi means something unmention- 
ably disagreeable, and should for that reason be studiously avoided. I 
have therefore taken this opportunity of correcting myself. Here also 
I will take the liberty to remark that, as I have elsewhere stated, the 
name of this people should be spelt Ainu not Aina. It is as easy to say 
or write one form as the other, and Ainu is certainly correct, whilst Aino 
is a Japanese corruption of the proper term, and carries in it the absurd 
idea, invented by the ancient Japanese, of the descent of the race from 
a human being and an animal. The Ainu themselves do not like to be 
called Aino or Ainos, for by it they understand the full form ai no Ao, 
"children of the middle*' or '* mongrel,*' but by the term Ainu they 
understand " men " and " descendants of Aioina.'' ^ 

^It is often said that the Ainu people are called Aino by the Japanese becaase 
the word Ainu is so similar to the word Inu, which is the Japanese for " dog.'* The 

batobbcob: on nn Aims nMn **KhMm" 19 

5. — ^Bnt to retnni to the tubjeet in band. In looking over the list 
of the names of the Kamui vhich I now proceed to give, it will be 
foand that alphabetical arrangement has not been adhered to in this 
ease. The natore of the sabject would not allow of snoh an arrange- 
ment. It has been my chief aim to note the order of Kamui as they 
appear to be arranged in the Aina mind ; i. e. according to their degree 
of dignity, awe, respect, power or usefalness ; to look at them, so to 
speak, from an Aina point of view. Bat the Aina themselves are not 
altogether in anison as to which so-called god should, in every case, 
take the precedence ; but as the wants of men differ according to times 
and circumstances, so certain particular beings or objects, real or 
imagined, are universally called upon under any given conditions or 
exigencies, or in cases of special need or requirements. This is perfectly 
natural and what might be expected ; but it may be well to remember 
from the beginning that, the good always preceeds the evil, and that the 
bad is never worshipped. 

BimUanty is by no means real, for the diflerenee in sound between ai and i is veiy 
marked indeed. Ai, it should be remembered, has the sound of the English vowel 
it bat t, as here in the word tnu, has the sound of the Italian i, i. e. it is pro- 
nounced like the vowel i in the word maohtne. As regards derivation, the word 
Aino is not so frequently supposed by the Japanese to be from inu as from ai no ko 
as above stated, and to assert that Ainu Ib from either would be futile, childish 
and insolting to the Ainu race. Aino, whatever be its derivation, is regarded by 
the best of the race as a term of reproach, but they are proud of the name Ainu. 

The word Ainu is really thus aooonnted for by the ancients of the rsoe :— The 
name of the ancestor of the Ainu people {EkasJU mak un 4kaihit *' the anoestor 
behind the ancestors ") is said to have been one named Aioina, He existed long 
before Okikurumi; in fact, OkikurunU is not so universally known as Aioina, 
neither is he worshipped, though Aioina is an object of divine worsiiip. In short, I 
have some very strong grounds for supposing that Okikurumi is no other than 
Minamoto no Yoihittune. The proofs of this will be forthcoming in a futun 
paper. Aioina*i immediate descendants were called Aioina rak ffuru, ''persons 
smelling of Aioina " (i. e. descendants of Aioina). Afterwards this name beoame 
eontraeted into iltiiu rak guru, thence into Ainu merely. The Ainu delight to be 
called Ainu rak guru, and are proud of the name Aioitia, Other Ainu say that 
iltntt rak guru was but one of the sons of Aioinat and that the present race is a 
remnant of his children. 

so ' paiobbiiOb: on «hi aiot vnK ^'xamui.*' 

6« — ^Iha ganaraUy received ord«r of ih« Zamtii is m Mows: — 
I.-^Jfo«^n kara Kamuit kotan kara Kamui» This is supposed io 
be the highest being to whom the term Kamui is applied. He has no 
. speoial name, the above words being merely a description of his works, 
and they mean, '*The maker of worlds and places.*' He is also <rflen 
spoken of as Kando koro Kamm, i. e. '* The possessor of heaven." He 
is worshipped as being the chief of all Kamui^ and is said to be the 
dispenser of all power and authority to the lower orders of gods. He 
is the source of all life and being and the head of all that may be 
included in the term ** good." 

U. — Aiaina Kamui, This is said to be the name of the progenitor 
of the Ainu race, and from whom they derive their name. He is the 
only human being worshipped by the people,* and it is his special work, 

* The following note written by me appeared in the Japan Mail at the begin- 
ning of Jane this year, and I reproduce it here ae bearing upon this point. 

Ths Wobship of YosHiTsninB bt the Anni. 

It appears to be a generally reeeived opinion among those persons, whether 
Japanese or foreign, who have written or made any speoial inquiries respecting the 
enbject, that the Ainu people are in the habit of worshipping the image or spirit of 
XnrChonguwan Minamoto no Yoshitsnne, who it will be remembered was driyen to 
Tezo by his elder brother in the twelfth eentnry of our era. And indeed, when we 
eall to mind that there is a little shrine upon a cli£f at the village of Piraiori 
eontaining an idol representing that great personage; that some Ainu residing at 
and immediately round Piratori itself actually tell inquirers that some few of ibeir 
number do at times, though not often, worship at the.said shrine ; and when we note 
the fact that most, if not all, of the Ainu men recognize the name Toshitsane, then we 
see that this generally reeeived and constantly asserted opinion has, apparently, a 
good degree of foundation in fact. The writer of these lines formerly shared, in 
eommon with many others, the generally recelTed views on this subject ; but after long 
residence with the people themselves, having spent many months in the village of 
Piratori— at, so to speak, the vexy doors of the shrine in question—he has been 
obliged to change his opinion, or at least very considerably to modify it in regard 
to this as well as many other subjects connected with the Ainu. The following 
remarks contain a few facts bearing upon this question, and the writer's reasons for 
believing that the Ainu do not, in the commonly received meaning of the term, 
actually wonhip either the spirit or image of KurChonguwan Minamoto no 

In the first place, it must be clearly understood that when persons say 
the Ainu worship Yoshitsnne, they mean that people not as a nation, but meiely a 


given him by the Creator, to preside over the affiurs 6f men, i. e. the 
Aina. For this reascm he is designated Kamui, 

III. — Chup Kamuu The word Chup signifies ^Maminary." 

few indiyidnals resident in the Sara district. Again, the facte are still more 
narrowed when we make strict inquiries ; for it is not eyen*pretended that all the 
Sam Ainu worship him, bat only those of Piratori. Now, there are two Piratoris, 
▼iz. Piratori the upper, and Piratori the lower. These two villages were once nnlted, 
but are now situated from about a quarter to half a mile apart. The shrine of 
Yoahitnne (and there is but one shrine in Tezo) is at the upper Piratori, and the 
inhabitants of the lower village will tell an inquirer that it is the people of the 
npper Piratori who worship the person in question. Now, the upper tillage 
contains only about thirty-two huts, and we find that not even ten persons out of 
these families really worship Yoshitsune. It is dear then that the Ainu con- 
sidered as a race or nation, do not at the present day deify that hero. 

Then again, it should be noted that the present shrine is decidedly of Japanese 
make and pattern : in all respects it is like the general wayside shrines one may see 
anywhere in Japan. It was built about ten years ago by a Japanese carpenter re- 
sident at a place called Sarabuto (Ainu San-o-butu), Previous to this there was also 
a Japanese-made shrine on the same spot, but a much smaller one The idol in the 
shrine is both small and ugly ; it is a representation not so much of a god as of a 
warrior, for it is dressed in armour and is furnished with a pair of fierce-looking, 
staring eyes and a horribly broad grin ; it is just such an idol as one might expect in 
this ease, seeing that Toshitsune was a warrior. Besides this, the Ainu have treated 
the image to an inao or two. There is nothing more, and the shtine is too small 
for a person to enter. 

Now, it is a fact not generally known, I believe, that according to Ainu ideas 
and nsages, it is absolutely necessary to turn to the east in worshipping God (the 
goddess of fire excepted). Hence the cnstom of building all huts with the principal end 
facing the east. The chief window is placed in the east end of the hut, so that the 
head of a family may look towards the east when at prayer. It is considered to be 
the height of impoliteness and disrespect to look into a hut through the east 
window. But the shrine of Toshitsune is placed in such a position that the 
worshippers would have to sit or stand with their backs to the east. In every other 
matter (and why not in this also), assuming such a position in prayer would be a 
great disrespect to the object worshipped. 

The image of Toshitune is looked upon from the east, hence, speaking from 
analogy, it would appear that it is not the Ainu worshipping Yoshitsune, but either 
Yoshitsune worshipping the Ainu, or the Aina insulting Yoshitsune. Such a 
eonclnsion may appear to be somewhat far-fetched, but is, when compared with 
other things, at any rate a logical one. The writer does not intend to say that the 
Aiau, in the present ^oaee (for with them religion is a serious thing), place snoh a 

22 batchelob: on thb ainu tbbh "kauui. 

These are two in number, called respectively — Tokap ehup Kamui and 
Kunne chup Kamui, i.e. •* day luminary '* and "night luminary,** or "sun" 
and '' moon." Stars are called Nochiu chup, but the tei-m Kamui is not 

construction upon the form of the Bhrine, though they dearly like to play upon a 
person sometimes. All he wishes to remark is, that the position of the shrine of 
Yoshitsuue does not come up to the acknowledged requirements of the Ainu ideaa 
of Deity worship. 

Again, it is said by the people that they would not worship an idol, because it 
would he directly against the expressed command of Aioina Kamui, their reputed 
ancestor. The Ainu are, in many thiugs, a very conseryative people, an.d in the 
matter of religion, particularly so. Note the following incident. In the days of 
the Tokugawa regime — so runs the tale — the Ainu were ordered hy the Government, 
or rather by the authorities of Matsumai, to cut their hair Japanese'fashion. The 
result was a great meeting of the Yezo chiefs, which ended in sending off a depu- 
tation to beg that the order be countermanded, or at least suffered to lapse. For, say 
the Ainu, we could not go contrary to the customs of our ancestors without it 
bringing down upon us the wrath of the gods. And, though a few Ainu, par- 
ticularly those at Mori, did cut their hair as ordered, the people as a whole were let 
off. If then a mere change in the fashion of cutting the hair should be such a 
weighty matter, what would the institution of idol-worship involve ? 

But notwithstanding all this, there is still not only the fact of the shrine being 
at Piratori to be accounted for, but also the fact that some Ainu do tell us that 
Toshitsune is worshipped by a few of their number, though very seldom. What is 
the explanation ? 

An Ainu himself shall answer the first question. ** Tou know,'* says he, *' we 
have for a long time been subject to the Japanese Tono Sama and Yakunin ; and 
it has been to our interest that we should try to please them as much as possible 
BO as not to bring down trouble upon ourselves. As we know that Yoshitsuue did 
come among our ancestors, it was thought that nothing would please the officials 
more than for them to think that we really worship Yoshitsuue, who was himself a 
Japanese. And so it came to pass that the shriue was asked for and obtained." 
This statement was made to the writer quite spontaneously and confidentially, 
along with many other matters. Taken by itself, this statement might not be 
worth much, but viewed with other things of the sort, it speaks volumes. The 
spirit here unwittingly shown is happily fast dying out, for the Ainu begin to see 
that there is now but one law for both peoples, and that there is justice obtainable 
even by them. Nevertheless, the spirit above exemplified has been a real factor in 
the life and actions of the Ainu people. 

The whole secret of the second question turns upon the meaning of the word 
"worship." The word used by the Ainu is ongami, and the meaning is," to bow to,** 
** to salute." The Ainu are delightfully sharp in some things, and this is one of 

batobblob: os thb unu tbbm ^'xaicui. ' 28 

generally applied to them. By some the Bun is considered to be the 
female principle and the moon the male, bat by others vice versd. The 
snn and moon are not themselves supposed to be gods, bnt each a 
Tebide of some special rnler. They are not generally worshipped. They 
are called Kamui on account of their usefulness in the system of nature, 
particularly out of regard to their usefulness in providing light and 
warmth for human beings. For, it should be remarked, a thing is 
ihoaght to be good only in so far as it benefits men.' 

them. An Ainu told me one day, with a most benign grin, reaching almost from 
ear to ear, that he did ongami (salute) Yoshitsune's shrine or idol ; bnt as for 
olla inonno'itak (praying to that person), neither be nor any one that he knew, 
did so ; and, as regards (nomi) the ceremony of offering inao or libations of wine 
to him, both he and many others were always ready to do so providing some one 
else would find the take I Here, then, is the point ; the Aina do not worship 
Toshitane in the sense of paying him divine honour, any more than the people of 
England worship Lord Beaconsfield ; bnt some Ainu do worship him in the sense 
of honouring him, in the same sense as Lord Beaconsfield is honoured by the 
members of the Primrose League, only not in anything like the same degree. 
Some London cabmen would be just as pleased to worship Mr. Gladstone by 
drinking his health, and in the same sense, too, as an Aiuu would be to hold 
libations in honour of Yoshitsune ; for after all, the said libations are neither more 
nor less than a drinking of take. The real god worshipped is the person's own 

Sach then are my reasons for dissenting from the generally received opinion 
on this subject. On the contrary, I believe that Yoshitsune is merely honoured by 
the people. And this opinion rests, not upon the argument of question and answer, 
bnt upon that together with actual observation and spontaneously given 

> The following note, written by myself and published in the Japan Mail of 
SOth 'August this year, I reproduce here, as bearing upon the nature of Ainu ideas 
regarding the sun. 

Thb Amu Idxa of am Eclipse. 

The writer of these lines having been asked by several friends what the Aina 
think of an eclipse of the the sun or moon, it was thought by him that the appearance 
of the late solar eclipse wonld be a most favourable time for making special inquiries 
concerning this sobject, and so finding out what the Ainu idea of these phenomena 
really is, and what genuine traditions they have respecting the matter. Bnt the 
Aina is a very matter-of-fact race, and does not, as a race, generally allow itself to 
be carried away by imagination ; nor do the people speculate greatly in any way or 
upon any subject, onleBS it be as to how they may obtain a cup of strong drink (take). 

24 batobblob: ob thb usu tbbk **xamux*" 

IV.— Aba KamuL ^160 is ilia oommon ward for ^ fira.** The 
fire is often spoken of as being of feminine gender and is known by Uie 

The reBolts of my investigatioiui are not so satiBfutoiy as I had hoped, yet than is 
something that may be cniions, interesting, and instraetive, and therefore worth 
noting and a passing thought. 

On the morning of the 19th instant we proceeded to blacken some glass so as 
to enable the Ainu to see the eclipse when it took place. At the proper time we 
produced the glass, and bade the Ainu to look at the son. The reenlt was worth 
seeing, for immediately the exclamation rang out— CAup roi, chwp rai, *'the 
luminary is dying," " the sun is dying/' Another person called out— CAup chikai 
anu, ** the sun is fainting away " or " the luminary is suddenly dying." This is all 
that was said ; silence ensued, and only now and then an exclamation of surprise 
or fear was to be heard. But it was plainly evident that the people were in fear 
lest the eclipse should be total. The Ainu greatly fear a total eclipse of the sun, 
lest that luminary, having once quite died away, should not come to life again, and 
so all living beings perish. 

One would expect the Ainu people would worship the sun at this particular 
time, but such is not the case. The Ainu are here consistent, and treat the sun as 
they do a dying or fainting person. WhCn a person is dying (on one occasion I 
myself was present), one of the company will either fill his mouth with fresh water and 
squirt it into the su£terer*s face and bosom, or will bring water in a vessel of some 
kind and sprinkle him with his hand, thereby attempting to revive him. So we 
find that, when there is an eclipse (particularly a total eclipse) of the sun, the people 
will bring water and sprinkle it upward towards that luminary, thinking thereby to 
revive it, at the same calling out-^Kamui-atemka, Kamtii-atemka, " god we revive 
thee, god we revive thee.*' If the water is sprinkled with branches of willow, 
it is supposed to have special efficacy and power in bringing the sun back to life, 
for the willow is the sacred tree of the Ainu, and all inao or religious symbols 
are made of that wood. But when there is a visible eclipse of the sun, the Ainu 
may be said to go fairly off their heads through fear, so that they have not always 
presence of mind or sufficient coolness of head to wait to get the willow boughs. 
The all-important thing is to get the water to the sun to heal its faintness. 
Hence, some persons may be seen squirting water upwards with their mouths, 
others throwing it up with their hands ; some again may be using a common 
besom, whilst a few will be seen with the orthodox willow branches in their hands ; 
a few (particularly women and girls) will be seen sitting down and hiding their 
heads between their knees, as if silently expecting some dreadful calamity to 
suddenly befall them. Such is the Ainu method of bringing the sun back to life. 

The sun having been restored to his normal condition of brightness and glory, 
the cunning old take drinkers have a fine pretext for getting intoxicated. Of course 
libations ol wine most be held in honour of the sun's recovery from faintness and 


Bpeeial niiinefii, Kamui* huchij " Grandmother " or " old woman " ; Irem 
hnchi, " the grandmother who rears us *'; Iresu Kamui, " she who rears 
ns,'* and Kfcashi Kamui, '* the male ancestor." By the latter word the 
fire appears as a male god, hnt mostly it is spoken of as heing feminine. 
This god is worshipped hecanse of its general nsefalness in the matter of 
cookiug food and giving oat heat. The fire is also supposed to be a 
great purifier of the body from disease. Hence it is worshipped on all 
occasions of sickness or death, always when there is a festival, and, 
without fail, when a newly-built house is first occupied. It should also 
be noted that the fire is considered to be a special mediator between gods 
and men, frequently being spoken of as Shongo Kamui, ** the messenger." 

V. — Wakka-ush Kamui. Wakka-ush means " watery," and is a 
term apphed to the goddesses who are supposed to preside over all 
springs, ponds, lakes, streams, rivers and waterfalls. With Wakka-ush 
Kamui is associated another goddess called Chitcash ekot mat, " the female 
possessor of the places where fresh and salt waters mingle." It is her 
special province to guard the mouths of rivers, and it is she who admits 
the spring and autumn salmon in and out of them. 

Tliese goddesses are worshipped because they benefit men, particu- 
larly in allowing fish to ascend and descend the rivers, for fish is the 
staple food of the Ainu race. 

retam to life, and the sabjeot must be duly talked over and ancient instanoes of a 
like ocoorrenoe recited. Bat a few caps of take soon canse the talkexs to speak what 
is not true or reliable, and they are not long before they begin to show signs of 
being in a somewhat maudlin state. 

Sober Ainu traditions of ecUpses are all of one stamp, and run thus : — 

" When my father was a child he heard his old grandfather say that hit 
grandfather saw a total eclipse of the son. The earth became qaite dark and 
shadows could not be seen ; the birds went to roost and the dogs began to howl. 
The black, dead son shot out tongues of fire and lightning from its sides, and the 
stars shone brightly. Then the son began to return to life, and the iaoM of the 
people wore an aspect q{ death ; and, as the sun gradually came to life, then men 
began to live again." 

Bach is a sample of Ainu traditions concerning solar eclipses. It only remains 
for me to remark that total eclipses, or, in fact, eoUpses at all, axe quite unaccount- 
able to the Ainu ; nor have I heard a single theory advanced with reference to 
their caases. 

* Among the Earafto Ainu Uuchi is the common word for fire. 

¥•1. zirl«-4 

26 batchelob: on the ainu tebu ''xahui." 

VI. — Rep un Kamui. These are the gods of the sea. They are 
two in namber. One is thought to be good and the other to be evil. 
Their names are Shi acha and Mo acha, and they are brothers. Shi 
achoj who is the elder, is ever restless and is continually pursuing and 
persecuting his brother. He is the originator of all storms and bad 
weather, and is the direct cause of all shipwrecks and deaths from 
drowning in the sea. He is much feared, but never worshipped. Shi 
means " rough,'* **wild,'* strong," and AcJui "uncle." The corre- 
sponding river evil deity is called Sarak Kamui,^ and she is the cause of 
all river accidents, and is bitterly hated. 

Mo acha, which means '* the uncle of peace," is said to be the god 
of fine weather. He it is who is worshipped at all the sea-side fishing- 
stations, and it is to him that the clusters of inao (called iiiisa) one may 
often see upon the sea-shore are generally offered. 

'^ Sarak is a word meaning accidental death, and Sarah Kamui appears to be a 
god or demon who presides over accidents. Its evil deeds are not confined ex- 
clusively to the fresh waters, bat it is also thonght to be the canse of all land 
accidents. When an accidental death has taken place on shore, either from drown- 
ing or otherwise, the Ainu, as soon as they find it out, proceed to perform a certain 
ceremony frequently called Sarak Kaniuu The ceremony is as follows :— The inevit- 
able iahe is of coarse first procured by the relatives of the victim of Sarak Kamuu 
Then messengers are sent round to the different villages to invite the men and 
women to join in the ceremony. The men bring their swords or long knives with 
them and the women their head-gear. On arriving at the appointed hut, the chiefs 
of the people assembled proceed to chant their dirges and worship the fire-god. 
Then, after eating some cakes made of pounded millet, and drinking a good pro- 
portion of iaket they all go out of doors in single file, the men leading. The men 
draw their swords or knives and hold them point upwards in the right hand 
close to the shoulder, and then altogether they take a step with the left foot, at the 
same time stretching forward to the full extent the right hand with the sword, and 
calling, as if with one voice, wooi ; then the right foot is moved forward, the sword 
at the same time being drawn back and the toooi repeated. This is con- 
tinued till the place of accident is reached. The women follow the men ; and with 
disheveled hair, and their head- gear hanging over the shoulders, they continue 
to weep and howl during the whole ceremony. Arrived at the place of accident, a 
continual howling is kept up for some time, and the men strike hither and thither 
with their swords, thus supposing to drive away the evil Sarak Kamui. This 
finished, the people return to the house of the deceased in the same order as they 
came forth, and, sad to say, feast, drink take^ and get intoxicated. The ceremony 
attending Sarak Kamui is properly called Niwen-horobL 


Tn. — Kim un Kamui. This term is generally applied to bears. 
Bears are dQsignaied Kamui and worshipped for two reasons. Firsts 
because of their greatness, and tlien on account of their usefulness. The 
Ainu know of no greater animal than the bear ; to them he is the '* king 
of the forest.*' Nor is there, in the Ainu idea, a more useful or 
powerful animal in the world, for it is at once both food and clothing to 
them ; and that appears to be all these hairy sons of nature care about. 

Foxes and moles and a few other animals have the appellation 
Kamui applied to them, but they are not worshipped, because they cannot 
be tamed to much account.^ In other words, the Ainu worship no 
animal from which they can derive no present benefit. Nor is a *' man- 
eating" bear, if known to be such, ever worshipped ; nay, the very 
term Kamui is taken from him, and his name is changed into that of 
Hokuyuk. It is also perhaps worth remembering that, any animal, 
though called Kamui, has also its particular specific name. 

YUI. — Kamui cJiep. This is a name given to the autumn salmon. 
It is so called because it is the largest fish which ascends the rivers. It is 
not worshipped. Its proper name is Shibe. The flesh is used for food, 
while the skins are converted into shoes for winter wear, they being of a 
rough nature, and so adapted to prevent slipping. 

IX. — Many of the larger kinds of the feathered tribe are called 
Kamui, as : Kaynui chikap and Chikap Kamui, But they do not appear 
to be worshipped. Some of these Kamui chikap, 1 may here remark, 
are said to be birds of ill- omen, and others birds of good omen. 

X. — ^We often hear too of Kamui kotan and Kamui nuptiri* 
Kamui kotan generally indicates a very beautiful locality or a place 
where fish or animals, or both, are plentiful ; sometimes also it signifies 
" heaven." Kamui nupun is generally applied to either a very rugged 
or high mountain, or to a mountain range where bears abound. 

XI. — ^It is also to be taken into consideration that the^term Kamui 
is sometimes applied to human beings. For instance, the Emperor of 

^Thls Btotement, thoagb generally true, does not hold in eveiy case, for at one 
Ainu village I came across a cage having three wolf cnbs in it and another 
containing a young fox. These will next year be worshipped, killed and eaten, as 
bear cabs are. Bat this practice is not general. It is occasionally resorted to 
because bears are now scarce. 

88 batohelob: on thb adiu tbbm "eauui.' 

Japan has been called Cho un Kamui, the word Cho being the Japanese 
word for '* chief" or **head.'* Officials too are frequently called Tono 
Kamui^ especially the prefects of districts and the mayors of villageg. 
Other persons also, who are specially respected, have the term Kamui 
applied to them. Thus Kamui comes to be a mere title of respect. 

Xn. — A beautiful flower may be called Kamui nomw ; a pleasant 
secluded dell Kamui moi ; a very large tree, Kamui chikuni ; a gentle 
cool breeze upon a hot day, Kamui vera; large waves of the sea, 
Kamui ruyamhe or Kamui riri; a " man-of-war '* ship, Kamui chip ; a 
dog which has saved life, Kamui seta ; an elephant or lion, Kamui chi- 
hoikip ; and so on ad infimMim. 

Xm. — ^Lastly we find that devils, evil spirits and reptiles also 
have the term Kamui applied to them, though they are never worshipped, 
but always greatly feared. Thus Satan and evil spirits are called 
Nii^ne Kamui and Wen Kamui; snakes are called Okokko RamtU or 
Tokkoni Kamui, whilst adders and vipers are termed Paskuru Kamui. 
Such diseases as small-pox and cholera have the word Kamui given to 
them. This is because they are very much dreaded. 

7. — Such then is a list containing the names of the principal objects 
to which the Ainu race applies the term Kamui. These objects are so 
varied in their nature, and the acknowledged reasons for applying that 
term to them are so manifold, that in this paper I have not felt at liberty 
1 translate it by any special particle, noun or adjective. Such words as 
**divine," <' mighty," and so forth, would without doubt, in many 
instances, admirably express the idea a person intends to convey when he 
uses that term, but in many cases it could not be so translated, as a 
careful consideration of the foregoing examples will show. But it should 
be remembered that, when the word Kamui is used alone and without 
reference to any specified object, it generally indicates either the chief 
God, i.e. the Creator and Governor of the world, or bears. When 
therefore the word Kamui is used, it is necessary to specify, directly or 
indirectly, what object is referred to. 

8. — ^Now, by our comparison of the various objects bearing the name 
Kamui with one another, we are led to the following conclusions : — 

(a) When applied to gods supposed to be good, Kamui expresses the 
quality of being useful, beneficent, exalted or divine. 

ba^tohblob: on tbb ainu tbbu "KAKDI." W 

(b) Wben applied to sapposed evil gods, it iiidicates tLat wbioh is 
most to be feared and dreaded. 

(c) When applied to devils, reptiles and evil diseases, it signifies the 
most hatefal, abominable and repulsive. 

(d) When applied especially as a prefix to animals, fish or fowl, 
it represents the greatest or most fierce, or the most usefal for food and 

{e) When applied to persons, it is a mere title of respect expressing 
honour, reverence or rank. 

(/) We see too that, because an object is termed Aamta, it by no 
means necessarily follows that it is divinely worshipped, or in many 
oases even revered. 

9. — Thus it will be seen that the various ideas expressed by the 
word in question enter very largely into the every-day thoughts and 
expressions of the people. Much more indeed than a passing observer 
would imagine. Psychologically considered, it is very difficult to 
understand how the people could ever get along without this word, 
for it expresses thoughts very peculiar and antique for which we can find 
no equivalent or synonymous terms in their vocabulary. Language, we 
know, grows as nations come into contact with one another, and ideas are 
mutually introduced into the minds of each other. But if we once admit 
than the word Kamui was introduced by the Japanese, and is, in fact, 
nothing more or less than the Japanese word Kamiy immediatelylthe ques- 
tion arises, had the Aiuu no deity before they heard of the word Kami f 
And has the word Kamij or the Japanese people, been the instrument of 
introducing all the ideas into the Ainu mind which they express when 
using that term 9 To me this appears to be highly improbable, though, 
no doubt, it is not impossible. The objects to which the Aiuu apply that 
term are, in very many cases, totally different from those to which 
Kami is applied ; and the idea expressed by the word Kamui also, in 
many cases, differs very considerably from Kami. If one should apply 
the word Kami to such objects as the Ainu apply the term Kamuiy it 
would sometimes make perfect nonsense and would certainly provoke 
laughter amongst the Japanese. It' may be replied to this, that among 
such a people as the Ainu, a people who possess no literature whatever, 
the original idea intended by the word in question has, as the ages have 

80 batohblob: on the ainu term *<eami7i." 

rolled by, most likely grown into what it is now. That may be so ; bnt 
is it not improbable that a borrowed word should have grown into snch 
gigantic proportions ? Nay, has it not therefore grown out of all reason- 
able dimensions ? It covers a great deal more ground, if I may use the 
expression, than the Japanese word Kami^ and, if derived from it, has 
expanded beyond all reasonable bounds. 

10. — ^Again, the word enters so much into the very life — so to 
speak — of the people, that there appear to be some vei^ strong grounds 
for suspecting it to be an original Ainu word. Thoughts or ideas are 
naturally prior to language, for language is but the expression of ideas. My 
position therefore is this : — In the same degree as it is probable or not impro- 
bable that the Ainu race had many of the ideas expressed by the word Kamui 
before they came into contact with the Japanese people^ to that degree is it 
probable or not improbable that they also had a word to express those 
ideas. But the Ainu vocabulary, so far as it is at present known, gives 
us no word synonymous to, or that express many of the ideas contained 
in, the term Kamui. There is no other word for <* God '* ; the idea 
** demon " cannot be expressed without it. Why therefore should not 
Kamui be a bona fide native word ? And why, if it be necessary to derive 
one word from the other, should not Kamui be the parent of Kami ? 
No less an authority than Prof. B. H. Chamberlain has shown us 
dearly that scores of the place-names of Japan proper are bnt corrup- 
tions of the Ainu names ; so it would not appear unreasonable to sup- 
pose, even without the arguments now produced, that the Japanese term 
Kami may have been taken from the same language. What the Ainu 
themselves say about this may not be worth much ; but I ought perhaps 
to remark that many of the oldest of the Ainu to whom I have spoken on 
the subject, state positively that Kamui is not from the Japanese word 
Kami, but is a word belonging intrinsically to their own language. 
But as they can give no derivation for the word, their mere statement can 
count for very little. 

11. — ^Nor, when we examine closely into the construction of the word 
in question can we discover any certain grounds that would justify us in 
stating positively that Kamtd is the offspring of Rami. Things are not 
always what they seem. We know of but one exact analogy to which to 
compare the term, and that goes to show that it was not borrowed from the 

batohblob: om thb ainu tbbm "kauui." 81 

Japanese language. The word I refer to is Kandf " paper." This word 
Las become in Ainu, Kambi, not Kamuu Hence, if the word for ** god *' 
was really borrowed from the Japanese, it should, according to analogy, 
Lave been Kainbi, and not Kanmif as it is pronounced. The Ainu, when 
adopting a Japanese word, never place the letter u between m andt, though 
they frequently do between sh and i. Note for example the Japanese word 
hashi which has been adopted by the Ainu. In Ainu this word becomes 
Hashui or Paskui, often changed into Bashuu Thus : — Pera bashui, " a 
spoon "; Ibe bashui, ** chop-sticks **; Abe bashui^ " fire-tongs." The form 
of the word therefore, in our opinion at least, gives us no solid grounds 
for concluding that the Ainu term Kamid is derived from Kami, 

12. — A curious solution was once suggested by some one, by which 
Kani ruiy said to mean " thick-fleshed," was supposed to be the parent 
of Kamui, This somewhat fanciful exposition appears to belong to that 
class of things one sometimes hears spoken of as " Mare*s nests." 
For firstly, the adjective rut is generally applied (I had almost said 
only applied) to inanimate objects, and means ** great," " large," " loud," 
*' rough," *' expensive," the meaning in each case being determined by the 
noun it qualifies. An animal is never correctly spoken of as being 
ham mi, but Mim-ush. In the Ainu language, if it is necessary to say 
thick-fleshed, the words should be Ironne ham and not kam mi. Secondly^ 
the Ainu are very fond of the letter r, so that there is but a very low 
degree of probability that they should have dropped it ; nor are we able 
to produce any one example to show that a like omission has ever taken 

18. — I, myself, have no suggestion to make as to the derivation of 
the term, nor have I yet met any Ainu who could explain it. But it is 
interesting to remark that the root of the word, namely Ka, is perhaps 
significant, its meaning being " top," " over," ** upon." Mtd^ is still to 
be accounted for. I once heard the word mui applied to the very 
topmost point of a high conical mountain, but as I heard it but once so 
used, I can draw no conclusions therefrom. 

7 If it could be clearly shown that the letter m in Kamui was merely inserted 
for the sake of euphony, thus leaving Kaui as the original word for '* God," all 
difficulty in the matter would immediately be at an end ; for Kaui would mean " he 
who " or ** that which is highest." 


8acli then are tbe considerations ^hioli have disposed me to gravely 
doubt the wisdom of Laving in a certain place pnt dowti the word Kaviui 
as beiug of Japanese origin. I mast consider it at least doubtful, until 
more convincing proofs are brought forward showing the word to be of 
Japanese origin, as to whether the term Karnui is not after all a real 
Ainu word. My opinion is that it is truly so. 




Bt B. H. Ohambxblain. 

IRsad November 9th, 1887.'] 

Mr. Batcbelor^s details, derived from his unequalled experience, 
coneeniiDg the vaiious uses to which the Aino word Eamui is put, 
or rather the various objects to which it is applied, are extremely 
interesting on account of the light which they throw upon the workings 
of the mind of the uncultured race, which he has done so much to raise 
to a higher level. ** The God who created the world,'* the Sun and 
Moon Gods, the Gods of Sea, Fire and Water, the God or Demon of 
Sudden Death, — what natural ideas these are I Every thing very great 
and strange, very powerful, very beautiful, very terrible, in fact, very 
anything, is apt, all over the world, to be looked upon with awe. I 
therefore see variety, not so much in the ideas conveyed by the word 
Eamui, as in the objects to which it can be applied. " God,'* " super- 
natural,** <* wonderful,** are perhaps our nearest approximations to it ; but 
we have no exact equivalent, for the simple reason that we are no longer 
m the stage of thought out of which such a word grows. The Japanese 
were, at the dawn of history, not far removed from that stage ; and the 
great Shinto scholar Hirata*s account of the uses of the word Kami, 
as summarised by Mr. Satow in Vol. IQ, Appendix, pp. 48-49 of the 
present '* Transactions,'* is as follows : — 

"As to the signification of the word kami;^ — it is applied in the 
first place to all the ka^ni of heaven and earth who are mentioned in the 
ancient records, as well as to their spirits which reside in the temples 
where they are worshipped. Further, not only human beings, but also 
^ Tfais passage is copied by Hirata almost word for word from vol. iii. of the 
Ko-shi-ki Den, without any acknowledgment. [This and the two following foot- 
notes form part of the quotation from Bfr. Satow's paper.] 


birds, beasts, plants and trees, seas and monntains, and all other things 
whatsoever which possess powers of an extraordinary and eminent 
character, or deserve to be revered and dreaded, are called kamu Eminent 
does not mean solely worthy of honour, good or distinguished by great 
deeds, but is applied also to the kami who are to be dreaded on account 
of their evil character or miraculous nature. Amongst human beings 
who ai-e at the same time kami are to be classed the successive Mikados, 
who in the Man-yefu-shifa and other ancient poetry are called totDo-tfU- 
kami (distant gods) on account of their being far removed from ordinary 
men, as well as many other men, some who are revered as kami by the 
whole Empire, and those whose sphere is limited to a single province, 
department, village or family. The kami of the Divine Age were mostly 
human beings, who yet resembled kami, and that is why we give that 
name to the period in which they existed. Beside human beings, the 
thunder is called the ' sounding god ' (uai-u-kami). The dragon, goblins 
(tefi-gu ) and the fox are also kami, for they are likewise eminently 
miraculous and dreadful creatures. In the Ni-hou-gi and in the Man- 
yefu-shifu the tiger and the wolf are spoken of as kami, Izanagi 
gave the name of Oho-kamu-dzu-mi no mikoto to the fruit of the peach- 
tree, and the jewels which he wore on his neck were called Mi-kura- 
tama no mikoto. In the Zhin-dai-no-maki and the Oho-barahi no kotoba, 
rocks, stumps of trees, leaves of plants and so forth are said to have 
spoken in the Divine age ; these also were Icami, There are many cases 
of the term being applied to seas and mountains. It was not a spirit that 
was meant, but the term was used directly of the particular sea or moun- 
tain,^f the sea on account of its depth and the difficulty of crossing 
it, of the mountain on account of its loftiness."' 

' OhC'kanU, literally, great god. 

^Kamif god, is evidently the eame^word as Kami applied to a superior, as to 
a master by his servant or to the sovereign by his subjects, to the chief officer of 
a sab-department of the administration, and in ancient times to the governor of a 
province. Its primary meaning is ' that which is above,' and hence ' chief.* So 
that Isanagi no Oho kami would mean Ghreat Ohief Izanagi. Mikoto, which is a 
title applied to gods, and forms part of the word Sutnera'mikoto, the ancient name 
of the sovereigns of Japan, is composed of the honorific mi and koto, word, and 
hence, thing. It might be rendered angustness, and Isanagi no mikoto would 
mean His Auguslness IzanagL 

BaVLT to MB» BOTfflWffimi^ 88 

So fkr HinAft and Mr« Saiow« — ^Nahumlly enoagh, iiie Japanetft-Iefi 
■evend of tbete nipplioations of the word Kami bahiad iheni as thejr 
advaneed iu oiviiization ; bot all ware onrrMit in early days, and traoes 
of them may siill be (band in literature^ 

Bo far then aa signification is ooncemed,. ihe Japanese word (and 
idea) Kami, and the Aino word (and idea) Kamui seem to me to be 
jdentical. With regard, however, to the question of the existenee of an 
etymologieal. eonnection between the two terms, the position is somewhat 
different* It is dangerous to assume too positively, and imless further 
evidence is forthcoming, that one word is derived from another, simply 
because the two sound alike. Japanese aru has nothing to do with 
English " are,*' though it has the same meaning, nor Japanese kon$ 
(sometimes bone) with " bone." Mr. Bat^elor may therefore possibly 
be correct in rejecting the theory thai Aino Kamui comes from Japanese 
Kami. At the same time, the example of the insertion of a u in the 
word pa^ui, "chopstick,'' which is undoubtedly borrowed from the 
Japanese hashi, would seem to be another index pointing in the same 
direction. The absence of the b, which Mr. Batohelor thinks we should 
find inserted after the m of Kamm, were the latter a borrowed word, 
seems to me likewise far from conclusive. What indeed is the vira eau»a 
of the Aino distortions of Japanese words ? Simply the fiiet that the 
Ainos borrow their Japanese from the Northern patois^ which has 
corrupted the standard Japanese pronunciation of certiain letters* 
But the Japanese word Kami has, I venture to think, not suffered, any. 
change in the northern patois of Ji^anese (though I cannot be quite 
positive on the point), — possibly owing to the saoredness of the word. 
Such exceptions to general rules of phonetic change occur in all 
languages under certain exceptional circumstances. This ai^ument, if 
valid, would account for the form bemg Kamm rather than Kambi, which 
latter we should otherwise have expected. Or else we may appeal to 
the probability (if there was any borrowing on the part of the Ainos) 
that the borrowing took place many hundreds of years ago, further 
south in the main island. I do not, as befiuce said, mean to state that 
I consider it certain that the Ainos did borrow the word in question from 
the Japanese, — ^for indeed somewhat like-sounding names for *< God *' 
occur in other parts of Asia, and we may therefiire have before na a case 


of mere coineidenee, — bat merely to enggeet that such a loan does 
not seem improbable, pbUologically speaking, much less impossible. 
Mr. Batchelor's argument from the psychological side appears to 
me much more subtle and ingenious, — his question, viz., ** Had then 
the Ainos no deity before they heard of the word Kand f — Is it not 
improbable that a borrowed word should grow to such gigantic pro- 
portions ? *' Nevertheless borrowed words and borrowed ideas do 
nnqnestionably often grow into gigantic proportions, as the whole 
religious history of the Western world may testify. Ingenious as Mr. 
Batchelor's pleading is on behalf of his favorite islanders, I cannot 
therefore, on the psychological side either, see any sufficient reason for 
attributing to them originality in this matter. Surely originality is the 
rarest thing in the whole world. Cateiis paiibus, similarity always 
finds a more likely explanation in borrowing than in independent 
invention, especially when the similarity is between two races living 
side by side, fighting together, marrying together, as we know the 
Japanese and the Ainos to have done for centuries, if not for millenninms 
past. History is there to prove that religious ideas and terms, though 
touching the inmost spring of a nation's life, are almost as easily 
borrowed as are the most superficial material inventions. We do not 
find, however, that barbarous races communicate their religious ideas 
and terminology to more civilized races ; or if they ever do so, as might 
be alleged in the case of the Arabs proselytizing Syria and Persia, the 
circumstances, as well as the genius of the race, must be altogether 
peculiar. We find no trace, in the history of the Far-East, of such an 
upsetting of the usual course of nature. The rule is for the richer to 
lend to the poorer, not the poorer to the richer. Early Japan, for 
instance, gave nothing to China, just as the American Indians have given 
nothing to the New-Englanders. If, therefore, we ai*e to reject on a 
prion grounds, as Mr. Batchelor would have us do, the notion of a loan 
made by the Ainos from the Japanese, then very much more are we 
bound to reject the notion of a loan by the Japanese from the Ainos. 
We know with absolute certainty that the Japanese were already far 
advanced in civilization fourteen hundred years ago ; and it is simply 
incredible that they should have borrowed their word (and idea) Kami, 
which occurs over and over again in the most ancient documents, from 


the Aino word (and idea) Kamui, — ^if indeed Katnui existed at all at 
that early date, a fact which we have no means of knowing. The only 
thing which we are justified in holding with regard to Aino oaltare is 
that it was still more meagre in ancient days than it is now ; and few, 
I think, who have mixed with the Ainos, will assert that the latter are 
even now the sort of people likely to start new ideas and eommanicate 
them to others. 

I fear I am taking up an unconscionahle amonnt of the Society's 
time. Bat pray hear with me a few moments while I touch, as briefly 
as possible, on another point of disagreement between Mr. Batchelor and 
myself. He wishes us to say ** Ainu." I am for *< Aino.'* Why ? 
Simply because Europeans have said "Aino" for the last two hundred 
and fifty years. What is the good of purism ? We do not say 
" Nihon "; we say " Japan." We do not say •* Wien "; we say " Vienna." 
Neither do we consider it necessary to upset our established habit of 
saying "Calcutta" and "Bombay," and to enthrone Jn their place 
"Ealkatte" and "Bambal." Nor, though our knowledge of the 
Maoris of New Zealand is much more recent than our knowledge of the 
Ainos of Yezo, and it might therefore be supposed easier to upset exist- 
ing usage in their case, do we give up our pronunciation of " Maori," 
and say "Maui," as some enthusiastic New Zealand scholars may 
perhaps wish us to do, on the ground of that being the real native sound 
of the name. This question of native purism ver$u» established English 
usage has been fought over and over again in every pait of the world, with 
the almost invariable result that usage, — ignorant usage, if you will, — 
prevails over the purists. It is too much trouble to say, for instance, 
" ThoukudidSs " when " Thucydides " is just as clear, and has long been in 
everybody's mouth. If we followed the plan advocated by Mr. Batchelor 
and by several other eminent authorities in various special lines, — 
Garlyle, for instance when treating of German names, simply because 
the Germans were his special pets, as the Ainos are Mr. Batchelor' s — 
we should have to do nothing less than turn all our old associations 
topsy-turvey, from "Adam" and " Eve " downwards. Just imagine 
'* Eve," for example, as " Ehavv&h I " Yet that is the Hebrew word 
which we mispronounce " Eve ; " and surely there is ten thousand times 
more to be said in favour of preserving Hebrew words intact than of 

88 cmmmBsjas : bbkiT to mb. BAxaaMum. 

preterriDg Aino ones. Moreover, whieh of tlie pariats wm ever 
eonsiflteQi ? Each purist is a paBist only wiihiti his own small domain. 
Oarlyle is particular about German names only. The '' Thookadidis '* man 
lets " Calcutta " slide. The *< Kalkatte " man says '< Thocydides *' along 
with the rest of mankind ; and so on right round the ring. No ! I« for 
one, am very foud indeed of Oriental studies ; but I am still fonder of 
English, and of our established habits of speech and pronunciation. I 
cannot therefore side with Mr. Batchelor in this matter, though I know 
that in venturing to disagree with him, I, the merest of tyros in Aino — 
or Ainu-— am so rash as to run counter to the chief authority on the 
subject, the man on whom are founded all our hopes for the further 
investigation, as well as for the mental and moral raising of that race 
whose name, in order to end by trying to keep tiie peace, I will not now 
pronounce again. 



By W. G. Aston. 
[Bsad 14th Deeembir, 1887.'] 

Eaempfer, in his well-known History of Japan, tells ns 
that since the time of Jimmu Tenno the Japanese have 
** heen accurate and faithful in writing the history of their 
" country, and the lives and reigns of their monarchs." Most subsequent 
writers repeat this opinion with little variation. Even so recent,^ and 
on tbe whole, so well-informed a writer as Dr. Bein, in giving a brief 
sketch of the early history, expresses no doubt of its accuracy except in 
one solitary instance.' A view which has the support of so eminent an 
anthority can hardly be summarily set aside as altogether obsolete. It 
is true that it was pointed out by the late Mr. Bramsen in 1880, and 
since then conclusively shown by Mr. Chamberlain,' that no reliance 
can be placed on the so-called histories of Japan before A. D. 400. Mr. 
Satow has expressed himself to the same effect.* But error dies hard, 
and there is reason to believe that there are many, even among 
scholars, who still cling to a belief in the quasi-historical tales of the 
Eojiki and Nihongi, though they may endeavour to minimize the 
miraculous element which they contain. It may therefore be not 

> The English edition of Dr. Bein's work, published under the author's supervi- 
sioB, bean date 1884. 

*He declines to believe that 6jin Tennd lived to the age of 100. 

*3ee the Introduction to his Translation of the Kojiki, which fonns a sup- 
plement to Vol. X. of the TransactionB of this Society. 

^He says : "Nearly all European writers who have occupied themselves with 
this subject have confidently accepted impossible dates, fabulous tales and other 
inconsistencies as of undoubted authenticity." — ^Handbook for Japan, Introd. p. 68. 


altogether snperflnons, even now, to fight over again some of the battles 
of mj predecessors in this field, and to examine more in detail some of 
the evidence which compels as to refuse the name of history to the annals 
of Japan for more than a thousand yeai'S. While doing so, it may be pos- 
sible occasionally to point out sources of en*or, or perhaps to distinguish 
here and there some solid ground of fact amid the general chaos. 

The period previous to the Christian epoch need not 
"^^^b! o^ occupy us long. It has been pointed out by Mr. Bramsen 
that the lengths of the reigns and of the lives of the sove- 
reigns at this time are far too great for real history, and if little faith 
can be placed in the existing records for 400 or 600 years after that 
epoch, it is in the last degree improbable that more remote events should 
have been related with greater accuracy. The chronicles of this early 
period stand also self-condemued by the numerous miraculous occurences 
which they record. During this time the contemporary histories of 
Chiua and Gorea afford us little information with respect to Japan, bat 
something may no doubt be done towards piercing the mist of confused 
tradition by an exnmiuation of the Japanese records themselves in the 
light of modern principles of historical criticism, of philology, and of 
antiquarian research. I leave to others a task which presents no common 
difficulties and which will yield, I fear, but scanty and precarious results 
in proportion to the laboiu* bestowed on it. 

Chinese writers mention a belief that the Japanese are 
Chinese le- descended from the Chinese Prince, T'ai Peh of Wu, and 

gends relftt- 

ing to Japan, that a colony from China under Sii-she settled in Japan, 
B. C. 219. It has also been thought that the Pusang 
country of the Shan-hai-king is identical with Japan. None of these 
views seems to rest on any solid foundation. But the work just named 
contains what is probably the oldest authentic notice of Japan which 
we possess. It reads as follows : — *' The Northern and Southern Was 
<< are subject to the Kingdom of Yen '(^)." It does not seem probable 
that Japan was ever subject to a kingdom whose capital stood on or 
near the site of the present City of Peking, but the statement that the 
Japanese were in early times divided into Northern and Southern is 

B Yen, a Kingdom of Northern China, had an independent existence from B.C. 
1122 to B. C. 265. 


deserving of fttientioD. It is known that 'during the Han Dynasty 
there were Was not snbjeet to the King of Yamato, and embassies were 
received from princes who conld not have raled the whole country. 
The ancient legends of Japan, as has been shown by Mr. Chamberlain, 
are connected with three distinct centres, viz., Yamato, Idznmo, and 
Tsnkashi,^ a fact which also points to the conclusion that at one time 
Yamato was not the seat of Government for all Japan. 

A word as to the t^rm Wa used for Japan by the Shan- 
' hai-King, and often met; with in subsequent Chinese liter- 
ature. The Chinese character is SF, now pronounced Wo in 
the Mandarin dialect, but I have retained the Japanese sound, which also 
agrees with an ancient Chinese pronunciation. It is thus defined in 
Williams* Dictionary : — '* From man and bent. The Japanese, Japan : 
" a term used by themselves as the equivalent of Yamato : it Is defined by 
" Chinese as the country of dwarfs." The Japanese deny that they 
ever used this term for themselves or their country, except in words 
eonfessedly borrowed from China. One writer suggests that the first 
Japanese who visited China, when asked what they called their country, 
replied " Waga kuni,** i.e. ** our country." ** Waga " being taken for a 
proper name, first became Wanu (S i^), and then by the Chinese habit 
of putting foreign words on the Procrustean bed of their own monosyl- 
labic tongue, <* Wa.*' I lean rather to tlie hypothesis that Wa or perhaps 
Wani was the name of the ruling tribe or family from which the 
sovereigns of Japan were at one time taken. Wani appears not nnfre- 
qaently as a proper name in the Kojiki and Nihongi. The Japanese 
subsequently conceived a dislike to this word, probably on account of 
the Chinese characters with which it was written. No nation would 
like to be known as the " yielding " or <* compliant slaves," the literal 
meaning of Vi i^, or even as the compliant counti-y or people, and it is 
not surprising that the Japanese should have rejected this character first in 

*The northern part of Kiashia. We shall see later that the Chioese in early 
times imagined that Yamato lay to the soatb of Eiashiu. By the Northern 
Was therefore were probably meant the Kamasos, the Yamato Japanese being the 
Soothem Was. In the third oentnry we hear of a third independent Kingdom 
which was called Konu, and which lay to the east of Yamato, beyond the sea 
(the Owari golf?). 


fiavonr of :fc i^, or Great Wa, but oftener read ** Yamato/* and afterwards 
of Nippon (19 ^), The latter term, as we are informed by the Coreau 
history known as the ** Tong-knk-thoug-kam '* (jR BO 9t) or more 
briefly as the ** Tongkam/' was substituted for Wa in A.D. 670. There 
is a Chinese authority to the same effect, and the practice in official docu- 
ments and other writings bears similar testimony. But it may be 
asked, is not Nippon merely a translation of an older native term, viz., Hi 
no moto ? It seems more probable that the contrary is the case, and 
that Hi no moto is a translation of Nippon. Both terms bear the un- 
mistakeable stamp of Chinese influence. They mean *' the origin of 
the sun,*' in other words " Land of Sunrise.'* To a Japanese his own 
country is just as much the land of sunset as it is the land of sunrise. 
It is ouly to a mind imbued with the notion that China is the great, 
the central country, that it would occur to call Japan the Land of 
Sunrise or the Eastern Land. Our oldest histories of Japan, the Eojiki 
and Nihongi, were compiled soon after the term Nippon was officially 
introduced, and it may be suspected that the opportunity was taken 
of substituting many i<z fcs and Yamatos for the ffs and Was of the 
older records. Of the fl^s which remain, some should doubtless be 
read Wa and not Yamato. 

To return from this digression to the history of the 
cwft* Japan p^^j^^ jj^f^j.^ ^jj^ Christian era. The Corean records of 
this time are very scanty. The Tongkam, however, men- 
tions a Japanese descent on Silla (Shinra in Japanese) which is stated 
to have taken place B. C. 60. The Japanese, heai-ing of the virtues of 
the Silla monarch, went away again. From other passages in the 
same work it would appear that a Japanese held high office in the 
Silla Government at this time. But it is doubtful how far reliance can 
be placed on Corean history at this early date. 

Japanese history contains two notices of Corea which, 
^Sffa* "** according to the accepted chronology, fall within the period 
before Christ. One, which is dated B. C. 88, states that 
<>Mimana sends Sonakashichi with tribute. Mimana is more than 
" 2000 ri to the north of Tsukushi, from which it is divided by the sea. 
" It lies to the S. W. of Kirin " (i.e. Silla). Five years later " Sonaka- 
** shichi asks leave to return to his own country. The Emperor rewards 


" him, and entrntts him with a prttent of red sUk for Iria King. The 
" Silla people wajlay bim, and rob bim of the presenta. This was tbe 
" origin of tbe enmity between tbe two oonntriei of Silla and Hfimana/* 

Tbe word Mimana, as far as I bave been able to aseertain, is purely 
Japanese. No coontry of tbat name is mentioned in Gorean bi8tory«. 
There may possibly be some truth in the statement that the Japanese 
gave it a name derived from that of their Emperor Mimaki, like our 
own Victoria, Carolina or Queensland/ There is no doubt, however, as 
to tbe part of Corea which is intended. Mimana included all the S. 
Western half of tbe present province of EyOngsyangdo. Tbe great river 
Samlanggang formed tbe boundary between it and Silla. The Corean 
name for this little state was Kara or Karak. It is first mentioned in. 
Corean history in A. D. 42, which is given as the date of tbe acces- 
sion of the first King, Kimshuro. Before tbat time, says tbe Tongkam, 
there were nine savage tribes without a regular government or fixed abode. 
Elimshuro was one of six brothers miraculously produced firom golden 
6gg8« whence the name Bam, i.e. gold. The eldest ruled Great Earak, also . 
called Eaya.^ The other five became cbiefi of the five Eaya, named re- 
spectively Ara-kaya, Eon-yong-Eaya, Great Eaya, Sy5ngsan-Eaya, and 
Little Eaya. This description is suggestive of a confederation of states 
under the leadership of one of their number, but the relationship be- 
tween them is by no means clear. In later times we find Eara and Eaya 
independent of each other, and Mimana seems then to correspond to 
the latter and not to tbe former. Eara was incorporated with Silla A. 
D. 582, and tbe same fate befel Eaya thirty years later, the last date 
agreeing with that given in tbe Nihongi for the downfall of Mimana, The 
name Eara was changed to Eenmkwan on its becoming a province of 
Silla. Its chief town has been identified, I think rightly, with the 
present Eeum-hd {4t '$), near the mouth of the Samlanggang. 

Eara was in after times used by Japanese writers as tbe equivalent 
of the Chinese character O (Han), which properly means the whole 
country of Corea, and in modern times it is often employed in a still 
wider sense. But in the Nihongi there does not seem to be sufficient 
reason for transliterating, as is usually done, tl by the kana for Eara. 

f This must be a mistake for Kara, 


If the author bad intended the word Kara, the proper Chinese eharoetera 
were ready to his hand, and indeed are actually used by him on occa- 
sion. There seems to have been quite a rage with the transliterators 
of the Kojiki and Nihongi for rejecting all words of Chinese origin, and 
substituting for them native terms, or even, as in the case of Kara, words 
which have only a superficial resemblance to Japanese. 

The statement quoted above from the Nihongi that there 
Beiative ore- was enmity between Silla and Mimana is confirmed by 

early ^Japa- Coreau History. But the first hostilities recorded in the 


History. Tougkam between these two Emgdoms are dated A. D. 77. 

Fighting between Silla and Eaya is mentioned in A. D. 94 
to 97i and again A. D. 115 and IIB, after which time their relations 
seem to have been friendly. There can be little doubt that these notices 
in the Japanese and Corean annals relate to the same event, but it will 
have been observed that the dates difier by a whole century. Which 
authority must we follow ? In this particular instance there is no direct 
evidence in favour of either from independent sources. There are how- 
ever some general considerations bearing on the relative credibility of 
the early Japanese and Corean records to which I would now invite 

Passing over everything previous to the Christian era, let as begin 
by taking up a similar line of inquiiy to that followed by Mr. Bramsen 
with regard to the lengths of the sovereigns' reigns. We find that in 
Japan, during the first four centuries, there were only seven accessions 
to the throne, while for the same time there were in Silla sixteen, in 
Eokuli (Japanese Eoma or Eorai) seventeen, and in P^kch6 ^Japa- 
nese Hiakusai or Eudara) sixteen. The average age of these seven 
Japanese sovereigns was 102, one having reached the truly patriarchal 
age of 148 years. The ages of the Corean Eings are not usually recorded, 
but none of the reigns was of exorbitant* length. The longest is that 
of a Eing of Eokuli, who reigned 70 years, and died at the age of 98. 
His posthumous name means ** the long-lived Eiug." 

• Eimsharo, the first King of Kara, is said to have reigned 108 years, and to 
have died A. D. 199, aged 150. Kara, however, lies rather outside the sphere of 
Corean history, which is properly that of the three Kingdoms of Silla, Koknli, 
and P^kch6. 


The following table will give some idea of what may be regarded 
as a reasooable Dumber of oocessions to the throne during a spate of 
four hundred years. 

Country. A. D, No. of accessions. 

Japan 1-400 7 

Silla do 16 

Kokuli do 17 

PfikchA do 16 

China do 88 

Japan 400-800 88 

Billa do 22 

China 662-1062 86 

do 1062-1462 86 

do 1462-1862 17 

France 1000-1400 16 

do 1400-1800 16 

England 1087-1487 16 

do 1487-1887 21 

Scotland 1167-1667 19 

Wales 840-1240 17 

It appeal's therefore that the number of accessions recorded in the 
Corean annals during the period A. D. 1-400 is by no means without 
precedent, whereas Japanese history stands alone in having onl)' seven 
accessions during this time, the lowest number which I have been able 
to discover in any other country for a similar period being fifteen. This^ 
fiftct speaks volumes for the superior credibility of the Corean chronicles. 
Let us now compare the means of recording events 
Writing in which existed in the two countries during this period. 

Coroan And 

Japan. Setting aside, with all competent judges, the so-called 
'< Eami-yo no moji " as an invention of a much later age, it 
seems clear that until the introduction of Chinese learning, oral tradition 
alone must have been depended on both in Corea and Japan. Without 
some artificial aids to the memory, no history is possible for more 
than a very few generations, and it is therefore important to inquire 
into the circumstances under which the two countries fijrst became 
acquainted with the art of writing. There are clear indications, to which 


I ahall advert preaently, Uiai the Chinese eharacfcer waa not entirely 
nnkttown either in Corea or Japan previous to A. D. 872, but the first 
direct and positive information which we possess on the subject belongs 
to that year. After relating the first introduction of Buddhism into 
Kokuli from the Kingdom of Tsin in Western China, the Tongkam 
goes on to say *' Eokuli established a High School where pupils were 
'* instructed/' Three years later (A.D. 875) the same work contains the 
following notice. " Pdkch^ appoints a certain Kohung as Professor, 
** It was not till now that P6kch6 had any records* This country had no 
" writing previous to this time.'* ' No similar record has reached us in 
regard to Silla, but it is probable that tbe systematic study of Chinese 
was established in that Kingdom about the same time. It will be shown 
later that the arrival in Japan of Waui, the Corean teacher of Chinese, 
must be assigned to A. D. 406 instead of A. D. 285, the date according 
to the aeoepted Japanese chronology. 

But although these notices may be regarded as recording the first 
regular and systematic study of Chinese in Japan and Corea, there 
is good reason to believe that some knowledge of the Chinese written 
character existed in both countries from a considerably eai'lier date. 
Corea was conquered by China in the second century before 
Christ. Part of the country remained for some time longer a Chinese 
province, where official records were doubtless kept, and which must 
have been to some extent a centre for the propagation of Chinese 
learning. We find further traces of Chinese influence in the establish- 
ment of ancestral shrines in P^kch6 (B. C. 2) and Silla (A. D. 6), and 
in the worship of the five Emperors in P6kch6 (A.D. 2) and of Heaven 
and Earth in the same Kingdom (A.D. 20). The King of Kokuli is stated 
to have had a Chinese lady as consort B. C. 16. The King of Silla sent 
a writing to Pdkch6 A«D. 125, and towards the middle of the next century 
we find Chinese Governors at Lolang (now Phyongyang in Phyon- 
gando) and at Tbdpang, (now Namwon in Chollado), the latter of whom 
is stated to have communicated by letter with the ruler of Japan. A 
written communication was made to Japan from the court of China 

• Corioaaly enough, the Tongkam states, only a few pages before, that in A 
D. 878, the King of P^koh^ sent a letter to Silla. 


about the same time, and a written reply received, A postal eervice 
vi& Corea is even mentioned, by which commonications were exchanged 
between the two countries. 

The Siila annals stale that a letter was received by the King of 
that eonutry from the King of Wa A.D. 845, i.e. sixty years before 
Wani's arrival there. 

We gather from these facts that what may be called the established 
study of Chinese began in Corea thirty years before it reached Japan, 
and that while both countries had already some acquaintance with the 
Chinese character, Corea had plainly better opportunities than Japau 
of acquiring its use. 

Keng6 (^ VL) or year-periods were introduced in Silla A.D. 586, but 
in Japan not until A.D. 645, a fact of some importance, if, as I suspect, 
time had previously been reckoned chiefly by the sexagenary cycle, a 
system which affords much opportunity for error whenever long periods 
are concerned. 

The matter-of-fact character of the early Corean history as compared 
with that of Japan, and the circumstance that it comprises the annali 
of three independent Kingdoms, which must have been to some extent r. 
check on each other, tend also to confirm the view of its superior 
Aff eement of ^^^ ^^^ ™^^^ decisive proof of this is the confirmatioii 


cmdmoc^ which Corean history derives from that of China. A oom- 
'^^^^' parison ^ of sixteen notices by Chinese writers of events in 

Corea during the first five centuries of our era with the corresponding 
Corean accounts yields the following results. 

During the first century, one date (A.D. 82) agrees, one seems 
to disagree, and in one Corean history is silent. 

During the second century, three dates agree, one disagrees 
wholly, and in one, Corean history is silent. 

During the third century, there are two cases of agreement, iu a 
third the Tongkam is silent. 

In the fourth century, there is agreement in one] ease ; in one the 

Tongkam is silent. 

^ Materials do not exist for a similar comparison of Chinase and Japanese dates. 


In the fifth centuryi tbere nre three cases in all of which the same 
dales are given by Chinese and Corean history. 

I sabmit that the above considerations entitle as to assame that* 
whenever Japanese and Corean history are in conflict, as they often are 
during this period, the balance of probability is much in favour of the 
Corean version of the occurrence, more especially in the matter of 
chronology. The absolute authority, however, of the Tongkam and 
other Corean records is another question. For the first century at 
least, they contain much that is suspicious.^ 

To return to Sonakashichi, the Mimaoa envoy to Japan. There 
can now be little hesitation in placing his arrival there a century later 
than the date assigned to it by the Nihongi. 

The same authority mentions under the date B.C. 27 the arrival in 
Japan of a Silla prince named Amanohihoko (a suspiciously Japanese- 
looking name) with presents for the Mikado of precious stoues, a sword, 
a mirror, etc. Corean history makes no mention of this embassy, and 
much that is related in connection with it bears a very mythical aspect. 
From the histoiy of Corea during the first two centuries 
Corean notioea of the Christian era a few scanty notices may be gleaned 

of Japaxi^.D. 

itouo. of events connected with Japan. Japanese descents on the 
East Coast of Corea are mentioned in the Silla annals under 
the dates A. D. 14, 78 and 121. The last was sufficiently formidable 
to require an army of 1,000 men to repel it. Friendly intercoui-se 
between Silla and Japan is noted in A. D. 59, 122, and 158. I have 
not found anything in Japanese history which can be clearly identified 
with any of these events. 

The last year of the second century was distinguished, 

Evasion ^f according to the Nihongi, by an event of capital importance 

in Japanese history, viz., the celebrated invasion of Corea 

^^1 was in hopes that a notice in the Tongkam under A.D. 802 would have 
enabled me to fix decisively one date in Corean history. It is as follows : *' Sammer, 
4th month (began May 14-15) Pdkch6 : Comet visible daytime." But Br. Knott, 
who has been good enough to examine for me the European notices of important 
comets aboat this time, informs me that the nearest to A.D. 802 appeared in April 
A.D. 295. The Corean date mast therefore be wrong, or, what is probable 
enough, a comet was seen in 802 of which no other record has reached us. 


by tbe Empress Jingd-Edga. The Nibongi tells ns" tbat tbe 
Empress Jingd, grieving for ber hnsband's deatb, wbicb be bad 
brongbt on bimself by bis disobedience to tbe divine command, resolved 
to atone for bis misconduct by conqneriug tbe "land of ricbes"^ 
berself. After causing various propitiatory ceremonies to be performed, 
sbe proceeded to subdue tbe rebellious Eumaso, one of wbom gave some 
trouble, as be bad wings and was a good flyer. Sbe next visited 
Matsura^^ in Hizen, wbere sbe drew a favourable omen for tbe projected 
enterprise from ber successful trout- fisbiug in a stream tbere. To tbis 
day tbe trout in tbnt stream will not take tbe bait offered by a man. 
Women are tbe only successful anglers. Passing over anotber mirac- 
ulous occurrence, and a speech made by tbe Empress to ber Ministers, 
we ore further informed tbat in tbe autumn tbe Empress commanded 
ships to be assembled from all the provinces, and arms to be prepared. 
But a sword and spear had to be offered in one of the shrines before 
this order could be obeyed. When this was done, the fleet assembled of 
its own accord. She then ordered a fisherman to go out on the western 
sea, and spy if any land was to be seen tbere. He returned and said, 
" I see no land.'* Another fisherman was sent, who returned after several 
days and said, '* To the Northwest tbere is a mountain extending 
across the horizon, and partly bidden by clouds. This is perhaps a 
country.*' A lucky day was then fixed upon. When it arrived the 
Empress took ber battle-axe in ber hand, and thus addressed ber troops, 
who formed three divisions : '' If the drums are beaten out of time, and 
" tbe signal-flags are waved confusedly, order cannot be preserved in 
** tbe army ; too eager a desire for booty will lead to your being taken 
" prisoners. Despise not the enemy, though his numbers may be few ; 
" shrink not from him though bis numbers be many. Spare not the 
" violent ; slay not the submissive. The victors shall surely sooner or 
"later be rewarded; those who runaway shall surely be punished.*' 
Two deities were to accompany the expedition, one of gentle disposition, 

^I have somewhat abridged the original narrative. 

^A strange name for Ck>rea! Had the ourcomstanoe that Keamsyftng, the 
name of the Silla capital means ** Golden City," anything to do with it ? 

i^The Nihongi says it was then called Metsura ^ JL B* An embassy from 
a King ot Ig ^^ in Japan is mentioned in Ohlnese History. 
T*L jnrL-7 


whose daty it wae to watch over the Empress's safety ; the other, a 
more warlike spirit, who was to lead the van of the squadron and guide 
it over the sea. The birth of an heir to the throne of Japan was 
expected at this time, but the event was postponed to a more convenient 
season by an expedient unknown to modern science. In the tentli 
month, the expedition started. The Wind-God sent a breeze : the 8ea- 
God raised the billows : all the great fishes of the ocean rose to the 
surface and encompassed the ships. A gieat wind filled their sails, and 
borne on the waves, without the labour of the oar, they amved at Silla. 
The tide-wave following the ships reached far up into the interior of 
the country, greatly to the alarm of the king, who called to him his 
people, and said, ** No such deluge from the sea has ever been known 
** since the state of Silla was founded. Has fate decreed that our country 
*' is to become a part of the ocean ? ** Scarce had he spoken, when a 
warlike fleet overspread the sea. Tlieir banners were resplendent in the 
sunlight ; the mountains and rivers thrilled to the sound of the fife and 
drum. The King of Silla felt that the last day of his country had come. 
Then one of his courtiers said, '* I have heard that in the East there is 
'* a divine country named ' Nippon,* ruled by a wise King whose title 
*' is Tenn6. This fleet must belong to that country.*' The King felt 
that resistance was useless, so he went down to the ships and bowing 
his head to the ground, said, " Henceforth so long as Heaven and 
** Earth endure, the helms of my ships shall not become dry, reverently 
'< furnishing fodder for your horses. Every Spring and every Autumn 
'* I will send tribute of horse-combs and whips, and notwithstanding the 
** distance of the voyage, will pay annual dues of male and female slaves." 
The King confirmed this by an oath, saying, ** When the sun rises in the 
West, and ceases to rise in the East ; when the Arinare" River turns its 
" cnnent backwards, and the pebbles of its bed ascend to the sky and 
" become stars, then, and not till then, will I fail to pay annual homage ; 
*' then, and not till then, will I neglect my yearly tribute of combs and 
" whips." The Empress, after accepting his submission, proceeded inland, 
where she placed seals on the treasuries, and took possession of the 

u The Am-nok-kang, ivhich forma the boundary between China and Corea, 
is thought to be intended. 


books. Her staff and spear were set np at the Eing*s gate, as a memorial 
for afler ages. There, says theNibongi, tbey remain until this day. 

The King Hasa-miikin gave Nishi kochi hatori Kamnkias a hostage, 
and sent to Japan eighty ships loaded with rich presents. The two 
Kings of Eoryo and PSkch^, hearing of these events, offered their homage, 
and their Kingdoms were incorporated with the Japanese dominions. On 
her return to Japan the Empress gave birth to a son at a place there- 
after called Umi^ i. e. birth. 

Sach is the story related by the Nihougi of Jingd K6ga*8 conquest 
of Corea. The signs and wonders, the poetic diction, the speeches, 
the ample food for national vanity, even the attempts to account for the 
names of places are all characteristic of legend rather than of genuine 
history, for which indeed no one at the present day is likely to mistake 
it. There may nevertheless be some difference of opinion as to its his- 
torical value. The late Dr. Hoffmann thought that by the simple 
process of " stripping the native accounts of poetical and religious 
ornament " he could obtain from them ** a sketch for the domain of 
history," and he has accordingly given us an account of the expedition 
compiled from the Nihongi on this principle. But might not one as well 
attempt to extract a true narrative from the story of Cinderella by leav- 
ing out the mice, the pumpkin coach and the fairy godmother ? Some 
may be content with less, and may regard the legend as a proof that 
Corca was conquered by an army led by a Japanese Empress in the 
third century A. D. But I fear even this is more than we can accept. 
A closer examination leads to the conclusion that the whole story is a 
fiction suggested by the two facts that there really existed an Empress 
of Japan at this time, and that Corea was invaded and partly conquered 
by Japanese at a much later period. The language of the Nihongi is 
of course Chinese, but more than the mere words has been affected by 
Chinese influence. The advice for instance about the drums and flags, 
the three divisions of the army, and the oath to Heaven and Earth are 
all Chinese touches. A still more definite proof of the comparatively 
recent origin of the legend in its Nihougi form is the use of the word 
Nippon, which, as we have already seen, was not introduced till A. D. 
670, only fifty years before the Nihongi was written. " Tenn6,'* too, 
must date from a period long after Jing6 Kdgu, and the use of KoryO 


for Eoknli also betrays a recent origin. The mention of books (by 
which official archives seem to be meant) nearly two centuries before the 
regular study of Chinese was inti'oduced either in Corea or Japan, is, to 
say the least, a very suspicious circumstance. That the author of the 
story knew very little about Corea is shown by the fact that the King 
ofSilla named by him reigned A. D. 80 to 112, or about 100 years 
before Jingd Edgu, and that the name of the hostage sent by him is 
identical with that of the Prince sent A. D. 402 according to Corean 
history as a hostage to Japan. The details mentioned leave no donbt 
that both records relate to the same person, and this being so, the 
Corean date is in all probability the true one. The official title given 
him by the Nihongi was not invented until after Jingd Edgu's death. 
In short it is tolerably obvious that the author of the legend brought 
him in simply to adorn his tale of the conquest of Corea. 

The absolute silence of Chinese and Corean history with regard to 
an event which, if it had ever occurred, must have affected both coun- 
tries so profoundly, is almost sufficient in itself to satisfy us that the 
whole story is a mere fiction, with about as much historical foundation 
as the legend of the Argonauts or the tale of Troy divine, with which 
indeed it presents obvious analogies. We shall see presently that China 
had at this time territory in Corea under the rule of Chinese Governors, 
and that the Chinese were not unacquainted with Japanese events. Nor 
had the Corean annalists any objection to recording invasions by Japan 
when they occurred, which was by no means unfrequently. In the year 
200, however, no such event is mentioned either in Chinese or Corean 
history. An apparently unimportant descent on Silla took place in 
209, a more serious one in 288, when the Japanese ships were burnt 
and their crews massacred, and a still more formidable one in 249, 
when a Silla statesman, who had brought on the invasion by using 
insulting language towards the Sovereign of Japan in presence of a 
Japanese Ambassador, gave himself up to the Japanese in the hope of 
appeasing their anger. They burnt him, and proceeded to besiege 
Eeumsydng, the Silla Capital, but were ultimately beaten off. No less 
than 25 descents by Japanese on the Silla coast are mentioned in Corean 
history in the first five centuries of the Christiai) era, but it is impossible 
to identify any of them with Jingd Edgu*s expedition. 


It may seem a pity to have to abandon all faith in so pretty a 
legend, and perhaps some of Jingd Edga's fellow conntrymen will resent 
what may be thought an attempt to take away her glory as a eonqueror. 
Bat ought it not after all to be more satisfactory to her admirers, and 
more really to her honour, to believe that she was never guilty of the 
wickedness of making war on a country which had not given her the 
smallest cause of offence, or of the folly of embarking on a foreign 
expedition at a time when rebellion was rife in her own land ? 

Though it is probable that no Jingd Kdgn ever con- 
^tiS^fja^ quered Corea, we may still hold to the belief that Japan 
gn'B ra^L^ was ruled in the first half of the third century by a princess 
of remarkable ability, who put down rebellion with a firm 
hand, and procured for her country the blessings of peace daring a long 
and prosperous reign. The notices of Japan which we now begin to find 
in Chinese writers tend to confirm the statements of the Nihongi in this 
respect. They contain somQ ** travellers* tales," and are obscured by 
fables and errors, but they give us nevertheless much valuable information 
which has hardly received the attention it deserves. I may therefore 
be excused for quoting from them at some length.'' 

In the Later Han (A.D. 25-220) writings we find the following. 
** The Was dwell south-east of Han (Corea) in a mountainous island in 
'* the midst of the ocean. Their country is divided into more than 100 
'* provinces. Since the time when Wu Ti (B. C. 140-86) overthrew 
" Corea, they have communicated with the Han authorities by means of 
" a postal service. There are thirty- two provinces which do so, all of 
" which style (their rulers) Kings, who are hereditary. The sovereign of 
" Great Wa resides in Yamato, distant 12,000 li from the frontier of the 
" province of Lolang.'^ Lolang is 7,000 li distant from Euya ban (VQ ^ tl) 
'* on its N. W. boundary. Wa lies nearly east " of the east coast of Ewai Ei 
" (in Chekiang), and therefore the laws and customs are similar. The 
« soil is favourable for the production of grain and hemp, and for the 

18 These extracts are from the I-8h6-nilion-den. 

"Now Piiydng-yang, in Corea. 

^This description corresponds nearly to the position of Loochoo. But we 
shall see later on that the Chinese at this time imagined that Yamato lay somewhere 
to the South of Kioshiq. 


*' eoltivatiion of the silk mtdberry. Tbey anderfitand t&e art of ureaviDg. 
'* The oonutiy produces white pearls aod green jade. There is einnabar 
'* iu the mountains. The climate is mild, and vegetables can be grown 
" both in winter and in summer. There are no oxen, horses, tigers, 
^'leopards, or magpies.^^ Their soldiers have spears and shields, wooden 
** bows and bamboo arrows, which are sometimes tipped with bone. The men 
** all tattoo their faces and adorn their bodies with designs. Differences 
" of rank are indicated by the position and size of the patterns. The 
** meu*s clothing is fastened breadth-wise and consists of one piece of 
*^ oloth. The women tie their hair in a bow, and their clothing resembles 
** our gowns of one thickness of cloth. It is put on by being passed over 
** the head.'^ They use pink and scarlet to smear their bodies with, as 
*' rice-powder is used in China. They have stockaded forts and houses. 
** Father and mother, elder and younger brothers and sisters live sepa* 
** rately, but at meetings there is no distinction on account of sex. They 
** take their food with their hands, but have bamboo trays and wooden 
** trenchers to place it on. It is their general custom to go barefoot. 
** Respect is shown by squatting down. They are much given to strong 
'* drink. They are a long-lived race, and persons who have reached 100 
'* are very common. The women are more numerous than the men. 
** All men of high rank have four or five wives ; others two or three. 
'' The women are faithful and not jealous. There is no theft, and litiga- 
** tion is unfrequent. The wives and children of those who break the 
" laws are confiscated, and for grave crimes the offender*s family is ex- 
*' tirpated. Mourning lasts for some ten days only, during which time 
** the members of the family weep and lament, whilst their friends oome 
" singing, dancing and making music. They practice divination by 
** burning bones,*^ and by that means they ascertain good and bad 

^It seems strange that Japan should have possessed neither oxen nor horses 
at this time. Bat the Japanese, like the Corean, word for * horse * is admittedly 
Chinese, and the Japanese * tii^i,' ox, may come irom the Corean so. There are 
magpies in Japan (another reading is * barn-door fowls '), bnt they are by no meam 
common, and a traveller coming from Corea, where they abound, might well be 
struck by their absence. 

^ A later writer understands this to mean that the head was passed through a 
hole in the cloth, in the fashion of an Indian blanket. 

*i As we also learn from the Manydshiu. 


" luck, and wheUier or not to tmderiake joarneys and voyages. Tbey 
'* appoint a man whom tbey style the ' mourning-keeper/ He is not 
" allowed to comb his bair» to wash, to eat meat, or to approach women. 
** When tliey are fbrtonate, they make him valuable presents ; bat if they 
" fall ill, or meet with disaster, they set it down to the monrning-keeper's 
" failure to observe his vows, and together they put him to death. 

'' In the second year of Chuug-ynan (A.D. 57), in the reign of 
" Kwang-wn, the Wanu country sent an envoy with tribute, who styled 
" himself Daibu {:k, ^). He came from the most southern part of the 
" Wa country. Kwang-wu presented him with a seal and ribbon. 

** In first year of Yung-ch'u (A.D. 107), in the reign of Ngan-ti, a 
" king of Wa presented 160 living persons, and made a request for an 
'* interview. 

** During the reigns of Hwan-ti and Ling-ti ( A.D. 147 to 190) Wa 
" waa in a state of great confusion, and there was civil war for many 
" years, during which time there was no chief. Then a woman arose, 
" whose name was Pimihu^ (4^ M ^)* She was old and unmarried, 
*' and had devoted herself to magic arts, by which she was clever in 
" deluding the people. The nation agreed together to set her up as 
" Queen. 8he has 1000 female attendants ; but few people see her face, 
" except one man, who serves her meals, and is the medium of commnni* 
" cation with her. She dwells in a palace with lofty pavilions, surrounded 
" by a stockade, and is protected by a guard of soldiers. The laws and 
'* customs are strict. 

** Leaving the Queen" country and crossing the sea to the East, 
" one arrives after a voyage of 1000 li at the Kouu (1^ tSL) country, the 
" inhabitants of which are of the same race as the Was but are not sub- 
"ject to the Queen. 4000 li to the south of the Queen country is the 
'* Chnju (4^ tS) country, the inhabitants of which are from three to four 
" feet in height. A year's voyage by ship to the south-east, and we 
" reach the Loh {fH) or Naked countiy, and the black-toothed country, 
" which is the furthest land to which there is a postal service." 

*■ According to the Japanese pronunciation of these characters Hiauko or 

* Japan is constantly styled so in the Chinese books of this period. 


The Wei (A.D. 220-266) records repeat most of what 
^japM***^ °' precedes, with other particulars, of which a few may be 
noted here. '* Grossing the sea (from Corea) for 1000 li we 
" come to Tsushima. The chief official of this island is called Hiku,** and 
" the next one to him Hinumori. It extends 400 li in each direction 
" and is mountainous and well-wooded. The roads are like the tracks of 
" wild animals. There are 1000 houses or more. They have no good 
** riee-fields, and the people live upon marine products. They also import 
" grain in ships from the north and south. Crossing the sea for 1000 li, 
'* we arrive at another great country." The chief official here is likewise 
" called Hiku, and the second official Hinumori. It extends 800 li in 
*' both directions. There are many bamboos, trees and groves, and over 
*' 8000 houses. Some rice-fields are seen here and there, but there is not 
" enough rice produced for the inhabitants. They likewise go north and 
" south in ships, and lay in provision of grain. Again crossing the sea 
" for 1000 li, we come to the Matsuro^ country, which contains over 
" 1000 houses. Here the vegetation grows so thickly that one cannot 
'< see oue*s way. The inhabitants are fond of catching fish, and plunge 
** into the water after them, regardless of the depth. Proceeding 600 li 
*' by land in a S. E. direction, we come to the countiy of Ito*' or Idza 
" (f^ V). The chief official is called Jishi (?) and his subordinates Yei- 
'* moko and Heikioko. There are over 1000 houses here. There are 
" hereditary Kings in Ito, who all owe allegiance to the Queen country. 
'* Local Commissioners" (ff ft) are always stationed here. From thence 
" it is 100 li in a S. Easterly direction to the Nu or Do" (A) country. 
*^ The designation of the chief official here is Kiobako, and of the subor- 
'' dinate one Hinumori. There are more than 80,000 houses. Proceed- 

*< I give the Japanese pronanciation of these words, which is probably not 
quite accurate, but just as likely to be correct as the modem mandarin sounds. 


^ Probably Matsura in Hizen, close to the Spex Straits. It is mentioned in (be 
Jingd E6gu legend. 

*7 This may be the E6ri of Ito in Chiknsen often mentioned in the ancient 
history of Japan. It lies however N. E. and not S. E. of Matsara. 

"Apparently somewhat Uke British Residents at the oonrts of Indian Princes. 



** iog eastward 100 li we come to tbe Fami country. The chief official 
'' is called Tamo, and the subordinate one Htnnmori. There are here 
'* 1000 houses. Proceeding south from Do for twenty days by water we 
'* arrive at the Toma country, where the chief official is styled Mimi, and 
" the second official Miminari. There ai-e probably 50,000 houses here. 
" Tbeuce proceeding to the south ten days by water and one mouth by 
" land, we arrive at the country of Tamato.*^ The chief official is styled 
" Ishima, the nextMibasbo, the next Mibakakushi and the next Dogatei. 
"Tliere are probably 70,000 houses. North (west?) of the Queen 
«« country we must leave out the distances, numbers of houses, etc.'^ 
" This is the limit of the Queen's dominions, south (east ?), of which is 
** tbe Eouu country, where a King holds rule. It is not subject to 
'* the Queen. From the capital to the Queen country is over 2000 li."* 
** The men,"" both small and great, tattoo their faces and work 
" designs on their bodies. They have arrow-heads of iron as well as of 
" bone. They use only an inner, and no outer coffin. When the funeral 

"^Tamato is nearly due easfc oi Taushima, yet here is the itinerary ivbieh we 
extract from the above account. 

Tsngbima to Iki (?) B. 1000 li by sea. 

Iki (?) to Matsuro —lOOOlibysea. 

Matsuro to Ito S. E. 1000 11 by land. 

ItotoDo S. E. 100 li by land. 

Bo to Fami ' E. 100 li by land. 

Fami to Toma S. 20 days by sea. 

TomatoYamato S. 10 days by sea and 1 

month by land^ 

The Gbinene therefore apparently laboured at this time under the strange 
misconceptiou tbat Yamato lay vezy nearly soath of Tsushima. This explains 
more than one difficalty in these extracts. We have only to read East for South 
and North for West to make things intelligible. 

^ Here follow the names of 17 provinces, among which Shima, Eii and Iga, 
may he somewhat doabtfally recognized. I suspect tbe Chinese traveller from 
whom these accounts were derived never got any further than EiuBhu. 

*> These notices appear to show that Qaeen Himeko*B dominions extended no 
farther Bast than the Owari gulf. We can only conjecture where the Eonn capital 
was— perhaps not far from the present dty of ToHo. The Ohinese statements as 
to distances are very wild. 

**This must apply to the whole country. 
T*L ZTI.-8 


" IB over, the whole family go into the water and wash. They have 
"distinctions of rank, and some are vassals to others. Taxes are 
** collected. There are markets in each province where they exchange 
*' their superfluons produce for articles of which they are in want. They 
** are under the supervision of Great Wa. North (i. e. West) of the 
" Queen Country there is a high official stationed specially for purposes 
** of examination. He is feaied hy all the provinces. He usually 
<* governs the province of Ito. lu the interior of the country (or of the 
'' province ?) there are officials resemhliug tbe Chinese suh-prefects. 
'* When the sovereign of Wa sends envoys to the capital (of Wei), the 
" province of Th^pang, the three Han, and the local commissioners 
** (W ft), also the Wa country search and lay open everything at the 
** ports or crossing-places before passing on the documents and the 
** objects sent as presents, so that when they are brought to the Queen 
'* there shall be no mistake. 

'* When men of the lower class meet a man of rank, they leave the 
" road, and retire to the grass. When they address him, they either 
'* squat or kneel with hoth hands to tbe ground. This is their way of 
** showing respect. They express assent by the sound d. 

" They had formerly Kings, but for seventy or eighty years there was 
*' great confusion and civil war prevailed. After a time they agreed to 
" set up a woman named Himeko as their sovereign. She had no hus- 
" band, but her younger brother assisted her in governing the country. 
*' After she hecame Queen, few persons saw her. 

" The ambassador sent by the Queen of Wa in A.D. 288 first went 
" to the province (i. e. Th^pang), where he asked leave to proceed with 
*' tribute to the Emperor. The Tasu (governor) sent messengers with 
'* him to the capital. In the 12th month an Imperial answer** was *' given." 

The Tasu subsequently sent officers to Japan with an Imperial 
rescript, to which a written reply was received. Communications were 
also exchanged in A.D. 248 and 245. 

>■ II.. 

^ It is given in fall in the Ishd nihonden, vol. i, and ^irill repay a periual. 
The Queen receives tbe title of Queen of Wa and Friend of Wei. She is thanked 
for her tribute, which consisted of four male and six female slaves and of pieces of 
cloth. A gold seal and purple ribbon are entrusted to her, which the Tasu of 
Xh^pang is charged to deliver. 


" In 247,*' tbe Wei records go on to stnte, '< daring the Tasn-Bbip of 
" Wangkin, a messenger came to bim from Wa to explain tbe causes of 
" the enmity wbicb bad always prevailed between Queen Himeko and 
" Himekuko, King of Eonu. A letter was sent admonisbing tbem. At 
*' this time Queen Himeko died. A great mound was raised over ber, 
** more tban a hundred paces in diameter, and over 1000 of ber male and 
" female attendants followed ber in deatb."" Tben a King was raised to 
** the tbrone, but tbe people would not obey bim, and civil war again broke 
" out, not less tban one thousand persons being slain. A girl of tbirteen, 
" relative of Himeko, named lyo (or Icbiyo), was tben made Queen and 
" order was restored. One of tbe officers sent from Tbdpang despatcbed 
" to Queen lyo an admonitory letter, after wbicb be was sent back under 
*' escort to bis own country.** 

In anotber work of tbe Wei period we are told tbat ** tbe Was are 
" not acquainted witb tbe New Year or tbe four seasons, but reckon tbe 
" year by tbe spring cultivation of tbe fields, and by tbe autumn in- 
•• gathering of tbe crops. '"• 

**Tbi8 would seem to prove tbat tbe castom of bniying men and women alive 
around tbe tombs of great people, though said to bave been abolished by 8uinin 
Tennd A.D. S,'was still occasionally practised. 

MIt is not quite clear what is meant by this. It may mean simply tbat the 
Japanese reckoned their year from the spring or autumn equinox and not from 
the New Year, and it may not haye been intended to imply that their year oon- 
sisted of only six months. Another writer says that the Was reckoned their year 
from autumn to autumn. But if the late Mr. Bramsen bad been acquainted witb 
this passage, he would doubtless have not unreasonably regarded it as lending 
strong support to bis theory tbat the Japanese up to the end of Nintoku Tenn6*8 
reign counted their years from equinox to equinox, making them only six months 
long. This woald explain the apparently abnormal lengths of the reigns and lives 
of the Emperors up to that time. So simple an explanation, however, is far from 
clearing up all difficulties, and it is attended with some of its own. If we accept 
Mr. Bramsen's theory, the Jingd K6gu of the Nibongi, and the Himeko of Chinese 
history must have been two distinct persons— a highly improbable supposition. Nor 
is this all. If tbe years consisted of six months each, the months, of which there 
were twelve to the year, must have been of only fifteen days and the days of only 
twelve hours. We shall see later that some of the errors of the early Japanese 
ehronology must be ascribed to other causes tban tbat suggested by Mr. Bramsen, 


The aabataniial aoenracy of the above exiraets will bnrdly be ques- 
tioned. The scraps of Japanese history which they eoutaiu are xiot only 
confirmed iu a general way by the native histories of the same time, bat 
there is other evidence of their faithfulness to fact. 

There can. be no hesitation in identifying the ** mourning-keeper *' 
of the Chinese notices with the Imibe, i.e. the abstainers or mourners of 
early Japanese History ."^ 

The burial of Queen Himeko under an immense mound, and the 
death or sacrifice of her retainers at the tomb are in accordance with 
what we know of the early Japanese customs. Indeed the Misasagi or 
Sepulchral mound ascribed to Jingd £dgu near Nara quite answers the 
above description. It is true that the date (A.D. 247) given by the 
Chinese writers for the death of Queen Himeko, and the narrative of the 
events connected with the appointment of her successor do not accord 
with the Japanese histories. But it is hardly likely that the Chinese 
contemporary annalists could have been altogether mistaken about 
circumstances in which they plainly took a keen interest, and the 
immoderate length assigned by the Japanese to Jingd Kdgu*s reign shows 
that there must be something decidedly wrong in their history at this 

One Japanese writer mocks at the Chinese for giving the name 
Himeko to the Empress Jingd Kdgu or Oki-naga-tarashi-hime no mikoto. 
He forgets that the latter name was posthumous, as the Nihougi plainly 
tells us. It was suggested by the great age to which she lived, Oki- 
naga meaning '* long-lived.** The title Jingd Kdgu belongs of course to 
a period when the knowledge of Chinese had become common. But it 
is surely obvious that Himeko means simply "princess " and is not a 
name at all. The reluctance of Easterns to make common use of the 
names of their sovereigns is well known. In A.D. 600 there is au 
instance of a Japanese Ambassador to China, who, when asked the name 
of his King, replied '* Ame-no-watai'islii-hiko,** i. e. ** the heaven- 
descended prince.*' The Chinese cut this into two, taking one-half for the 
surname and the other for his personal name. 

*TVide Chamberlain's translation of the Eojiki, notes to pp. 110 and 151, and 
SatoVs Ancient Japanese Bikoals, No. 1, p. 126, note 44. 

Aflor ibe middle tff the third eenkiry, there is a break of ft oenidtrjr 
and a half, during which Chinese kiatory makes bat little meiiiion of 
Japanese affairs. 

BiiiA A Japan ^^^ ^'^^ annftls of this period coutaiu the foUowing 
AJ). 260-400. notices of relations with Japan. 

A.D. 294. The Japanese make an onsaeoesafal attempt to take a 
fiiUa fortress. 

A.D. 296. The King of Silla consults his Council with regard to 
the continual attacks on his towns and fortresses by the Japanese, and 
proposes that an alliance should be formed with P^oh^ against tl»em. 
His Ministers dissuade him from doiug 8o» on the ground of the danger 
of ondertaking a distant expedition with men unaccustomed to naval 
warfare. The proposal of the King falls to the ground. 

A.D. 800. An Embassy from Japan arrives in Silla. A return 
Embassy is sent. 

A.D. 812. The Japanese sedc a matrimonial alliance with Billa. 
The daughter of a Silla noble is sent. 

A.D. 844. The Japanese ask again for a matrimonial alliance. 
Their request is not complied with. 

A.D. 845. The Japanese write to break off intercourse with Silla. 

A.D. 846. The Japanese attack Keumsyong, which they are on 
the point of capturing, when their provisions having become exhausted, 
they are obliged to raise the siege. 

A.D. 864. The Japanese invade Silla, but are defeated with great 

A.D. 898. The Japanese attack KenmsyOng. They lay siege to 
it for five days, but are ultimately driven off. 

Allowance being made for exaggerations and omissions due to Silla 

national vanity, there seems reason to believe that these statements are 

substantially c<Mrrect. The Japanese chronicles contain little or nothing 

which corresponds to them, but we have here in all probability the basis 

of truth on which the Jingd K6gu legend of the conquest of Corea rests. 

We now come to a series of events in the history of 

^ jlSi a!^ Japanese relations with the Corean Kingdom of P6kch6, the 

"*^*^ records of which are distinguished by the peculiarity that 

the Japanese and Corean dates differ by exactly 120 years. 


They ocoapy the period of 40 years from A.D. 245 to 285 according to 
the Japanese chronology, and from A.D. 865 to 405 according to the 
Tongkam. The Nihongi informs as that in A.D. 245, Shima no Sakane 
was sent to Tokshia (in Mimana), inhere he learned that P^kch^ was 
anzioas to establish friendly relations with Japan. In the following 
year he proceeded to Pikch6, then ruled by King Syoko.*^ A year later 
a return embassy was sent by Pdkch6 to Japan. In A.D. 249, continaes 
the Nihongi, an attack was made on Silla by a combined force of 
Japanese and Pdkch6 men, which resulted in the defeat of the Silla 
troops, and the conquest of Hishiwo, S. Kara, Toku, Ara, Tara, 
Toksyu, and Kara. In this account, King Syoko*8 name is correctly 
given, and that of his sou Ewisu very nearly so. It is probable 
therefore that the Nihongi's statements are not without some historical 
foundation. But as they stand, they cannot be correct. King 8yoko 
reigned a century later than the date given for this invasion, and the 
places mentioned as having been conquered from Silla, belong, in so far 
as they can be identified, to Mimana. The Eqjiki does not mention the 
expedition. Two attacks on Silla by Japanese are spoken of by the 
Corean chronicles as having occurred in King Byoko's reign. One of 
these was by sea, and could not have been that referred to by the 
Nihongi ; but the other, which took place A.D. 864, may possibly have 
been the same as that here mentioned, though according to the Corean 
accounts the Japanese were defeated with great slaughter. The Tongkam 
has no mention of hostilities between Silla and Pikch^ during this reign , 
but there was a good deal of fighting between Silla and Eokuli. 

Under the dates A. D. 250 and 251 there are notices in the 
Nihongi which show that the friendly relations between Pdkch6 and 
Japan were continued. In A.D. 255, according to that work, King 
Byoko of Pdkch6 died. The Tongkam dates this event in A.D. 875, 
making a difference of exactly 120 years. A few years later, the 
Nihongi quotes from a Pdkch6 history a passage where the year of the 
sexagenary cycle alone is mentioned, viz., ^ ^ or midzu no ye muma. 
This is taken to be A.D. 260, whereas the real date is in all probability 

® There are two Kings of this name in Corean history. King Syoko 1. reigned 
A.D. 166-214; King Syoko II. A.D. 846-875. The latter is evidently the one here 
referred to. 


A. D. 880. In A.D. 264, the Nibongi noies tbe death of Ewisa, King 
of Pikcb^, an event which, by the Corean records, occurred in A.D. 
884, again a difference of 120 yeai'S. In A.D. 265 (Corean date 885) 
his Bucceaeor died. 

The circamstance of the next heir being coneidered too young to 
sncceed to the thione is mentioned both by the Nibongi and the 

In A.D. 272, says the Nibongi, King Sinsft of Pdkcbi was disre- 
spectful to Japan. Ojin Tennd sent to demand satisfaction, whereupon 
the Pikch^ people put their King to death. The Japanese then 
established Prince Ahwa on the throne. The Tongkam says simply, *' King 
*' Sinsft died A.D. 892 (observe again tbe difference of 120 years) and 
" was succeeded by King Ahwa.** This stoiy is not mentioned in tbe 
Eojiki, and what is unmistakeably the same event is related over again 
by the Nibongi as having happened in Niutokn Tennd*s reign, 81 years 

Another occurrence as to the date of which tbe Jflpa- 
^S^^cbSlSe »«8^ wid Corean records differ by 120 years is one of 
j^Jm?^^*^ capital importance in the history of Japan, viz., the arrival 
from Pikch6 of a teacher of Chinese for the Prince Imperial. 
This led to the general study of the Chinese language throughout the 
country, and was perhaps the greatest step towards civilization ever 
taken by Japan. 

Under the date A.D. 277, the Nibongi contains the following brief 
notice : ** People from Pdkcb^ came to tbe Court.*' An extract, however, 
from a Corean writer is added, to tbe following effect. '* King Ahwa" 
** came to the throne, and was disrespectful to the honourable country 
" (Japan). Wherefore we were deprived of Tommitare, Kenuan, Sbishi, 
** and Yama in Eastern Han. The King's son, Toshi or Toji (E X) was 
" then sent to tbe Celestial Court to renew the friendly relations existing 
" under former Kings.*' This must be tbe event which the Tongkam 
rehites as follow : *< A.D. 897. Pdkch^ makes friends with Wa : Prince 
" Tyonji (M iC) is sent as hostage.*' It has been stated above that P6kch6 
appointed a Professor of Chinese in A.D. 874. Prince Tyonji was 
probably one of his pupils. 

"^The Kihongi says it was King SinsS who was disrespeotfol to Japan. 


** In A.D. 284 (404 ?)," says the Nihongi, *' tbe King of PtteM 
'* sends Atogi^ (F^ i£ jISl) with tnbute of two good horses. Atogi was 
** placed iu cLai-ge of the Imperial stables. He could read tbe clasaies 
*' well, and tbe Heir Apparent became bis papil. The Emperor asked 
'* him whether there were any better scholars in Pdkch6 than himself. 
'* He said 'Yes, one Wani,' whereupon a Japanese official was sent to 
'* bring him. This Atogi (also transliterated Achiki) was the ancestor of 
'* the Achiki scribes." 

The Nihongi farther tells as that Wani arrived iu the following 
year, A.D. 285 (405 ?) and became the iustruotor of the Prince in the 
classics.^ Wani^ was the progenitor of the scholars of that name. 
In this year King Ahwa died. The Emperor sent for Prince Toji^ and 
said to him, ** Go back to year country and succeed to the throne." Tbe 
Emperor then presented to him Eastern Han, and so dismissed him. 

In this same year, 285, we find mention in the Nihongi of an expedi- 
tion to Silla to bring away the people of a Pdkcb^ Pi-ince who had 
desired to emigrate with them to Japan two years before, but had been 
prevented by Silla from doing so. This expedition was successful. It is 
perhaps the one referred to by a Oorean history (not the Tongkam) 
quoted in the Ishd ui lion den, which says that the Japanese made a 

^Tbe Eojiki places this eyent in King Syoko*s reign (A.D. 846-875) and calls 
Atogi, Achikishi (RI JH» ^ W)- 

^ The Kojiki mentions the Senjimon, or Thousand Character Classio, among 
Wam*s books. The Senjimon, as it now stands, was written after A.I). 500, but 
there is reason to believe that this work, in an older form, dates from the fixst 
century. Dr Hoffmann thinks that Japan*s going to Pdkch^ for a teacher of 
Chinese implies that Silla was behindhand in gaining a knowledge of that language. 
The real reason was doubtless that Japan's relations with PSkch^ were friendly, 
but with Silla generally of a hostile character. 

^ There were Wani's in Japan before this time. 

^ The Nihongi narrative makes two distinct persons of Atogi and Toji, and 
there is no mention of tbe arrival of the latter, except in a note, which I take to 
have been a later addition. But the similarity of the characters with which it 
writes these two names and other circumstances, suggest the suspicion that they 
were in reality one and the same person. Otherwise, why is the arrival of a tribnte 
messenger and of a Chinese tutor carefully noted while no mention is made of the 
coming to Japan of the heir to the throne of one of the Corean kingdoms ? The 
Kojiki speaks of only two persons, Achikishi and Wani. 


descent on Silln in A.D. 405, and Again on the Sonth and East eoasts 
of that country in 407. On the latter occasion 100 Coreans vere 
carried off. 

The cause of the discrepancy of 120 years between the 

^repancy^ Japanese nud Corean chronologies during this penod of 40 

com?^hra^ years is not far to seek. It was obviously occasioned 

sl^^ ^ ^' by the use (common itk China, Gorea, and Japan) of the 

sexagenary cycle as a system of reckoning time. A possage 

quoted in the Nihongi from a Corean history during this very period is 

dated in this fashion, and many similar instances might be given. The 

Coreans at the present day use it oftener than any other system, and 

this was also the case in Japan until quite recently. But the sexagenary 

cycle Las one grave disadvantage. It affords no means of deciding to 

which cycle of sixty years a given date belongs. ^ ^, midzu no ye mu- 

ma, the date mentioned above, might be A.D. 200, 260, 820, 880, 440 

or any other year at an interval of sixty years, or a multiple of that 

number. In writing the history of an obscure period from documents 

dated in this way, it is obviously easy to make a mistake as to the 

proper cycle, while the year of the cycle, or yeto, may be coiTectly given. 

This is precisely what the writer of the Nihongi seems to have done. 

But, it may be asked, why should not the compiler of the Nihongi be 

right in this matter, and the Tongkam wrong in the Chinese dates which 

it assigns to Corean events ? In addition to the general considerations 

already touched upon as to the relative trustworthiness of Japanese and 

Corean history, it may be pointed out that several of these notices refer 

to the deaths of Corean Kings, just the kind of event as to which their 

history is least likely to be mistaken, and that one case in which Corean 

chronology is confirmed by that of China belongs to the year 882, right 

in the middle of the period we are at present dealing with. There may, 

too, have been a special temptation to the compiler of the Nihongi, or 

possibly some earlier annalist, to tamper with the chronology which 

resulted from the materials before him. Something of this kind may 

have happened. Finding a wide gap^ in the records between Jingd 

^Perhaps caused by the fire which destroyed most of the archives of the 
Japsoeie Oovemment in AJ). 645. 

68 A8T0M : 8ASI<Y #▲? AMB0B HlflTORy. 

KA0II and Qjio Tennd, he ezieaded Jingd EAgn's reign forward fiEom A. 
D, $247 <the date of her death aeeording to Chinese autheritiea) to 269. 
This made her exactly one hundred years of age, which he may have 
thought for enough to venture. But an interval atill remained, which 
he fiUed np by lengthening backwards the reigns of Ojin and Nintoku. 
What was to be done under these ourcumstances with the Corean events 
with which we have just been dealing, and which were probably found 
recorded in a separate manuscript ? Th^e would be a desire to assign 
them to their proper Japanese reigns, and yet, as far as possible, not to 
alter the yeto. But they do not all belong to the same reign, and to refer 
ea^h to its proper reign would have placed them too far apart, so the 
earlier alone were allotted to the reign they really belong to, and the 
others (some of which may have taken place under forgotten Sovereigns) 
left to follow anyhow, the coiTcct yeto being left unchanged, though 
the cycle was wrong by 120 years. This is of course purely a hypotiiesis. 
But doubtless some such manipulation of the chronology really did 
occur, in which a gap in the Japanese records, and the doubt attaching 
to the sexagenaiy cycle system played an important part. 

After the year 400 we come to a number of events in 
ETenta of 6th dating which the Japanese annalists have not been so care- 

o e n t u r y 

wTonghr dat- ful to preserve the correct yeto^ or year of the cycle. It 
gi- has been already mentioned that the circumstance of a host- 

age being sent by Silla to Japan, which the Nihongi assigns 
to the year A.D. 200, really belongs to A.D. 402. His return to his own 
country, which the Nihongi states to have occurred in A. D. 205» did 
not take place until A.D. 418, i.e. 21JB years later. 

An event mentioned by the Nihongi under the date 297, if it had 
occurred at all, would have to be placed somewhere near the beginning 
of the fifth century. It is there stated that the King of Eoryo sent 
presents to Japan with a letter in which he used the expression, '' The 
'* King of Koryo instructs the Kiug of Nippon.'* It was read by Wani's 
pupil, who in his indignation at the offensive word *' instincts,** tore it 
to pieces. This story professes to give the exact terms of the Corean 
missive. It may be sufficient to remark that Japan was not known as 
Nippon until A.D. 670, and that Kokuli was not Eoryo until still 


Ia A.D» 8M the Nilioij[t B|MAk8 of ah invasiott of Silk, when Iho 
laliabitaatB of foar viUageft wovo eikvried off as sUvofK ¥bere is a nofide 
(A.D. 462) in one of the Oorean kistories which may refer to^ thto event. 
Otte thooaand peFtooa are said to have been ei^ptaied by the JapanoBe. 

Afler A.D. 865 there is a break of 49 years, duriog which tlM 
Nihosgi makes uo meDtion of Corea. This tends to confirm the tiew 
thai sotte of the events belonging to this period have been dated too early. 

The Nihongi notes^ under the dates 408 aad 405, two events, vk., 
the appointment of recorders, and the eetablishment of a Finance Depart* 
meot, vrhich, if the above opinion as to the date of the introduction of 
Chinese learning by Wani in 406 is correct, must be placed a good 
deal later. 

In 429,^ aecordiiig to a Corean writer quoted in the Nihongi, King 
Kito (M A £) ascended the throne of Pdkeh6. The Tongkam places 
this event in A.D. 455. This is the nearest approach to an agreemeni 
between the Japanese and Corean chronologies which we have as yet 
come to. 

A.D. 461 is noteworthy as being the first date of the accepted Japa* 
nese chronology which is confirmed by Corean aathorities. The 
Nihongi tells us that in this year Prince Kasari {U^ 91 f4) of Pdkoh6, 
hearing that a Corean woman sent by him as a present to the Emperor 
of Japan had been put to deaths resolved to send his younger brother 
Komnkishi .(V ^) to demand satisfaction. The latter, before his 
departure, asked for and was given one of Prince Kasuri's wives. She 
was then pregnant, and on the way to Japan gave birUi to a child on 
an island, from which circumstance he received the name of Prince 
Bbima. He afterwards reigned over P6kch£ under the name of Mu- 
nyong (A 9). Komnkishi arrived at the capital of Japan in the 7th 
moDtli. So far the Nihongi. An extract from a history of Pikoh4 
quoted under this passage, says: ** In the year E&noto ushi (^ 2) A.D. 
" 461, King Edro sent hia younger brother Eonkishi to Great Wa to 
** wait npon the Tennd and to confirm the friendship of the previous 
" sovereigns." The evidence here is not so satisfactory as might be 

'I suspect this to be a mere eopyist's error (or the real date, 


'Wished. A writer quoted^ iu the NihoDgi oannot be regarded as so good 
aa aafcbority ag the Tongkam, which is anfortunaiely altogether silent as 
to this embassy. The Nihongi aeoouDt is, however, coufirmed by the 
fact recorded in the ToDgkam that a King Kiro reigned in Pikch6 from 
A.D. 458 to 475, so that the date 461 cannot be more than 14 years 
wrong at most. King Kdro's name as Prince was Eyong-sft, which is 
not wholly unlike the name Easuri, given him in the Nihongi. The 
Prince called Eonkishi by the Japanese is named Eonchi {& it) in 
Corean history, where we are told that he was the father of King 
Munydog, who came to the throne of P^ch^ in A.D. 501. According 
to the Tongkam, the name of the latter in his youth was Prince Shima 
{M W). Bat the story of his birth, while it shows an acquaintance vrith 
certain facts of Corean history, has a suspicious appeai'ance of having 
been invented in order to account for the name Shima, which in Japa- 
nese means *' island.*' The Corean word for island is sydm, 

A.D. 475 was an eventful year in Corean history. In that year 
the Eing of Eokuli attacked Pdkch^, took the capital, and put the King 
to death. The Tongkam and another Corean history quoted in the 
Nihongi agree as to this date, but the Nihongi itself, wrongly no doubt, 
puts it a year later. 

In A.D. 477,*^ according to the Nihongi, the Japanese Emperor, 
hearing of the conquest of P^kch^ by Eokuli, gave to Eing Momachiu 
(*2%9ti» in Corean, Munju — SL K) the district of Eumanari to govern. The 
Tongkam says that at this time the capital of Pekch6 was removed to 
Ung-chin ( ffll «^ ), a place which is identified by some with Ung-chOu in 
Ch5llado. Ungchin means bear-ferr}', for which the Corean words would 
be Konv-naro — not far from Kuma-nari, The Tongkam says nothing 
of any assistance given by Japan to Pikeh6. Eing Munju, acoordiog 
to it, was placed on the throne by an army of 10,000 Silla troops. 

In A.D. 479, the Nihongi mentions the death of Eing Munkiu 
( :^ n* 3. ) of Pikch^. There is no Eing of that name. Eing Samkeun 

^A native editor of the Nihongi is of opinion that the author of that work, 
finding before him materials which he eould not conveniently incorporate into hit 
narrative, bat which he thonght too valuable to reject altogether, relegated them 
to the notes. It Beema more probable that they were added by a later scholar. 

*^ The correct date is 476, 


( A 7f £ ), who died in that year, is doabilees meant. The firsi character 
X came in somehow from the name of the preceding King Manja 

The Nihongi goes on to say that the Emperor Yariaka then sent 
Prince Mata ( ^ ^ 2. ),[Becond son of Priuee Komnki,^ back to PikchA 
with a gaard of 500 Tsukushi men. He assomed the title of King 
Tongsyong (AIRS.). This is also the name given to him by the 
Tongkam, bat his name as a Prince is there given as Mn-td ( #^). 
He appears to have succeeded to tlie throne without any such interval 
M the Japanese narrative would imply. The Tongkam, however, does 
speak of Prince Tyonji being accompanied by a gaard of 100 Japanese 
when he retamed from Japan to claim the throne of Pdkch^, a statement 
which is corroborated by another €k>rean authority. The Nihongi has 
doubtless brought in the story of the guard of Japanese in the wrong 

Before quitting the sabject of the relations of Corea 

sma* jMMiiiiwith Japan daring the fifth century, it may be convenient 

century. to quote a few items from the Silla annals of this period 

which have not been already mentioned. 

A.D. 408. The Japanese take up a military position in Tsushima. 

A.D. 415. Japanese arrive at Phnng-do. They are attacked and 

driven away. 

A.D. 481. An unsuccessful descent is made by Japanese. 
A.D. 440. Two descents are made by Japanese on the South and 
East coasts. They carry off a number of people. 

A.D. 444. The Japanese besiege Eeumsydng for ten days, when 
their provisions fail and they retire. They are pursued by the King, 
contrary to the advice of his Ministers. He loses half his army and is 
in great personal danger, when a sadden darkness comes on. The 
Japanese, persuaded that he is under divine protection, go away. 

A.D. 459. The Japanese with over 100 ships invade Silla on the 
East coast. They besiege Wolsyong (fl M), but are driven off with 
the loss of half their number. 

A.D. 468. The Japanese appear again. The King of Silla builds 
two forts as a defence against them. 

^ The right Chmeee oharaoten are given this time. 

70 jomni : sua»T jaahboi hissost. 

A.D. 47& Two linndred Jupaiieee are oaptmr^ io m deseeut on 
the Silla coast. 

After tbis time the Tongkam has hardly any mention of Japa& for 
a space of nearly 200 years. The following notices are taken froia the 
Bam*knk-s&-kwi (^ M ill t&), a Cerean work which has been ooea-> 
sionolly referred to in this paper. 

A.D. 477. The Japanese advance by five roads with an army. 
They finally retire nnsnceessfal. 

A J). 486. The Japanese make a descent on the Silla coast. 

A.D. 498. Two camps are fonaed as a precaution against Japa- 
nese attacks. 

A.D. 500. A castle is taken by the Japanese. 

The Nihongi has nothing of all this. Most of these invasione were 
no doubt mere piratical descents, bat others, and especially those of 444 
and 477, must have been very formidable,^ and can hardly have escaped 
the notice of the eontemporary Japanese annaUsts. Either, what is 
most probable, the records of them have been lost, or, in the confusion 
into which the Japanese chronology of this period has fallen, it is now 
impossible to say to which of them the few notices in the Nihongi refer. 
There can be little doubt, however, of the general fact that Japan 
exercised a powerful infiue&ce in Corea during this century. 

Let us now turn to the notices of Japan by Chinese 
China ft Japan writers during this period. After a silence of more than a 

in the 6th o «^ 

oentitty. century and a half, the Ohmese records inform us that in 
A.D. 420, a Japanese sovereign sent tribute. The names 
of this sovereign and four of his successors are given, all of whom are 
stated to have sent tribute and received investiture. The following table 
shows the genealogy of these Kings, and the dates of their reigns as fiur 
as they can be ascertained from these notices. A similar table taken 
from Japanese sources is added for convenience of comparisoa. 

^Thls 18 shown by the fact that in Beveral oasei the Japaneiebesieged Keum- 
sySng, the Silla Capital, which lies well inlsad and so fsr aorlh as tito pfovinoe ef 

A0IIW : XAkLT jAPAWBiae BwiomT. 71 

BoTUuaovB (Mr Japax in tbb &ra Cbmtubt iUD. 


Name, Relationship. Aceesnon. Death, 

Sao m 7 420 — « 426 + » 

Chin ... IG^ Younger brotiiar of Son A2S + ic 448 — x 

B^ « ? 4«-« usji: 

^« " SonofSai («1 + * ,,^_^ 

Ma A Younger brother of K6 478 — a? 502 + a; 


Nams. EflaUomhip, Aeeemon, Death, 

Ricljia SonofNintoku 400 406 

HansbO Younger brother of Bichia 406 411 

Ingi6 Younger brother of HansbO 412 458 

Ank6 SonoflngiO 454 456 

Yuriaka Younger brother of Anko 457 479 

Seiuei SonofYuriaku 480 484 

EenzO Grandson of Richiu 485 487 

Kinken Elder biother of KenzO 488 498 

Muretsu SonofNinken 499 506 

A very little consideration will satisfy any one that it is impossible 
to reconeile the chronology of these two tables. The Chinese annals 
have only five sovereigns where the Japanese have seven, and the 
lengths of the respective reigns do not even approximately agree. The 
names differ totally, but this is not a fatal objection, as the names both 
of Chinese and of Japanese derivation which we find in the Japanese 
histories were probably posthumous,'^ while the Chinese writers of 

"The Bo-ealled historical names ol the Japanese Bmperofs are admittedly 
posthumoiiB. And these is some reason to bdieve that many ol the native names 
aie so also. It has been meotioned above that this was the ease with Jingo Kogu'a 
name of Okinaga tarashi hime no Mikoto. It seems probable that Nintoka Ten- 
no's name of Osasagi no Mikoto means simply the Kmperor of the Great Sepulchral 
mound {$<uagi, more usually with the honorific prefix mi), and had nothing to do 
with the oharaeter for ** wren '* {»aiagi) with which it is written. The mound 
poiBtaA out near Sakai as the tomb of this Emperor is the largest monument ol 


ooarse mentioned these sovereigns by the names they bore in their life- 
lime. Notwithstanding these difficulties, it seems probable that the 
first five sovereigns named in each of these tables are identical. Chin ia 
the yoanger brother of San, as HanshO is of Bichin, and Sai was 
followed first by his sonEO, and then by Ed's yonnger brother Mu, which 
is the exact order of succession of lugiO, Anko and Yuriakn. It is true 
that the respective dates given forbid this arrangement, but the same 
objection holds good of any other possible theory, and we have more- 
over already seen reason to believe that the Japanese chronology daring 
the greater part of this century is by no means trnstworthy. The 
accuracy of the Chinese chronology at this time has never been 
disputed, but it is possible that in the case of notices relating to a 
distant and little-known country errors may have crept in. On the 
other hand, it should be remembered that the matters noticed are chiefly 
Embassies of which an official record would naturally be kept. Inter- 
nal evidence in favour of the accuracy of the Chinese account is not 
altogether wanting. In a Memonal presented to one of the Wei Emperors 
by Eing Mu in 478, he styled himself Supreme Director of Military 
matters in the seven countries of Wa, P^kch^, Silla, Mimaua, Eara, 
Chinhan, and Bolian, General-in-chief for the pacification of the East, 
and Eing of Wa, in which titles he was confirmed by China. His four 
predecessors had requested Imperial sanction for somewhat similar 
titles. The truth of this statement is attested by the fact already noticed 
that Japan during this century exercised a powerful influence in the 
Corean peninsula, and it derives further confirmation from the use of 
the word Mimana, which, as far as we know, was an* exclusively 
Japanese name for one of the minor Corean Eingdoms. 

After A.D. 500, the Chinese and Corean histories pre- 
Ck>iioiiuion. sent a blank for a considerable period in respect to events 
connected with Japan, and new considerations come into 
view. This is therefore a convenient date at which to bring to a close 
this review of the Early History of Japan. It is far from being 
exhaustive, and many known contradictions and absurdities in the Eojiki 
and Nihongi have been left unnoticed. Indeed it approaches the sub- 
ject almost exclusively from the side of the evidences of inaccuracy firom 
external sources, to the neglect of much internal evidence to the same 


effect whieh might have been adduced. A vast maes of narrative is not 
directly toocbed by it. Bat when we find that the Japanese traditionary 
liifltory daring the period in question almost invariably fails to stand 
the tests which we are in a position to apply, it is impossible not to feel 
that in all cases where no confirmatory evidence is forthcoming, a whole- 
some scepticism is oar most reasonable attitude. Without some corrobora- 
tion, all that we can say of any particular statement is that it may very 
likely rest on a basis of fact, but that the details are probably incorrect, 
and that the chronology is almost to a certainty wildly inaccurate. 

I am sorry that this paper contains so much criticism of a destruc- 
tive tendency. It is not pleasant to find that what we have been 
accustomed to look upon as a rich store of information is so deeply 
tainted by error and fable, and I, for one, should be glad to find that 
I have been mistaken in estimating at so low a rate the historical value 
of the Early Japanese Annals. 

Let me recapitulate, in conclusion, some of the principal 
Smninary. inferences suggested by the above facts. 

1. The earliest date of the accepted Japanese Chronology, 
the accuracy of which is confirmed by external evidence, is A.D. 461. 

2. Japanese History, properly so called, can hardly be said to exist 
previous to A.D. 500.*^ 

8. Corean History and Chronology are more trustworthy than those 
of Japan during the period previous to that date. 

4. While there was an Empress of Japan in the third century A.D. 
the statement that she conquered Corea is highly improbable. 

5. Chinese learning was introduced into Japan from Corea 120 
years later than the date given in Japanese History. 

6. The main fact of Japan having a predominant influence in some 
parts of Corea during the 5th century is confirmed by the Corean and 
Chinese Chronicles, which, however, show that the Japanese accounts 
are very inaccurate in matters of detail. 

n A conozy examination leads me to think that the annals of the sixth centuiy 
mnst also be reoeived with caution. 




Since the above paper was read before the Society my attention 
Las been drawn to an outspoken article by Mr. TacLibana Bidhei oa 
the "Japanese Epoch*' in Nob. 1 and 2 of a new magazine called 
the hakubun Zasshi. The writer points oat the extreme iuaccnraey 
of the chronology of the Nihongi before the time of Bichia TennO. The 
following are some of the instances adduced by him. 

Sumin Tenno is stated to have died (A. D. 70) at the age of 140. 
But he and five other children were born to Sujin Tenn6 before the 
accession of the latter (B. C. 97), which would make him at least 180 (?) 
when he died. 

Eeiko Tenn6 was born in the fifty-fourth year of Sniuin Tenno's 
reign. But he had ah*eady (at the age of twenty-one) been made Heir 
Apparent in the 87th year of the same reign, i. e. seventeen years before 
be was born. 

Wabime no mikoto was daughter of Suinin TeimO and younger 
sister by the same mother of Eeikd TennO. But we are told that 
Wabime no mikoto worshipped TenshO daijin in Ise in the 25th year 
of her father's reign, i.e. twenty-nine years before her elder brother 
was bom. 

Prince Oho-usu no mikoto was a twin brother of Yamatodake no 
mikoto. But the latter was sixteen when he went on his expedition 
against the Eumasos in the 27th year of Eeiko Tenno's reigu» so that 
both brothers were bom in the 12th year of Eeiko Tenno. Yet in the 
4th year of this reign, i.e. eight years before he was born, it is related 
that Oho-usu no mikoto seduced the daughter of Mino tsukuri kawo. 

Yamatodake no Mikoto died in the 4Brd year of Eeiko Tenno's 
reign. But his son Chiuai Tennd was born in the 19th year of Seimu 
TeunO's reign, or 87 years after his father's death ."^ 

Mr. Tachibana also points out the immoderate lengths given to the 
ages of the Emperors and of Takechi no Suknne (over three hundred 
years), and the suspicious ages at which some of them are said to have 

••This diflorepanoy has also been pointed oat by Mr. Satow. 


had eliildren. Thus Jimma TennO bad a child at eighty, Itoka Tenn6 
at twelve or thirteen, EOsbG TennO at eighty, Sujin Tenno at over ninety, 
and Soinin TennO at nearly one hundred. Eeik6 Tenn6 was born when 
his mother was over sixty, and his yoanger brother when she was nearly 
seventy. Jimmn Tenn6*s eldest son is said to have seduced his father's 
widow when he must have been at least ninety and she over one hundred* 
I learn with pleasure from Mr. Ta<Aibana's article that in pointing 
out the discrepancy of exactly two cycles of sixty years each in the 
Japanese and Corean chronology of certain events, I was following in 
the footsteps of Motowori Norinaga, who had already made the same 
discovery. Mr. Tacbibana thinks that the same principle should be 
'extended so as to embrace the whole period from Jimmn TennO to 
Nintoka Tennd inelumve, and would make out that ten cycles of sixty 
years each have been interpolated during this time. I hardly think his 
arguments go further than to prove that large rednetions must be made 
in the lengths of the lives of sovereigns and others in order to bring 
them within the range of probability, but they will repay perusal by 
those interested in this subject, and they manifest a healthy scepticism 
which it is refreshing to meet with in a Japanese writer. 



By Waltbb DsKiNa. 

[Read January 18, 18S8.] 

One of the most interesting featnres of Japanese modern life is the 
formation and development of a large number of learned societies. The 
history of such societies as a ivhole offers a striking contrast to the 
history of political parties* The arena of politics can hardly be said to 
be opened to the public here, as it is in countries inhere representative 
government, in any one of its many forms, has been established for some 
time. It was too much to expect, that political parties formed seven or 
eight years before the inauguration of a representative assembly could 
hold together very long. The Ho$hu-to, or Conservative party, the 
JiyU'to, or Liberal party, and the KaUhin-W, or Liberal-Conservative 
party, for a while discussed vigorously, within the limits prescribed by 
the Government, important political questions. But eventually speakers 
and hearers alike grew weary of work that failed to produce any prac* 
tical results. Accordingly these parties have either broken up or have 
continued to exist only in name. Apparently the near approach of the 
time for the inauguration of a representative assembly is just now creat- 
ing a raison d'etre for political parties, but as regards the past, they may 
be said to have practically proved failures. To this the history of 
scientific, philosophical, and educational societies affords a pleasing 
contrast. The object of the formation of such societies being the 
investigation and discussion of certain definite subjects, all of which more 
or less directly bear on the welfare of mankind, and some of which are 
entirely new in this country, they occupy an important position as 
diffusers of knowledge, instruments of reform, heralds_ofJiie age of 
enlightenment and freedom that is in process of inauguration. Their 


pablio meetiBgs afford excellent opportunities for studious and thought- 
ful men to give the results of their investigations to the world, whilst at 
the same time they' do no small good in helping to train a nation 
unaecastomed to public speaking in the art of expressing thought in a 
clear and graceful manner. When in the distant future a history of ' 
the adoption of Western Civilization by the Japanese comes to be 
written, it will be perceived how great a work these learned societies 
have accomplished. 

The Japanese Education Society, from small beginnings, has 
gradually won its way to fame, until it now numbers nearly 6,000 
members. Among these are enrolled the names of some of Japan's 
most enlightened men. 

The monthly meetings of the Society are held on the second Sunday 
of each month in the largo Lecture Hall of the Imperial University, situated 
near Hitotsu Bashi, T6kyo, on which occasions lectures on education are 
delivered. The annual meetings of the Society are held on two succes- 
sive days in March or April. Last year, as it will be remembered, the 
meeting was attended by the principal residents of Tdkyd, both native 
and foreign, and was addressed by a number of influential men. 

We now proceed to give an account of the formation, constitution, 
and work of the Society, to be followed by a r^sum6 of one of its papers. 
The Society has from its commencement published a detailed account 
of its proceedings in a monthly Journal. The first number, published 
in October, 1888, contains the outline of an address by Mr. lochi 
Tamotsu, entitled " The Education Society in its Third Stage," which 
furnishes us with various facts bearing on the formation of the Society, 
and which, therefore, with a few omissions, we append. 

"Those who mount to great heights commence from low depths : 
those who go a long distance begin from something very near. This 
has been the case with our Japanese Education Society. When we 
come to inquire how it commenced, we find that it originated in the 
following way: — In December, 1878, a few of the teaphers of the 
T6kyd Government Elementary Schools, who were interested in the 
matter, after consultation, decided on calling a meeting to consider the 
advisability of forming an Education Society. This meeting was held 
. in the Tokiwa Government School room, and resulted in the formation 

76 snnm : isi jAPiKHSB maaoaBmix &ocaan 

of a society known as the Tdkyd RdaoatiDn Soeiety. Than, in Angnst, 
1880, some members of tlie OaktishHin (the Nobles' School) held a 
meeting in Nishiki-chd, and founded the TOkyO Educational Associaiion 
(JR iK 40: fl tft ^). This is the first stage of the Society's history. 

'* After a while it was felt that the influence of these two societies, 
thus divided, was very limited, and that as long as they continued to 
work separately they would never effect much good. This led to some 
earnest members of the two Associations takiug steps to being about 
their union, which was effected in May, 1862. The cause thus entered 
on a new stage of existence, being henceforth known as the Tokyo- 
kyoikurgc^hwai^ or the Tokyo Educational Science Society* This is 
the second stage of the Society's history. 

** The members of the Society, however, were not content with 
this amount of progress, and were desirous of enlarging the sphere of 
the Society's operations stOl farther, so as to make them capable of 
conferring benefit on the whole country. This led to the revision of 
the rules this year [1868] , and to the Society's assuming the name of 
the Dai-Nihon-Kydikukwai^ or the Japanese Education Society. This 
is the third stage of the Society's history. We do not intend to rest 
here, but hope to make still further progress in various ways. 

** The above is no more than a brief outline of the Society's past 
history ; but it is sufficient to show the various steps by which it has 
reached its present position, and to serve as a proof that its constant 
aim has been progress; that it is not content unless its sphere of 
influence is constantly growing wider and wider ; that firom what is low 
it is rising to what is high ; from what is near it is reaching out to what 
is distant. 

'' Subjoined is a table ^ showing a steady increase in the number of 
members belonging to the various Education Societies mentioned above. 

'*By this table we see that, in accordance with the desire of the 
early members of the Tdky6 Education Society for extension, their 
number has gradually increased, so that now those who espouse our 
cause amount to ov^r 600 persons. This should fill our hearts with 
gbidness, whilst it should be an incentive to us to do our utmost to 
extend the field of our operations till there is not a plafie in Ji^an in 
1 Given en next page. 

naano : xn auujuaa mBootamm aoeaxr. 



Members in 
Sept., 1880. 

Members in 
Sept., 1881. 




• • • • 

• . • . 



• • • • 


• . . • 

I* s: * w ♦) 


(It ;!C «t « tt «*) 



• • a • 

• • • • 


wLich the Society is not represented. Looking, then, at our past historj 
and remembering how from very small beginnings we have reached oar 
present position, we cannot donbt that the spirit of activity which has 
been so manifest among ns, will still keep ns from retrograding : yet, 
with a view of making this doubly sure, it is most desirable that we 
should regard a continual state of progress as the one object which the 
Society sets before itself. 

*' With a large number of men coming together, that great difference 
of opinion should be expressed and that this should lead to warmth of 
friendly feeHng between certain members, and to coolness between 
certain others, is unavoidable. Men's minds are no more alike thaa 
their fiuses. But notwithstanding this, the majority of you will agreo 
with me when I say that a course of continual progress must be 
advantageous to us all, whilst all retrograde movement and mere conser- 
vatism must be profitless. This being clear, the more earnest among 
our members will be united in their efforts to push forward. Tet in the 
discuBStoa of the means to be resorted to to effect progress, it is desirable 
that there should be room Imt difference ef opinion, and that, wiihin the 


limits of those rules of tbe Society which have progress and activity of 
spirit as their main object, debates on various subjects should be free 
and unfettered, and that members should be allowed to lecture on what- 
ever topics they please. 

*' People who live in the country, and who consequently are pre- 
vented from attending the Society's meetings, should correspond with 
it on important matters connected with education. Bearing in mind 
that the object of our meetings is the devising of means for the improve- 
ment of our educational system, members should express themselves 
without the slightest reserve. They must say things they are half 
ashamed to say, and ask questions that they are half ashamed to ask. 
For as long as there is any reserve in speech, there is no possibility of 
our meetings proving of benefit to us who attend them, or of their 
becoming the means of conferring benefit on others. It is very 
important that by means of our Journal and by correspondence, a regular 
system of investigation should be instituted, and a spirit of activity 
stiiTed up, and that whatever is calculated to further the interests of the 
Society, or prove of service to the world, should be brought up for 
discassion. If this be done, then the third stage of this Society's 
existence will prove one which hands down to posterity an illustrious 
name, and one which will make it easier for the Society to enter on a 
still more advanced stage of progress in the future." 

The first meeting of the newly organised Society was held on Sept. 
9th, 1888, in the OakushHin, There were 68 members present on this 
occasion. The chair was taken by Mr. Nakngnwa Gen, who proceeded 
to put it to the meeting whether the rules which had been drawn up 
and copies of which had been placed in the hands of the members, should 
be passed. He stated that it would be necessary to elect some office- 
bearers to act temporarily, till the general meeting of the Society took 
place in the following March. The rules were passed, and the meeting 
proceeded to record theii* votes for the office-bearers. The names of 
those elected were as follows : — To be Director of the Society, Mr. 
Tsuji Shiuji (then Chief Secretary of the Mombushd) ; to be Sub- 
Director, Mr. Nakagawa Gen ; to be members of Committee, Messrs. 
Sano Yasushi, Nishimura Tei, Otsuka Shigeyoshi, Nagaknra Yuhei and 
Tandokoro Hiroynki. In accordance with one of the rules of the Society, 


the Director has the power to choose five members of committee, which 
Mr. Tsuji proceeded to do : those choseu being Messrs. lochi Tamotsn, 
Ikoma Yasato, Kasakabe Sannosake, Takei Tamotsa and Namikawa 

The rules were, as we have seen, drawn up previous to the meeting 
to which we have jnst referred and passed at that meeting. They were 
slightly revised in Angnst, 1884. We give a translation of them as 
they stood after this revision : 

'' Introduction to the Rules of the Japanese Education Society. 

*' What man is there that does not seek health and happiness for 
himself? What subject is there that does not desire peace and 
prosperity for his country ? And no sooner do we desire these things 
than it becomes our duty to endeavour to make ourselves thoroughly 
acquainted with the hidden sources from which they flow. What are 
the hidden sources to which we refer ? No other than educational 
sources. Since the revolution and the inauguration of the new regime, 
education, like other things, has made great progress. Day by day, 
and month by month, improvement has been added to improvement. 
Yet when we look into things narrowly, we find there is still much left 
to be done. In some cases, we find that though the intellect is culti- 
vated, people have no regard for morality, and no idea what it is. On 
the other hand, we see persons who, though very moral, pay no atten- 
tion to the subject of bodily health. Others there are who are addicted 
to all kinds of useless display in what they do, others who have no 
definite object in life ; others who sink to the lowest depths of ignominy 
and pollution ; and so we might go on without end. Do not all 
these things show that the education of the country is still limited in 
extent and inferior in quality ? Moreover, though the Government for a 
long time has been most anxious to improve the state of education — to 
make it more efficient and bring it within the reach of a larger number 
of people, yet this duty is by no means one for whose discharge the 
Government alone is to be held responsible. Each individual is under 
an obligation to lend his or her aid to the cause of educational reform. 
It being a part of the nature of every man to seek for health and hap- 
piness fbr himself and peace and prosperity for his country, the devising 


of means foi: the obtamiog of these benefits becomes one of the 
paramonnt daties of every man. 

"It is now just a year sinoe the formation of the Tdkyd-KyStkukwai^ 
Though our sphere has been limited we have exerted ourselves to the 
utmost. We now purpose extending the field of our operations by soliciting 
the aid of all those throughout the country who are desirous of promot* 
ing the end we have in view, and so hope to make our cause known in 
every part of the land. In taking this course we trust that we shall be 
giving assistance to those who control the education of the country, as 
well as acting as leaders to all those persons throughout Japan who feel 
the need of progress in this matter. With this in view, we have revised 
the rules of the Society, and have altered its name to the Dai-Nihon Kyo- 
ikttkwau It is our earnest desire that those who approve of the effort we 
are making will come forward and give us their assistance, and thus show 
that they fully understand what are the hidden sources of tbat personal 
happiness and national prosperity which they desire to see attained. 

" The Bules of the Japanese Education Society. 

** I. — The object of this Society is the unitiug together in an asso- 
ciation all persons who are actuated by similar desires in the matter of 
education, the devising of plans for the improvement of our education, 
so as to make it comprehensive and progressive, and thus the assisting 
of those to whom its control has been entrusted.' 

n. — Starting with the above-named objects in view, in order to attain 
them we deem, the progress of morality, the diffusion of knowledge, the 
strengthening of body and mind to the extent of developing all the 
powers of both into perfection, to be considered the chief things aimed at. 

III. — The Society shall be called the Dai-Nihon Kyoikukwau 

IV.— For the j^esent, the office of the Society shall be at No. 7, 
lida machi, 1 ohOme, K6jimachiku, Tokyo. This place has been decided 
on as the most conveniently situated for all purposes. 

V. — ^Any person who approves of the ol^ect of the Society may 
become a member of the same. 

YI. — Any one who wishes to become a member must acquaint the 
Society with his desire, and must fill in a paper that will be sent to him, 

*The offloers of the Mombusho. 

I jcAFAHBn lODOAfNir wocaoft. 88 

giving His nama, age, plaee of rasidenea, oaoapfttion, and tlie luima of 
the plaee at which he is registered. This paper most bear the seal or 
aignainre of the i^ipUoant. 

YIL*- Those who have complied with the above condittotMi wSl 
raeeive a certificate of membenhip* 

Tin. — ^Membera are albwed to attend the annual, monthly, and 
■pecial meetings of the Society, to state their views to it in writing, or 
to pat any questions to it that they please. Bat it shall be left to the 
Director to decide whether the views of any member shall be made a 
subject of discussion at a public meeting or not. 

IX.*-^It is the duty of members to give attention to all subjects 
connected with education, and to inform the Society of anything that 
appears to them to call for their consideration. 

X.-^Memberg are allowed to take their familiea and two friends to 
the meetings of the Society. But at times want of room may make it 
necessary to refuse admittance to any but members. 

XI. — Persons desirous of ceasing to be memben must notify the 
same to the Society, and return their certificates of membership. 

Xn. — ^If it happens that a member does not observe the rules of 
the Society, or does anything calculated to bring discredit on it, or is 
negligent in the duties devolving upon him, the Director has the power 
to expel him firom the Society. 

Xm. — ^Any one of note, engaged in general educational work, or 
in teaching science ; in fact, any person of reputation, whether foreign or 
mative, provided it be considered that hie belonging to the Society would 
be of benefit to it, shall be elected an honorary member of the same. 

XIY. — Honorary members are not required to do more than 
approve of and assist in the carrying out of the objects of the Society. 

XV. — The offers of the Society are as follows : — 1 President, 1 
Director, 1 Sub*Director, 10 members of Oommittee, Clerks (number 
not fixed). The President shall be a member of the Imperial Family. 
All other office-bearers shall be chosen from among the members. 

XVI. — The President shall have supreme control of the afiSurs of 
the Society and be regarded as its head. 

XYn. — The Director shall exercise control in all ordinary matters, 
fast whenever anything extraordinary occurs, the decision of the President 


shall be taken, and he shall be oonstitnied the chairman of the meeting 
that assembles to consider such matter. 

Xyin. — The Sub-Director shall assist the Director, and when from 
any caase the latter is obliged to be absent, he shall act as his deputy. 

XIX. — The Committee will transact the various business of the 
Society, will give attention to the accounts, and to the compilation of its 
publications. The Director will decide in what way the work is to be 
divided among them. 

XX. — Secretaries will carry ont the orders of the Director, and, in 
subordination to the Committee, transact the business of the Society. 

XXI. — The President shall be looked on as the representative of the 
Director, as well as of all the members of the Society, in any special 
business that has to be transacted. 

XXn. — The Director and Sub-Director of the Society shall be chosen 
by the members by vote. The term for which they shall serve shall be 
two years. The members are at liberty, however, to re-elect the former 
office-bearers whenever they wish to do so. 

XXin. — Five of the members of Committee shall be chosen by vote 
by the members of the Society, and five by the Director. The time for 
which those elected shall serve shall be two years. 

XXIY. — The Secretaries shall be chosen by the Director. 

XXY. — The officers of the Society will not be paid, unless in the 
opinion of the Director on special occasions some remuneration seems 
to be called for. 

XXYI. — The Society, in addition to those mentioned above, shall 
appoint an officer, whose duty it shall be to make researches in two 
departments, viz., in that of science and art, and in that of educational 
methods and government and rules beaiing thereon. 

XXYU. — ^This officer shall be chosen by the Director and the 
members, and shall be called the Investigator. It shall be left to the 
Director to decide when his services call for pecuniary remuneration. 

XXYni. — The Annual meeting of the Society shall be held on some 
day in March, notice of which will be given beforehand. Should it be 
deemed advisable, however, the time for holding the meeting may be 
altered at any time. The business of the meeting on this occasion shall 
be as follows: — (1) Report of the progress of the Society throughout 


the year. (2) Finaneial statement. (8) Report of the general state of 
education daring the year. (4) The voting of officers for the ensniug year 
(this will only take place eveiry other year). (5) Discussion of thesahject 
for the day. (6) A lecture to be given by one of the members. (7) 
Conversation on subjects connected with education. 

XXIX. — The ordinary meetings of the Society will be held on the 
second Sunday of every month, commencing at 1 p.m. The time of hold- 
ing such meetings may be changed to suit the convenience of members. 
The business to be transacted on these occasions shall be as follows : — 
(1) The discussion of the subject of the day. (2) A lecture by a member 
of the Society. (8) Conversation on subjects connected with education. 

XXX. — Those among the members who are desirous of lecturing 
shall state in writing what subject they intend to treat, and shall receive 
the permission of the Director before lecturing. 

XXXI. — ^Besides the ordinary monthly and annual meetings, should 
there be any urgent matter that demands consideration, upon the 
Director and not less than 10 members giving their consent, a special 
meeting shall be called. 

XXXII. — All other business of the Society will be settled in 
accordance with another set of rules to be drawn up for the purpose. 

XXXin. — ^The share of the expenses of the Society to be defrayed 
by each member is fixed at 20 sen per month. Each member must pay 
bis subscription six months in advance, the time fixed for such payment 
being January and July of every year. 

XXXIV. — Any person who, with a desire to enable the Society to 
meet its expenses, subscribes 20 yen or upwards at one time, shall be 
considered a Life-member, and not be required to pay the ordinary 
monthly subscription any longer. 

XXXV. — When books are presented, or money given by any one, 
the Director shall send a letter of thanks to such person. Notice of the 
same shall be inserted in the Society's Journal and other papers. The 
amount of money, or the number of books presented, with the name of 
the donor, shall appear in the Society's accounts. 

XXXVI. — ^The money of the Society shall be deposited in a trust- 
worthy bank, and shall be put in and taken out at the discretion of the 
officers of the Society. 

86 DBimia: the ja^anbbb bducmoom 80onm« 

XXXVn. — ^The acoonuts of ibe Society, ahowiog what are its 
expenditare and income, shall be made up annually and a report of the 
same read to the Society at its annual meeting. 

XXXYILT. — The Society shall publish a monthly Journal, whioh will 
discusB subjects connected with education, and contain notices of Tarious 
matters of interest. The Journal will be supplied gratis to members. 

XXXIX. — ^The foregoing rules may be altered at the instance of 
more than 10 members, after such alteration has been discussed and 
agreed to by a general meeting of the Society." 

The Society's Journal is in many respects a most valuable publica- 
tion. It differs somewhat in size from month to month according to 
the amount of matter available for publication ; but 'it usually contains 
more than a hundred pages of closely printed Siuico-Japanese. All the 
lectures given before the Society, as well as transUtions of important 
papers and lectores bearing on education that have been read or delivered 
in Europe and America are published in it. Besides these, all govern- 
ment regulations bearing on education and a minute account of the state 
of education in every civilised country and in every province of the 
Japanese empire are given. 

In order to show in how many respects the Society has improved 
in the course of four years, we append a translation of the Bules as revised 
in November last. 


I. — ^The object of this Society is the consideration of measures for 
the spread, the improvement and the progress of education. 

II. — This Society shall be called the Japanese Education Society, 
and T6kyd shall be deemed its headquarters. 

in. — ^Any person whatever sympathising with the objects of the 
Society may become a member of the same. 

lY. — ^Persons of note and rank, whether scholars or engaged in 
education, provided their election is likely to prove of benefit to the 
Society, shall be created honorary membei*s of the same. 

Y. — The Society shall have patrons, from among whom a President 
shall be chosen, who shall be requested to exercise control over all the 
business of the Society. 

umaaa : the japaxrbm bdugahon sooxbtt* 87 

YI. — Princes shall be solicited to become patrons of the Societji and 
on their consent shall be so considered. 

YII. — The Society shall establish branch societies in the Hokkaido 
and in the Tarioas cities and prefectures of the coantry ; which societies 
shall be named the '* Branch of the Japanese Education Society.'' 

There shall be no branch society in T6kyd. 

Yin.— The officers of the Society shall be as follows : ' — 1 Director, 
6 Privy- Gonncillors, 200 Councillors, 2 Agents, 6 Clerks. 

IX. — The Director shall have control of all the Society's affairs. 

When there is a Council Meeting he shall be its chairman. 

X. — ^Privy-Councillors shall be entrusted with all matters of great 

XI. — Councillors shall be entrusted with the settling of all ques« 
tious connected with the business of the Society. 

Xn. — Agents shall have control of all matters connected with the 
practical work of the Society. 

Xm. — Clerks shall be engaged in the various business of the 

XIY. — The Director shall be chosen at an Annual Meeting by ballot. 

XY. — The term for which a Director shall serve shall be four years. 

The re-election of a Director is allowed. 

XYI. — Privy- Councillors shall be appointed from among ordinary 
Ck)anoiIlors by the Director. 

XYII. — Councillors shall be chosen by vote at an Annual Meeting. 

Itt case of a vacancy among the Councillors haviog to be filled up, 
it is advisable that the name of the person proposed shall be advertised 
previous to his election. 

XYIII. — ^The time of service for Councillors shall be four years. 
Every two years half the number required shall be chosen. 

Be-election is allowed. 

XIX. — Agents and Clerks shall be chosen by the Director. 

XX. — The Director, Privy-Counoillors, and Councillors shall receive 
no salary. The salaries oi Agents and Clerks shall be fixed by the 

* The President is not included among the offloers oi the Society. 


XXI. — If for the disekarge of the bneiness of the Society the 
Director deems it necessary to appoint special committees and hire 
assistants, he shall be at liberty to do so. 

XXII. — Hired assistants shall be paid so much per day. The 
remuneration of members of committees shall be left to the discretion of 
the Director. 

XXTIT. — The Society shall call a Council Meeting for any one of 
the following objects : — 

1. — The revision of the Rules. 

2. — The passing decision on any weighty matter connected with 
the work of the Society. 

8. — The discussion or investigation of any question connected with 

4. — On the motion of more than ten members in favour of holding 
such meeting. 

XXIV. — When the votes of the members of Council for and against 
a motion are equal, the decision shall lie with the Director. 

XXY. — The Society shall hold an Ordinary Meeting once a month ,^ 
at which the following business shall be transacted : — 

1. — An address, a lecture, a conversation, and a debate on the 
subject of education. 

2. — Council and special reports. 

XXYI. — A General Meeting of the Society shall be held* once a 
year, at which the following business shall be transacted : — 

1. — Beports on the state of the Society and its branch associations, 
its business, accounts, and publications. 

2. — Addresses, lectures, conversations, debates and questions ou 

8. — Council and Special reports. 

XXYII. — Branch Societies may be formed with the permission of 
the Director in whatever place there happen to be residing more than a 
hundred members of the Main Society. 

Under Bpecial circumstances, in some parts of the country, the permisRion 
to form a Branch Society will be granted even though the number of resident 
members falls short of one hundred. 

* The month of August is excepted. 


XXVni. — Branch Societies sball appoint the following officers : — 
A Du'ector, Councillors, Agents, Clerks.^ 

^' « :;c « « « :^ '^t 4c 

XXXY. — The expenses of the Branch Societies shall he met by 
the members of these Societies. 

XXXYI. — Branch Societies shall send to the Main Society a yearly 
report of the progress they have made. 

Special reports shall not be incladed in this. 

XXXYU. — The Bales of Branch Societies mast be sanctioned by 
the Director. 

XXXVIII. — At each Annual Meeting of the Main Society one 
representative of each Branch Society shall be present, who shall be 
placed on an equal footing with the Councillors of the Main Society, 
taking part in discussions and answering questions on educational 

The travelling expenses of these representatives shall be met by the 
Main Society. 

XXXIX. — Members are at liberty to bring their relations and friends 
to hear the lectures and addresses delivered at the Monthly and Annual 
Meetings of the Society. 

There may be times, however, when, owinff to want of room, the admit- 
tance of such will have to be refased. 

XL. — The Society shall publish a Monthly Journal for distribution 
among its members. 

Matters having reference to Branch Societies will be recorded in 
this Journal. 

XLI. — Besides the regular Meetings of the Society, addresses and 
lectures on education will be given from time to time. 

XLn. — The Society shall, in response to the invitation of other 
Education Societies, send representatives to their meetings. 

XTiTTT. — ^The Society shall open a Library, if such a step be 
deemed advisable. 

XUY. — The Society shall print such books as are required 
for educational purposes. 

^ The rales which follow being precisely similar to Nos. XIY.-XIX in the 
earlier set of rales, we have omitted them. 


XLY. — The Society sball render assistnDce to the yonng friends 
and relations of their members who may be sent to Tokyo for edaoation. 

XLYI. — ^The Society shall respond to applications for teachers and 

XLYII. — The carrent expenses of the Society shall be met by the 
subscriptions of its members and by donations received. 

XLYin. — The monthly subscription to the Society for members 
residing in TdkyO shall be thirty sen, and for those i*esiding in the 
country twenty-fi?e. 

On the presentation to the Society of thirty ym by a resident of 
T6ky0, or twenty-five ym by any one residing in the country, the 
donor shall be exempted from paying monthly subscriptions and shall 
be declared a Life-member of the Society. 

XLIX. — Persons entering the Society for the first time shall pay 
an entrance fee of one yen, 

L. — In order to enable the Society to carry on its labours for a 
lengthened period, a reserve fund shall be gradually formed. 

The interest derived from this fund shall occasionally be made use 
of to meet the current expenses'of the Society. 

LI. — The Reserve fund shall be supplied from the monthly sub* 
Boriptions of members, from the entrance fees, donations, and the like. 

UI. — Whenever either money or auy article is presented to the 
Society, the name of the douor shall be recorded in the Society's books 
and thus handed down to posterity. The number and donors of such gifts 
shall from time to time be stated in the Society's Journal. 

LIU. — ^Any person who presents to the Society over thirty yen shall 
be regarded as a virtual member of the Society, and a copy of the Journal 
shall be forwarded to him month by month. 

This rule will be followed when, instead of money, some ^alnable article 

has been presented to the Society. 

LIY. — The Director is at liberty to frame minor regulations 
in order to facilitate the observance of the above rules. 

LY. — If among the members there is any one who does not observe 
these rules or who acts in a way calculated to bring discredit on the 
Society, at the discretion of the Director, such a person may be 
expelled from the Society. 

DBimia: tbuapamxu a^uoAnoM soobtt. 91 

LYI. — These rules may not be revised unless at the saggestion of over 
twenty members, and subsequent to the consent of the oonnoil to the 

November 12th, 1887r 

We subjoin a list of the [titles of the more important papers and 
lectures published in the Society's journal/ The first number of the 
present series was published in November, 1888,' its title being the 
DauNHum Kydiku-Kwai Zasshi ^Q:^«trt'>ltt 


" Congratulatory Address on the Occasion of the First Meeting of 
the Dai-Nihon-Kyoiku-KwaL** By Tsnji Shinji. 

<* The Development of tlie Understanding.*' By Takei Tamotsu. 

*< Two or Three Methods of Reforming our Teachers.'* By Nishi- 
mura Tei. 

** What is it that at Present goes by the Name of Education among 
us." By Izawa Shiyi. (Continued in Nos. 2 and 4.) 

2. «7a»j**«a 

*' The Mode of Teaching Physics." By Mnraoka Han-iohi. (Con- 
tinued in No. 8.) 

3. nW-"^ ^9*H9 n^T^a^y^y ^1 

*< The Teaching of Physics by means of some Simple Instroments." 
By Goto Makita. 

•We have omitted from this list papen whose sabject matter has no direct 
bearing on edaeation, or whose titles are obscure, also translations from foreign 

» The Journal quoted from above (vtdep, 77 )t published in October, 1883. bore 
a tlighily difierent name to the present one, being called the Dai-Nihon-KyHkU' 

92 VEsma: ths jafansbb sducatiok soaBTT. 

(( The Teaching of Science in Elementary Schools." By Takamine 

** The Imparting of General Instraction." By Eubota Yazom. 

<* The Instruction of the Deformed, so as to make np for Organic 
deficiencies.*' By Teshima Sei-ichi. (Continued ni No. 6.) 

*' Modes of Teaching Chemistry.'* By Sakurai Joji. 

« Modes of Giving Instruction in Literature." By Naka Michiyo. 
(Continued in No. 7.) 

'' Things to be borne in mind in teaching Mathematics." By 
Sakurai HOki. (Continued in No. 8.) 

8. «fctif >^«B 

<' The Essentials of Education." By Euki Takakazu. 

" The Methods of Classifying Living Beings." By Mitsnkuri Ka- 
kichi. (Continued in No. 10.) 

10. 4^9 9»«^2 ^«S»TJ:«ls*f»mK«B^b «tif«6» 

" An Estimate of the Number of Children that die in different 
countries before they are old enough to go to school, together 
with a discussion of the cause of the above and of the number 
of persons who are available for education in various countries." 
By Terata Yukichi. (Continued in No. 11.) 

11. :fc«**tif t-fet 5^ v>s*r ^-< » 9 -r »-«# 

<* Why the Founding of the Japanese Education Society was an 
Absolute Necessity." By Toyama Masakazu. 

12. ph^ft^^^m^^H^^ ^M:9iJV7 ^ J 9^^^ 

<< The Importance of including general instruction in Agriculture, 
Commerce, and the Useful Arts among the Subjects to be 
taught in our Elementary schools." By Tsuohiya Masatomo. 
(Continued in No. 18.) 


** Some remarke on Science.*' By Kiknclii Bniroka. 

18. *3K«T'i^**ll^«^ >^»»-^>^ ^»^ 

*' The Difficulties of Devising Measures for the ImproTcment of the 

Elementary Schools of the T0ky5 Fu." By Kitera Yasnatsu. 

13. /h*«3»>^«» 

** The Choice of Subjects to be taught in Elementary Schools.*' By 
Yamada Yukimoto. 

18* *« bttf£ 1* >" Hffi 

** The Connection of Education and Health." By Miyake Shu. 

18. ktMiU 

'* Hereditary Education.** By Nishi Shu. 

14. A>^ -±-'>»^*^«tif- r A- 9»:< 

" The Life of Man depends on the Education he receives in Youth." 
By Nakamura Masanao. 

14. »a*tif»»i*R>^ -;!r3R 

'* Methods of Improving the Mode of imparting General Instruction, 
so as to make it capable of reaching every part of the 
Country.** By Motoshima Matsuzo. (Continued in No. 15.) 

** The Impression created by an Examination of the Lesson Books of 
Elementary Schools.** By Yoshimura Torataio 

16. M«»^<ll!*..«:»^A.>':rvi 

'* An Easy Method of Imparting Instruction on Ethics.** By J. B. 

Arrivet. (Continued in No. 17.) 

16. V- tX O tr ^ w- < 

** Education by Means of the Kama.'' By Katayama Atsuyoshi. 
(Continued in No. 17). 

** Tlie Connection between the Amusements of Children and their 
Health and Conduct.** By — Techow. (Continued in No. 18.) 


'' Au Easy way of making Elemeniaiy Edacatiou univm'sa], of At- 
tracting the attention of officials of the Education Department 
and appealing to the minds of men in general.** By Takubaahi 

" The Physical Condition of the Scholars in our Behools,** By No- 
mura Tsuna. 

19. ;h*tt^*r**l^*ra 3^ ^ >^«S9|&5e 

The Advantages to be derived from an Exclusive use of the AbacQB 
for Arithmetical Calculation in Elementary Schools." By Aki- 
hara Butegord. 

20. :^a*«««:tif» 

<* Agricultural Education in Japan.*' By Gotd TatsuzO. 

'* Statistics on the State of Morals.*' By Nakagawa Gen. 

20. Ji«B JeL^^4^i^^0.n 9»*9*^1 9 igi ^ ^ i^ 

** We should Desire that the next Generation should be wiser than 
tin's." By Eusakabe Sannosuke. 

21. aR£««r 

*< Domestic Education." By Koike TamijirO. 

21. :fc«ievtfa»r^*Tg[K 

A Lecture Delivered in the Chamber of Commerce, Osaka. By 
Mori Arinori. 

22. mUSim ^ ^t}9'h^^n^^\^ ^ ^"^^y^^ 

" The Advantages and Disadvantages of Including Law and Political 
Economy among the Subjects taught in Elementary Schools.*' 
By W. G. Appert. 

28. t«#HS«t«l>'i£« 

*' Points to be Attended to in the use of Pictorial Representations 
of Natural Objects.*' By Takashima Heizabur6. 

2«. /J^*««fc» >/.«: > >^ ?«1 9«.»■^ 9 ^ A ^/>B4^>^ »» 
** The Great Importance at the Present Time of Cultivating Friendly 
Relations between the Teachers of Elementary Schools and the 
Inhabitants.** By Eotake Keijir6, 


*< The Elementaiy School should be made a Happy Meeiiug Place 
for Children/' By Eotake Keijird. 

*' A View 90 the Teaching of Arithmetic by Means of the Abacus.'* 
By Euroda Sadaharu. 

" School Hygiene." By Eidera Yasuatsu. 

** Ou the Education of Children who are too young to send to 
School." By Eojima EametarO. 

25. B5R>^flKt^>;h*«lf-ft 9 

<'The Fate of the State Depends on the Condition of Elementary 
Schools." By Yamaji Ichiyu. 

26. i^^nvti 

'* On the Japanese Language." By F. Schroeder. 

27. «* h*« 1- >^ B1« 

'* The Connection between Conscription and Education." By Mu- 
raoka SoichirO. 

27. ^^|*« ^'.J&lf-Sir 9 

'* A Feeling that Military Drill is most Important" (to schools). 
By Omura ChOe. 

27. ««»*^* 9 9«b««.>'#t* ^a * 

** A Desire to see more Educators than Theorizers on Education." 
By Abe Hidemasa. 

28. »A 7*11 

•' The Education of Women." By F. W. Eastlake. 

28. 5t8J>; K 

'* On Near-sightedness." By Bai EinnojO. 

" The Method of Teaching Arithmetic and Modes of Reforming the 
same." By Takano Byu. 

29. ««lt:^>^ /!>»«-««« 9 »>• i** H vmttXJ^»'^ 


" A Method of Culiivatiug a Taste for Agricalture inyoaug Cbildreu 
by giviug Lessons iu Practical Agriculture during school hours 
iu Schools situated in Agricultural Districts.*' By Takahasbi 

'* A Means of Reforming the Oaligraphy of our Elementary Schools. 
By Noro Euninosoke. 

29. «« ^ IftS 

** Urgent Matters iu Education.*' By Abe Hidemasa. 

** The Various Changes that Japanese Composition has undergone." 
By Omori Ichu. 

*• The Object to be Aimed at by Normal Schools," By Furukawa 

81. 45bw >^ »)« b«-B*A J ;gi,^ }- ^mn 

" The Relation of Systems of Education to National and Individual 
Character." By W. Dening. 

81. a£**fvt^mas*«cffl«?iise 

*' Thoughts on Education (in general) and on the Mode of Dress to 
be Adopted in Schools." By Watanabe Hiromoto. 

32. *b«*>^ «»isr9>>cr«i»* >-:?. 

*' How can an Educator maintain his reputation ?" By Okabo 

83. ji^ify J iftft^SSr 9 

** A Feeling that Diet should be Improved." By Imamura Yurin. 

•* A Preventative of Near-sightedness." By Tajiri Inajiro. 

" The Teaching by Means of Development prevailing at the present 
Time." By Ikoma Yasuto. 

•• The Importance of Fixing on one Mode of Writing Characters iu 
Qeneral Use." By lio S5tar0. 


'* Edacaiion on Practical Subjects/' By TeohimA Sei-iohi. (Con- 
tiDued in No. 87.) 
36. ^S>^**f 

" Tiie Edacaiion of the Blind and the Dumb." By Okubo Jitsn. 

'* The Fouudiug of Scholarships." By Eapeko EentarO. 

" A Means of Instructing Children who are not old enongh to go to 
School." By Eotake EeijirO. 

89. i&n. ^^^ y^^^ f, 9^ j^l^y Jit:^]9ik1l9i^fi^ 
*' It is expected of Edacators that they should distinguish between 
things to be Feared and things not to be Feared." By 
Mitsukuri RiushO. 
89. «*^*» 

" Japanese Grammar." By Abo Tomoichiro. 
40. ^fj^H/aja: 7»#^ * ir 

*' Ah ! How is it that there is no Spirit of Independence ?" By 
Watanabe Yoshishige. 

" The Advisability of not abolishing Japanese Aiithmetic, together 
with a History of the Science." By Endo Toshisada. 
(Continued in No. 41.) 

** Teachers shonld be Esteemed more than any treasure the Country 
possesses." By Asagi Naokichi. 

*' My Views on Education." By Mori Yoshitsugu. 

** The Advantages and Disadvantages of Supplying Pupils with 
Money." By Maejima Mitsu and Tanaka lin. 
44. /]%*««»» 

'* Examinations in Elementary Schools." By Osada Eatenkichi. 

44. ir*^*#^»^ Z*- B««?9»tT«*y *i&^ A'W^'I&I* 
** A Discussion of Mr. Eaneko's Views on the Founding of Scholar- 
ships." By Tanaka liu. 


The Improvement of the large Abaeos used in Sohook." By 
Kawasaki Hizd. 

'* The Deciding on one Mode of Writing to be Employed in every 
kind of Compositioni and the Preparation of a Grammar on the 
same.'* By Abo TomoichirO. 

** The Fixing on one Mode of Writing Characters in General use.*' 
By Tanaka lin. 

46. f^*«»9SA '^ J 9r9i 

" The Advantages and Disadvantages of Fixing on Certain Books as 
Models of Composition.'' By Chiba Jitsn. 

46. A^^^H^IhMtA^^yi^n^^^MJL 

'' A View on the Bestowal of Honours and Annual Uewards on 
School Teachers." By Watanabe Yoshishige. 

45. ^h^^j»»m 

<<A Means of Maintaining Elementally Schools." By Yamada 

46. BT** Ji«4Ji>^a« ^SB * 

« The Need of Attention to Hygiene from an Educational point of 
View." By Nagai Eyuichiro. 

46. mm» 

** Cleanliness." By Watanabe Yoshishige. 

46. af«ft-lB|x >^-:fc«* b -r>W / 

'* What is the Chief thing that influences the Progress of Society?" 
By Suwa Setsn. 

46. ♦a«tif-'^« i'^*^-^^ ->» 

<• The Imparting of Instruction on General Subjects ^ should be 
entrusted to Women." By Eaitani Nawohei. 

47. *^>^«fctif 

*< Female Education." By Yatabe Ryokichi. 

47. ntH ^ ^'ii: 

«< A Method of Cultivating Virtue." By Tandca TOsaku. 

• The xef erenoe is to teaching in elementary schools. 

trnvma : tbb japambbb sduoation booistt. 99 

** In View of the Manifest Tokens of the Progress of Edacation, we 
most look to the Teachers in Normal Schools for the 
Performance of Certain Things.*' By Hayashi Sei. 

*' The Improvement of Romance* writing." By Seki Naohiko. 

<«The Principle of Edacational Science." By Yamagata Tei- 

<* Thoughts on Examinations." By Otsoka Shigeyoshi* 

49. 9Jc*«» 

*' The Mixture of the Sexes in Schools." By Ikoma Yasnto. 

49. ftft ^^H 

** The Bringing np of Children." By Osada Eatsnkichi. 

«' The Contest with Ignorance." By A. BaiUod. 

•« The Employment of Women as Teachers in Elementary Schools." 
By Elimnra Ey6. 

62. »ai»W>^»I9^»^ 

'< The Importance of the Early Years of Life." By Osada Eatsn- 

<* A Method of Rewarding the Teachers of Elementary Schools." 
By Matsnzawa TsuneshirO. 

62. /Ix»«i«>^X»»irR9-Sx ^i' 

« The Determining of a fixed time for the Entrance of Papils into 
Elementary Schools." By Yamada HeitarO. 

62. «*^af«fctif«» 

*' A Short Discassion of the Edacation imparted in Middle-ebiss 
Schools." By Nobohara EenzC. 

62. #J^»«*Il >^«R!^BJ^f^e>^ -« 

** One Method of Improving the Class of Teaching Obtained in Ele- 
mentary Schools." By Eonishi FaohizO. 

100 DKriKo : tai ^AMimta BDUoinoN sooittt. 

52. ^^V^^IkT JUtJL 

** A View on Japiuidse Caligrapby." By Sakumoto Byti. 

<* On Practical Edaoation." By Imazani Gen-ichir5. 

64. a ?is: B -»^ W B ■^ ^ ir 

" WLai is the Position of Japan ?** (as compared with other ooantries 
in the matter of edacation.) By Irokawa Kokashi* 

** The Importance of Making a Knowledge of the General Oatline of 
the Coast of Japan one of the Subjects Tanght in Elementary 
Schools, and Ideas as to the Compilation of a Class Book for 
the Teaching of the same." By Eimotsnki Eaneyaki. 

64. ;]>»«»!» ^*?W:^^*ir 

<' How should Elementary Schools be Conducted 9" By Eimora 

" An address delivered at the Annual Meeting of the Society (1887) 
by the French Minister.'* 

64. «*J#A>^afl[ 9 J«*>^ »* h ^ 5^ » 9 i^ A iuff**»H 
" The Advantages and Disadvantages of Giving Women in Japan 
the same Status as they possess in England and America.*' 
By Hayashi Gonsuke. (Continued in No. 66). 

66. VA.>9it h JTT-i^JltVt^U^^li^ 

<* A Compaiison Between the Afflictions of Blindness and Deafness." 
By EOuo Otomaro. 

56. ^nm^n^un ? vjt 

'* On the Teaching of Foreign Languages in Elementary Schools." 
By Eataoka Eunkd." 

" On Education." By Hara Hyakusuke. 

«. ««^^«*«^/»#■^ 9 

<' Children are Mimicking Animals.*' By Watanabe Toshishige. 


'*A Method of Improviag Female Edocation.'* By Shimiza 

«< Commercial Ednoaiion in Europe/' By A. Marisehal. 

** A Definition of Edaeation." By Mori YoBhitsngn. 

" Things to be borne in mind in Investigating History." By 
Yoshimi Keirin. (Continued in No. 59). 

66. m«L^SL» 

" School Regalations." By Mayama Ean. 

" Expenses in Elementary Schools." By Ukawa Morisabard. 

« The Existence of Aino Words in Japanese Place-names.*' By B. 
H. Chamberlain. 

67. *«^lBI*'Ate 7«J6 

*' Mental Impressions made by Earthquakes." By J. Milne. 

67. :fc«iiVJS¥ftK 

** A Brief Statement of the Reforms that the Department of Education 
has Undergone.*' Anonymous. (Continued in subsequent 

68. *«**» 

** On Japanese Ancient Literature." By Konakamnra Eiyonori. 

68. a»«$»tif>^»» 

'* The Evils Connected with the Bringing up of Children at the 
Present Time." By Osada Katsukichi 

68. ikHtyf^Vi^Vi^^ 

*< The Connection of Teaching and .Examinations." By Yamada 

68. «tS >'»«•* 

*« Order in Class Rooms." By Matsumoto RyiitarO 

68. «b]ltt»:!r% 

*' A Method of Inciting Teachers to Difigence." By Asagi Naokichi. 


** Things to be Obsei'ved in the Employment of Teachers in Ele- 
mentary Schools.'* By Hiraga Yutard. 

<' A means of Training Good Teachers for Middle-class Schools." 
By E. Hausknecht. 

69. X^^^Hn^^ »!• 

'* Important Points in the Notification of the Minister of 

60. ^^»ik^ ate 

<* An Address Delivered on the Occasion of the University Graduation 
Ceremonies.** (1887). By Watanabe Hiromoto. 

61. S^ltVtt 

** Compulsory Education.** By Watanabe Yoshishige. (Contmued 
in No. 67). 

61. flrw ^Hklf 

<«The Education of Belief.** By Yajima EinzO. (Continued in 
No. 65). 

61. »ir»/«»!^»^ 

<* Examinations on the Subject of Practical Morals.** By li-o 

61. ^^^K^n r^ ft»-^ 9 

« The Reform of our Caligraphy most Urgent.** By Nakamura Jun- 

62. S|S«ir>^tt9 

" Ethical Standards.** By W. Dening. 

62. **«U*Eatt.^ »«• 

<* Important Points of an Address Delivered by the Minister of 

68. «« J(h9 

•< The Importance of Education.** By G. F. Verbeck. 

64. /Mills h fkW> ^ 1BH«*'W 

'< The Relation of Elementary Schools to the Population at large." 
By Mine KoresaburO. 


'* Hypochondria.** By Nose Ei. 

" The Importance of Teachers Forming themselves into Assooiae 
tions.** By Ensakahe Sannosnke. 

*' On the Great lujury done to the Cause of Education by th. 
Mutual Animosities of those whose Lines of Study are Dif- 
ferent.** By Okamoto Shibun. 

« On the Cnltivation of Refinement.'* By Yoshimi Eeurin. 

68. an ^«-^>^ -« 

'< An Idea on Ethical Training.'* By Kat6 Hiroynki. 

68. %« 7 am 

*' The Future of Moral Education.** By Sngiura Shigetake. 

68. a*** >^««'>H*»>^ ftstiPW^r 9 

« The Progress of Education in Japan Depends on the Development 
of the Japanese Language.** By G. S. Eby. 

69. %n ^mit 

* * On Oriental History.** By Nose Ei. 

69. «» / »*9»s^'h»*» >^*fl:9«* >«^-^ *?t*A^ 

** On the Reputation Attached to Various Occupations, and its Bear* 
iug on the Status of Teachers in Elementary Schools.'* By 
Osada Eatsukichi. 

*' On Erroneous Traditions Bearing on the Introduction of Chinese 
Characters into Japan.** By Abe KOzO. 

70. ifiU^ ?»ili(F'A^9tlt^ 

*' Mr. Kato*8 ideas on Ethical Training.** By Kiknchi Euma- 

70. /3^»*a>^fiaiy*'«* V 

" What shall we do in Reference to the Status of Elementary 
School Teachers ?** By Ikoma Yasato. 


*< The DbvbiiOpment of the UNDERSTANDnia. *' 
Bt Takei Tahotsu. 
A HisuMi* 
We now proceed to give in our own words a r6sam6 of a leoiure 
delivered to the Sayetama Branch of the Japanese Education Society by 
Mr. Takei Tamotsn on " The Development of the UDderstanding.*'' 

In order to show the importance of the subject discussed by the lecturer 
and the felicity of his method of treating it, a few introductory remarks 
on the subject of education in general will not be out of place. 

However good the machinery made use of, the thing prodaced 
depends very much upon the nature of the material on which the 
machine works. This is essentially so when the human mind becomes 
the subject operated upon, and the educational system of a country the 
jinstrument employed to mould it into what is considered a proper shape. 
The Japanese are adopting to a very large exent the educational 
methods of the West, but the problem that they have to solve for them- 
selves, or some one has to solve for them, is the extent to which onr 
Western methods suit the present condition of the Japanese mind. The 
question whether the immediate transition from the system to which 
they have been accustomed to the European one, is not too great a leap, 
and, if so, what means can be devised for connecting the old with the 
new, what bridge can be constructed to serve as a highway for the 
native mind to cross the gulf that lies between its old familiar world and 
that new unexplored region which it hopes to reach, is at once one of 
the most urgent and most perplexing questions of the day. A minute 
study of the educational systems of the various civilised countries of the 
world, tends to show that they have all been growths rather than 
creations. In so far as they have succeeded in reaching that final 
goal of education the teaching of men how to think for themselves, 
they have been based on a most searching analysis of the 
peculiar mental characteristics of the people among whom they have 
been employed, and have been the fruits of the most labonrious investi- 
gation of the psychological defects and imperfections that previous ages 
of bad training produced. There is perhaps no mechanical apparatus 
which, to be successful, needs to be so flexible as that of education. Its 
> The lecture will be fooid in Nos. 8 tad i of the Society's Journal. 

raNiHe : tax ja^akesk smroATtoK sooBTy. 105 

success, like the saeeesB of so maoy other things, depends on perfect 
adaptibiliiy. And becaase this is so, it is of the ntmost importance 
that, previous to the adoption of any one system in a country, there 
should be a thorough understanding as to what are the strong and what 
the weak points in the mind that has to be educated ; and how far the 
system which it is proposed to introduce is calculated to prove the one 
most suited to the existent mental condition of its people. 

Whether from not recognizing the truth and importance of this, or 
from a feeling of reluctance to expose to the gaze of unsympathetic 
foreign eyes the weaknesses and deficiencies of the Japanese mind, or 
from some other cause, those natives who have published treatises on 
educational topics have, almost invariably, carefully avoided the subject 
of national mental peculiarities and characteristics. There are happily 
some few exceptions to the rule, the lecture of which we propose 
giving a short r6sum6 being one of them. 

Mr. Takei's lecture is well written, and extremely frank and out- 
spoken on a subject which to a native must always be a delicate and 
somewhat painful one, for no nation cares to confess that it is mentally 
deficient in some important particulars. The lecturer is evidently a man 
who has paid considerable attention to the subject which he undertakes 
to treat. The chief value of his essay lies in its almost exclusive reference 
to the mind of a Japanese as distinguished from that of a 
foreigner. Mr. Takei specifies the particulars in which he con- 
ceives the native mind to be richly endowed, and those respects 
in which it seems to him to be very deficient. He states at the 
outset that his object in giving an analytic account of the condition of 
the native mind is a practical one, and that he has therefore only pur« 
sued the subject as far as its practical bearings render it necessary. 
Consequently he has not attempted anything like an exhaustive treat- 
ment of the psychological phenomena witnessed in this country. He 
adds that, though in his lecture there will not be wanting matter that 
will prove gratifying to the Japanese as a nation, yet, in the main, he 
has rather aimed at bringing into prominence things the existence of 
whidi must cause regret, and that his chief object in drawing attention 
to these things is the bringing about of their reform. 

After the introduction, Mr. Takei commences with the remark that 


Japanese learuing has always been borrowed, and is not a product of the 
nation, and argues that learning being a product of the intellect, it is in 
the condition of the latter that we must expect to find the source of that 
want of independence that characterises all Japanese learning. The 
deficiency of originating power complabed of is certainly owing to some 
defect in the adopted method of developing the intellect. He goes on 
to ask in what the development of the intellect consists. There are 
some, he remarks, who maintain that it consists chiefly of Experience. 
They say that if a number of things be seen and heard, man*s intel- 
ligence will develop of itself. Others maintain that it depends on the 
cultivation of Memory : that if a man has a memory in which to store 
up all the information which his field of observation yields to him, this 
will insure to him a mind that is both active and intelligent. There are 
others again who hold that intelligence depends upon the cultivation of 
the Reflective faculty ; that after things have been seen and heard, and 
even remembered, if they be not pondered over and the natural laws 
that underlie them investigated, there can be no true and adequate 
development of the understanding. Here the lecturer gives it as his 
opinion that the cooperation of the three processes is absolutely essential ; 
and that, if any one of them be wanting, the effects will show themselves 
in an imperfectly developed intellect — in want of independence of thought 
and inventive power. 

The substance of the lecturer's subsequent remarks is as follows : — 
'* There are some who maintain that it is owing to the extremely limited 
nature of our experience that we Japanese have no learning of our 
own. Our field of observation has been too confined to allow of our 
inventing much. But, considering that for centuries we have had the 
closest intercourse with the Chinese and Koreans, this explanation does 
not meet the case. The intercourse between ourselves and the Chinese 
differs but little from that held between the Greeks and the Romans, 
and yet, whilst both these nations excelled in inventive power, we find 
ourselves almost totally without it. So it is clear our want of originality 
is not owing to want of experience. 

** Is it owing to lack of Memory ? Certainly not. We find ourselves 
endowed with this faculty in no ordinary way, so that, perhaps, there 
are few nations that can be compared with us in this respect. 


" Ifliift.theniWAtit of Beflaoiivo.powarff Thongh loath. ta.eonftfi8{ Un 
m^wM^hooaAiotmy that it ia^ Oan iwsaBMiug no iud^audaiifc laamingi 
a0/i^aalioa{ift-amiig(ta thia.defieiaiiey* Ifthia be;8Qi then, it iai oiiar ol 
ihapcnaaiyrdatMa at all who arajeagaged ia.ediioation to^daviaa meant 
for tha'devalopiiig ottUi fhcnUj. And thiaJa.Qot BO.diffiauU. aa might 
atfiratihe: aoppiaaed; for* if: at; axparienoa growa^ iba hahiti of fixing 
llia'iiiuid.aUeiUiiral^osi thoMtUugs with whieh it. oomea into cQiitaoti 
haacqaiiMd^.tfaamataiialalbr thoaghiwilLbe.tooabondaiit to bo! aOQA 
aidiaattod.. idd&aa.fortha aaqnisitidn of knowledge^ if we oao.otilyi 
ahfcaiot itaf pvimaey alemeolav we can, wock oni the ceat. £or onr« 
iBl«e8^;.forv ^th tbattflbeti^powerdttly developed,. tbpJigbta.UhaeaedA 
itt.tha fialda, oaght to naltiply by handnQda 8poataneoa6ly« 

^ioid iu>.W(.tQ.taka the three diatiiiet. maiutal' (aeultiea mmtifm^it 
abover m ordbe*: I.-^Wa have Expesienoa. Experieneat baa baen 
divided iota threa^ piurAa,. and made to oonaisb of, (1) Beoaatiai).; (2) 
iitautioa ; (8) GoDeepiiom Thiuga whioh make tbemaelvas felt: in- tha 
miud by maaiiB.a£ the eeuaes, produce what ia Qaliod! Baoaation. WheA 
a Benafttion. hns. baen pradaoad,. then the mind aflbeted* by it oojimenoaft 
to eaamitta>tha nataiie of tha Senaation. This ia called Attention. When 
Alsteutioa. ia inaaradv thau the mind seta to work io examitte closely iatot 
tha relatioa bosBa by the: Banaatioa to the- outer world ; and whaa thft 
kmr that goaerua it if pereeivad; then we have what ia called a CoBcep*^ 
tion. N«w an tfacaapraceaseaaraasaantial to anything like vivid and 
mianie eocpeKienae ; and apoB] axperiaBce thai ia miaota aod vivid doaa 
aU tcne kuomledga real.. H^-^Memovy. Memony is o£ two kinds, vizb» 
¥echal and Batianiil.: tluut ia, tha worda which expreas thoughts may ha 
retained' ;. or tlia thoughts theaiaelfaa^ iirsaspeotiva af the worda io whiohi 
Ihay aoai «q^eaaady may be ramambacad; In tha aeqairament of know- 
ledge aBcaeotiiav^ or^both, al thaae kinda of mamovy ia employed*, 
I£L--Tha Raflectise power oaasiats of (1) Imi^ination, or Speenlatioo;; 
and. (2> lavaatigBiBoii^ or Inqniry . SfMcolatioa It ia that aaks the how 
andthe wthyof thittga that aixist* It ia dividod into two parta, aoft 
being called Fasay and tha ather Batioaal Imagination. Fanoy dapaoda 
aofeetittg. It ia aomathing that can never make mnch prograaa at 
efflacL mnahgoodu Bat BatlonaL Imagination ia tha favaroonar ot atli 
mraBtfeft. The Inqniring ipirii only aamea. inta aiialanmi whfta tha 

iQ6 I^knSmo : TSB japanbbs sduoatiov soodbtt. 

faculty of Rational Imagination is fally developed. The inqairing dpirit 
contains a large element of doubt in it, which leads those who possess it 
to question the correctness of conclusions to which others have come. 
The maturing of this faculty is the final goal of all development, and, 
when adcoDlplished, is the fruitful source of all kinds of knowledge. 

" And now, takiug the above analysis of mental states and processes 
as our guide, let us inquire iu what respects the Japanese mind is well 
or ill furnished with those elements that are the sine qua non of all true 
and thorough development. In the first place, we find that in the 
Japanese mind there no is lack of Sensation, but in the Attention and 
Conception which should follow, it is very deficient. Again, although 
the native mind is endowed with no ordinary amount of Verbal Memorising 
power, it is very weak in what is called Bational Memory. Although 
there is no lack of Fancy, Rational Imagination is very deficient ; and as 
for the Inquiring spirit, it is at such a low ebb that practically it is non- 
existent. The results of our investigation then are as follows : Deficiencies 
5, viz.. Attention, Conception, Rational Memory, Rational Imagination 
and Inquiry. Non-deficiencies 8, viz.. Sensation, Verbal Memory and 
Fancy. For the obtaining of the fruits of the Understanding, it is 
absolutely necessary that the eight processes sketched above should be 
faithfully followed. But it seems as though the cultivation of the 
Japanese mind had been confined to the development of Sensation, 
Verbal Memory and Fancy. If we divide the powers which contribute 
to knowledge up into ten parts, then the proportion in which they ought 
to • be present would be as follows : — ^Experience, 2^ ; Memory, 2( ; 
Reflection 5. By this we see that the parts which :are most deficient in 
the Japanese mind are those which can least be dispensed with." 

Here the lecturer goes on to attempt to show how the existing state 
of things has come about, discussing their geographical as well as their 
historical antecedents. It is very possible that the views of Mr. 
Takei may be objected to by some as somewhat extreme, and that 
since the lecture was delivered changes have occurred which demand 
some modifications in the above statements to make them strictly 
accurate ; yet those foreigners who have come into close contact witb 
the Japanese mind and those natives who have given the subject careful 
and impartial consideration, must admit that there is a great deal of 


trnth in many of Mr. Takei's remarks, and that psychologists would do 
well to pursue the inquiry further, making the analysis as exhaustive 
as possible. The power of the verbal memory of native students in this 
country is quite astonishing, but if any other language is asked for than 
that in which the author they are studying has expressed himself, they 
frequently become embarrassed and speechless. All this is, of course, 
the effect of the Chinese educational system that has been followed for 
80 many centuries. In it the mind has been concentrated on words or 
ideographs instead of on ideas, and depth of thought has been sacrificed 
to a skilful arrangement of phrases. 

The primary work of education, then, for a long time to come, 
must be the developing of the originating, speculating power 
of the nation. Not until the native mind is freed from the deaden- 
ing mechanism with which it has been oppressed and bound as 
with adamantine chains, will it cease to be the slave of words, 
forms, and fixed inflexible processes, and move about at ease in the sea 
of thought, visiting what region it pleases, and collecting from each place 
visited such materials as it has to yield, and using its accumulated 
treasures to strengthen and adorn structures whose designs and execution 
are alike creations of its own genius, and no longer as heretofore 
facsimiles or slightly modified reproductions of models invented by 



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Hpr^fmwn?* •>( Ainu Foik-I^^om. Hy lUv. *\(m, Bairhil' ' III 

!, , ,,.M Jt. i[... f UiifUiiV ami J. Kail.. Itt'i 

:'^-' YuKOHAMA 

t^flA^ciHAit HoNOKrtJJo^ Sis^a.tront : Rkllt «i^ WalmiI* L*p, 
I^Kii'itin it Biziii.nt: E. F, RoiririJcnV Asfno^AKiini. 

JrLT. 1888, 

4, -^-_ 



♦OJIN A: C*t,, ri1tji«<st*, No, gTi Wiitir ^tv.vnt, Vf»^t^^>1l^m^t 


( 111 ) 


By the Rby. Jno. Batchslob. 

IRead 14th March, 1888.] 

The followiog spedmeDS of Aina folk-lore form a small portion of 
matter which the writer has himself collected, from time to time, daring 
a period of nearly six years. They are merely specimens. Many other 
examples might he given. Bat it is presnmed that the following half- 
dozen samples will he fally safficient to illustrate the manner in which 
this crude race of men, in the absence of books, keep their legends, 
fables, and traditions alive. 

It is not pretended that all snch legends are interesting to general 
readers, for some of them may he said to be quite ridiculous and mm- 
sensical. Nevertheless, they are all curious in their way, and are 
certainly well worth studying from a linguistical, philosophical and 
anthropological standpoint ; hence it is hoped that the following 
specimens of Ainu folk-lore will not come amiss to the ethnologist. 

Some of the Ainu legends and traditions are recited in prose, and 
others in a kind of verse. Those given in verse are recited in a sort of 
sing-song monotone, whilst those in prose are chanted more in the 
natural tone of voice, 

Each legend has its own particular name, as a reference to those 
here given will show. In the case of those in verse, the name appears 
to indicate either the metre or tone of voice, whilst in those given in 
prose the name seems to point rather to the subject than to the tune or 
metre. For an example of prose see the last specimen given, and for 
verse see any of the preceding ones. 

T«l.ZTl— 15 


The legends or traditions given below will be found in parallel 
columns, Ainu on one side and an English translation on the other* 
The divisions into verses or sections are the writer's own, made for 
his own convenience in the matter of translation and for easy reference ; 
and it is hoped that they will be found useful to any persons who may 
hereafter either desii'e to translate the Ainu for themselves, or to 
compare the one language with the other. 

The translation is as literal as possible, but the writer cannot hope, 
in every case, to have hit upon the exact corresponding English word 
or phrase. To any one who knows how difficult it is to translate the 
legends and fables of one nation into the language of another, my 
misgivings on this point will be easily understood, duly appreciated and 
it is hoped, generously pardoned. 

In order that the theme should not be interrupted, it will be found 
that most of the notes and explanations have been reserved till the end 
of each legend. 

I will now proceed with the specimens : — 



1. Inusa-Iuusa Ramma kaue 1. There was a woman who was 

** puyara otta ever sitting by the 'window 

** kemeki patek and doing some kind of needle- 

** nepki ne aki work or other ; 
'* an an awa ; 

2. Inusa-Inusa puyara^ otta 2. In the window^ of the house 

** poro tuki there was a large cnp filled to 

** kike-ush' bashui the brim with wine, upon 

*< kanbashui ka which floated a ceremonial 

•( momnatara. moustache-lifter.' 

8. Inusa-Inusa Eike-ush bashui 8. The ceremonial moustache- 

'* tuki kata lifter was dancing ' about upon 

*' tereke-tereke.' the top of the wine cup. 

* Inuta-inuia appears to be the name of the tune or tone of voice in which 
the legend is recited. 



4. Iniua-Inasa Sbongo pa w« 

** pita kane 

*' flboDgo gesh wa 

*< atte kane 

•* enahawashi: — 

5. Innsa-Innsa Eo-iugara gnsn, 

*' paee Eamni 

*' flhi no Eamni 

" ene tnra pakno 

*' eshiknaki be an ? 

6. Inasa-Innsa Aina kotan 

« kem-nsb iki wa 

** Ainu aiara 

'< ep ka isam 

*< rai wa okere 

** anak ki koroka 

" patek koro kam- 


" patek ekor amam 

'* toDoto akara 

'* ki ruwe ne na. 

7. Inasa-Innsa Pase Eamni 

<< erampokiwen 

*< ynk atte an 

" cbep atte an 

*' ki wa ne yak ne 

" antara ibe 

*' gosn ne na. 

8. Innsa-Innaa Pase Eamni 

** irampokiwen wa 

*' kore, tambe gnsa 

<* ingar' an awa 

*' son no poka 

'* Ainn kotan 

•< kem-nsb an 

4. In explaining the snbjeet from 
tbe beginning, and setting it 
forth from the end, tbe tale 
rons thos : — 

5. Now look, do yon think that 
tbe great God, do yon think 
that the tme God was blind ? 

In Ainn land there was a great 
famine, and tbe Ainn were 
dying from want of food ; yet 
with what little rice-malt and 
with what little millet they 
had they made (a cnp of) wine. 

7. Now, tbe great God had mercy, 
and, in order that onr relatives 
might eat, produced both deer 
and fish. 

8. And tbe great God had mercy 
npon ns, therefore He looked 
npon us and, in trnth, saw 
that in Ainn-land there was a 
famine and that the Ainn had 
nothing to eat. 



Inosa-Intisa Ainu ntarft 
'* ep kft iBBm 

« ki lok okai. 

9. lonBa-Inasa Tambe gasa 9. 

*< nei a tuki 

** iwan^ BhiDtoko'^ 

'' oro aota. 

10. InQsa-Iirasa Iraka na koro 10. 

** tonoto hara 

" chisel npfihoro 

** eiashnatki. 

11. Inasa-Inosa Tambe gasu kamni 11. 

** obitta ashke aak^ 

'* koian koro kamni 

** ne wa ne yakka 

" atak rawe ne; 

12. lunsa-Innsa Shisak tonoto 12. 

" ankomaktekka 

** ki rnwe ne. 

18. Inusa-Innsa Petrn-nsh mat^ 18. 
<' chiwashekot mat 

** otntapkanm 

'* nkaknsbpari. 

14. Innsa-Innsa Taada orota 14. 

'* kamni obitta 

** shauoha otta 

*< mina kane ; 

15. Innsa-Innsa Kamni shiwentep 15. 

*< oshitknrnkote 

*^ irapokeia 

<* tn ynk kishki ; 

*' aetaye-taye ; 

16. Innsa-Innsa Iworo shoknrnka 16. 

*' akoewara-e^^ara 

<* ne-i koraobi ; 

" apka topa 

Then was that cnp of wine 
emptied into six^ lacqner-ware' 

In a very little while the scent 
of the wine filled the whole 

Therefore were all the gods 
led ^ in, and the gods of places 
were brought from every- 
where ; 

And they were all well pleased 
with that delicions wine. 

Then the goddesses* of the 
rivers and the goddesses of the 
months of rivers danced back 
and forth in the honse. 
Upon this all the gods langhed 
with smiles upon their faces ; 

And whilst tiiey looked at the 
goddesses, they saw them pluck 
out two hairs from a deer ; 

And, as it were, blow them 
over the tops of the mountains ; 
then appeared two herds of 
deer skipping upon the moun- 

BAfOBSLOB : Braomim of aooj poilk«uobi. 


Innaa-InaBa shinna kane 

" momambe topa 

" shiniia kane 

** iworo shokata 

'' aruierekere. 
17. InnBa-Iniisa Ta ehep ramram 

'* arisbpa-rishpa 

** pet iworo shoka 

<' akoewara-ewara 

*' se-i koraebi 

*' pokna cbep rap 

*< Bbama sbira 

*' kanna cbep rap 

'* shem koraobi. 

18. Inasa-Inaaa Cbep ne manap 

** pet iworo sboka 

" eamasbtekka. 

19. InaiMt-Iiiasa Tap orowa uo 

** Aina atara 

** cbep koiki gasa 

<' pet iworo kata 

" cbip terekere. 

20. Inasa^Inoaa Gbepna ko«okai 

'* iworo shokata 

** okkaibo otara 

" yaknu ko-kai. 

21. Tambe gasa Aino mosbiri 
pirika mwe ne. Tambe gaea 
shasbai sbiri pak no tan 
eramanre an rawe ne. Tnmbe 
gasa nei aramanre nrnokata 

an rawe ne na. 

tain tops, one of backs and tbe 
otber of does. 

17. Then they ploeked out two 
scales from a fish, and, as it 
were, blew them over the 
tbe rivers, and tbe beds of tbe 
rivers were so crowded with 
fish that they scraped apon 

. the stones, and the tops of the 
rivers were so fall that the fish 
stood oat like the porches of 
hoases and were dried np by 
tbe snn. 

18. Bo tbe things called fish filled 
all tbe rivers to tbe brim. 

19. Then the Aina went fi«hing 
and caused their boats io 
dance upon tbe rivers. 

20. The yoang men now fonnd 
fish and venison in ridi abon- 

21. Henoe it is that Aina-land is 
so good. Henee it is that 
from ancient times till now 
there has been hunting. Hence 
it is that there are inheritors 
to this banting. 


NoTB ON Vkbse 3. 

^This puyara or window is always placed in the east end of a hut. It is the 
sacred window, and no person may look into a hut through it without incurring 
the penalty of great displeasure from the owner thereof. The Ainu often worship 
towards the sun rising through it, and always, in tiieir lihations, three drops of wine 
are thrown towards it. Outside of this window there are always clusters of whittled 
willow sticks, called inao or nusa, to he seen. 

These are placed there as offerings to the gods, as a sign to them of the devout- 
ness of the worshipper. Besides these willow offerings, one may often see long 
poles stuck into the earth having the skulls of bears or deer placed upon them as 
a sign of thankfulness for success in the hunt. This window, then, being so sacred 
and, in a sense, the peculiar property of the gods, we may easily understand why 
a large, well-filled cup of wine was placed before it. It was an offering, and was 
placed there to solicit the favour of the gods. 

* The ceremonial moustache-lifters are peculiarly made, and are used for 
special religious purposes. They are of different patterns. Some have bears and 
some have deer carved upon them. The present one, however, is called Kike-wh 
boihuit i.e. a moustache-lifter with shavings left upon the top of it. It is especially 
used at worship when supplications are made for any particular benefits. Those 
which have animals carved upon them are generally used when thanks are made 
to the gods, whilst a common moustache-lifter, having no particular carving upon 
it, is used on general occasions, as for instance, when some news of any kind is 
being made known, or when a friend or relative makes a call. 

The use of these moustache-lifters is peculiar. The raison d^itre seems to be : 
Firtt, to keep the moustache out of the wine, and secondly, to offer drops of drink 
to the gods with. Three drops must be given to the fire goddess, three thrown 
towards the east window, three towards the north-east comer of the hut where the 
Ainu treasures are kept, and then three drops must be offered to any special god for 
whose benefit the libations are offered or to whom the Ainu are paying worship. 
Wine enters very largely into all the religious worship of the Ainu, and they often 
make religion a pretext for getting intoxicated. It has occurred to me that perhaps 
this legend of the famine is kept alive only in order to show how good a thing it is 
to make wine and how well-pleasiug to the gods it is to offer libations to them.- It 
was the smell of the wine which drew the gods together, it was wine which 
pleased the goddesses and made them dance, it was wine again which caused the 
male gods to smile ; in short, it was all owing to this one large cup of wine that 
food was brought to the Ainu and that there are any of them alive now. It was 
the wine which even caused the moustache-lifter to float about and dance upon 
the top of the cup ! What a sight is a full cup of wine to an Ainu 1 How 
quickly his eyes sparkle and dance with delight when he sees it ! The very 
sound of the word iake or ionoto makes him smack his lips. 



"The wotdi tereke-tereke, vrhich. I have here translated by ** dancing about/' 
really means to " jnmp," '* skip,*' or " hop about." Here two ideas are intro- 
daced :—Firtt the cup was so full of wine that the verylmoustache-lif ter oould float 
upon it without touching the brim ; geeondly the moustache-lifter was so pleased 
that it could not contain itself, but must needs skip, jump, hop or dance about 
with delight ! So good and powerful was the wine. 

NoTB ON Ybbsx 4. 

This is merely an Ainu idiom and expresses the idea that this particular 
subject shall be thoroughly explained and set forth. 

NoTB on Vbbsb 5. 

The idea contained in these lines seems to be this :— Though the Ainu were in 
such straits, yet it was not without the knowledge of the gods ; and it was not 
possible that they should neglect this large cup of delicious wine which was placed 
in the window for their special delectation. It was made and placed 
there in order to get the gods together that they might talk over this mighty 
famine, to put them into a good temper and cause them to help the Ainu in this 
their sad calamity. No ! the gods were not blind. 

NoTB OM Vebsb 6. 

Though food was so very scarce, yet what little rice or millet the Ainn 
had they gave it up to the gods. They made a little choice wine as an offering and 
presented it to them. Hence may be seen the devontness of the ancients. The 
result was as is stated in the 7th verse ; fish and venison were caused to abound I 
The prayer was heard and answered. 

Note on Vebse 9. 

* Six appears to be the sacred or perfect number of the Ainn ; hence, a little of 
the wine was put into each of the six lacquer-ware vessels. 

^ These lacquer- ware vessels are of Japanese make and are highly prized by the 
Ainu. In fact, they look upon them as special treasures, and the importance of a 
man is measured by the number of these vessels in his possession, and by the 
number of old swords he has. It is said that, in ancient times, the Japanese 
rulers nsed to sell these vessels to the Ainu, well filled with tak^^ of course, for fish 
and the skins of animals. Money was never paid for these things. Hence, at a 
drinking ceremony, the very best lacquer-ware vessels are produced ; the wine is 
poured into them and then ladled out into wine-cups and handed round. Strange 
to say, the women are allowed to come in and sit behind their husbands and drink, 
if anything is handed to them, though they must never take part in the pri^rers. 
The women, however, get very little wine indeed ! Wine was made lor gods and i 

118 BkTcasLOia, : bpegqosns of ainu folk-lorb. 

not for women. The mistresB in whose hoose the libations are offered is allowed 
to prodace a bottle— not a large one, to be sore, bat still a bottle— which is filled 
and kept for her private nse I The lucky woman generally hides this bottle, lest 
her loving hosband should steal it and relieve her of the contents thereof ! 

Note om Verse 11. 

"The word oihke auk, which I have here translated by " led in,'* reaUy means 
** to be led in by the hand." The Ainu have a very curious custom of taking 
persons by the hand and leading them into the house ; it is a sign of great honour 
to be so led. It is considered to be the height of disrespect to enter an Aina hut 
without first giving warning of one's presence ; but as there are no doors to the 
huts, a caller thus being unable to knock before entering, he must wait outside 
and cough or make a noise with his throat till some one oomes out and either asks 
him to walk in or takes him by the hand and leads him to a seat by the fire. Thus, 
out of great respeot, the gods were led into the hut by the hand. 

Note on Vebse 13. 

7 Petru-uih mat is the goddess of rivers from their souroe to their outlet, and 
Chiva$1uhot mat presides over their mouths. 


The following carious lines were sung to me by au aged Aina to 
whom I had jast been explaining the dangers and evils of drinking too 
much wine, and to whom I had been endeavouring to show how muob 
better it is to worship God in spirit and in truth than by offering Him 
wine and whittled pieces of willow wood. The old man*s object in 
singing this tradition to me was to enforce upon my mind the fact that, 
notwithstanding all I had said, the gods were, at the time of the famine 
indicated below, pleased with these offerings, and are still delighted 
when the devout worshipper indicates his sincerity by setting these 
things before them. 

This song, tradition, legend, or whatever it may be called, is quite 
typical of the way in which the Ainu convey their thoughts on religion 
and other serious matters to one another ; and I give it kere as an 
9xam]»le thereof. 

BJOCuajsOR : bfkcimbnb of aimu folk-lobe. 


EniTA NA."^ 

Kimta na. 1. There was BomethiDg upon tbe 

'* seas bowing and raising its 

" bead. 

Kimta na. 2. And when tbey came to see 

*' what it was, tbey found it to be 

** a monstrous sea-lion fast 

" asleep, wbicb tbey seized and 

** brongbt asbore. 

Kimta na. 8. Now, wben we look at tbe 

** matter, we find tbat tbere was 

'* a famine in Ainu-land. 

Kimta na. 4. And we see tbat a large sea- 

*^ lion was cast upon the shores of 

** tbe mouth of the Sam river. 

1. Hepokitekka 
Atuye tomo-tuye. 

2. Paian aiue 
Mokoro okai 
Akoro wa yau an. 

8. lugar' ike 
Ainu kotan 
Kem-usb rok okai. 

4. Ghinukara wa gusu 
Poro etasbbe 

5. Tambe gusu 
Ainu utare 
Ibe ruwe ne. 

6. Tambe gusu 
Ainu orowa no 
luao ne yakka ** 
Tonoto ne yakka ** 
Eyaiyattasa ruwe ne. '* 

7. Aeyai kamui Kimta na. 7. So tbe gods to whom these 
Nere kane ' ' offering were made were pleased 
An an ruwe ne. '* and are pleased. 

Tbe first and second of these verses are a kind of introductory 
statement of the theme. Tbe remote ancestors of the Ainu race are 
represented as having seen some large and curious object floating about 
upon tbe tops of the waves of the sea, and rising and falling with them. 
The men, therefore, launch their boats and go to see what the object 

* Kimta na is the name of the tone or tone oi voice in which this legend is 

Kimta na. 6. Thus tbe Ainu were able to eat 
** (i. e. obtamed food). 


Kimta na. 6. For this reason inao and wine 
*' were offered to the gods. 


may be. They find it is a mighty sea-lion {shietasJibe). They then 
seize the animal, and, by some means or other (how is not stated) bring 
it ashore. 

The third and foarth verses make known the fact that at this 
particular time there was a famine in Ainn-land, and that the Ainu of 
to-day, in looking back apon this sad calamity, see in the sleeping 
sea-lion the hand of the gods working to preserve the race from 
starvation and certain destrnction. This mighty sea-monster is said to 
have been cast upon the shores of the mouth of the Saru river. Sara, 
it should be remembered, is regarded ^by the Ainu of the south of 
Yezo as the chief district in this island ; and the Shishiri-muka is the 
largest river in Saru. 

Verses six and seven are intended to show that libations of wine 
and the offering of Inao [i.e. whittled pieces of willow wood having the 
shavings left attached) have always been a well-pleasing sacrifice to the 
gods, and therefore are so now. They pleased the gods at that time, 
and that they please them now ' is seen from the fact that food is still 
extended to the Ainu race. Hence one great reason why such ancient 
religious customs should not be abolished. Hence too, according to 
Ainu reasoning, this race of men have no cause to change one form of 
religion and its accompanying ceremonies and rites for another. Thus 
we see that the Ainu, though without knowledge, ai-e by no means 
without reason, nor are they so stupid and easily led as some people 
may have us suppose. 



1. Piu-ham-piu Shishiri-muka 1. At the source of the Sai-u river 

*' pet etokota there is a large lake. 

*' poro to an ruwe ne. 

2. Piu-ham-piu Nei a orota 2. In this lake there was a monster 

*Pitt-/iaifi-piu 18 the name of the tune or tone of voice in which this legend 14 



Pia-ham-pin poro tokoshish 
•* to pft ne-i 

** axnokrftp shnye 

to k68 ta 
** atkoehi shuye 

'* koran rnwe ne. 

8. Pia-bam-pia Kamai kowekari ; 
*' akoiki gusn 

*' uwekarapa rnwe ne ; 

** koroka araige 

*' eaikap rnwe ne ; 

'* anokara 

" koran an, 

*' ramma kane 

** ki rnwe ne. 

4. Pin-ham-pia Ikorampoktnyo 
" an wa ne yak ne 

** Ainn moskiri 

" aeyam gasn 

** kando orowa no 

" ikaobas an. 

6. Pia-Lam-pia Ban an ine i 

** poro toknahish 

*' am-kokisbima. 

6. Pia-bam-piu Poro tokusbisb 

** arikiki koro 

** aerawekatia. 

7. Pia-bam-pia Arikiki an koro 

« poro tokusbisb 

<* kambeknra ka 

** aepnsn kara aine 

<* ayange. 

8. Pia-bam-pin Eamni obitta 

(( emasb etaye 

'< tata-tata 

** a-oanraige. 

trooi whiob was so big that it 
used to flap its (pectoral) flns 
at one end and wave its tail at 
the other. 

Then the bononrable aneestora 
met and went to kill this flsh, 
bnt fonnd themselves nnable to 
aoeomplish their end, though 
they attempted to do so for 
many days. 

Because, then, they very much 
desired to kill the fish, the gods, 
who bad a special regard for 
the welfare of Ainu-land, sent 
help from heaven. 

And, the gods descending, they 

seized the great trout with their 

hands (claws). 

Upon this it plunged mightily 

and went to the bottom of the 

lake with great force. 

Then the gods put forth all 

their power, and,- drawing the 

great trout to the sui*face of the 

water, brought it ashore. 

Upon this all the honourable 
ancestors drew their swords 
and chopped the fish till they 
quite killed it. 


It 10 said ibat this mighty tront ^as in the hahit, not ouljr of 
BWallowing any animals, raeh as deer and bears, that might eome to the 
shores of the lake to drink, but would sometimes swallow up men, 
women and children. Nay, not only so, but even whole boats full of 
people 1 Yes, boats and all ! Hence it was that the ancients were so 
anxious to slay this monster. 

The Ainu appear to have a special dread of large lakes, heeause 
they say that every now and again one of these monster fish suddenly 
puts in au appearance, and commences its destructive work of swallow- 
ing animals and human beings. Only a few hundred years ago, say 
they, one of these awful fish was found dead upon the shores of the 
Shikot^ to (Ghitose lake). This monster had swallowed a large deer, 
horns and all, but the horns caused a severe attack of indigestion to 
come on, which the fish could not get over ; nay, the horns were so long 
that they protruded from its stomach and caused its deatb. 

It is to the actions of one of these monst^rous fish that all earth- 
quakes, of which there are many occurrences in Yezo, ai-e to be traced. 
The earth, %.e,, so far as Ainu-land is concerned, is supposed to rest 
upon the back of one of these creatures ; and, whenever it moves, the 
world, as a matter of course, must feel the effects and move also. This 
earthquake-causing fish is sometimes called Tokushish^i.e,, ^^ironi" ; 
and sometimes Moshiri ikkewe cliep^ ue. '< the backbone fish of the 

^ A propoi the Shikot or Chitote lake, it may perhaps be worth recording that 
the Ainu say the sea used to come up to its very borders, so that large junks torn 
Japan formerly anohored there ; aad that the present lake is neither half so larxe nor 
deep as it used to be. Volcanio eruptions have, aoooxding to Ainu traditions, been 
the powers at work here. Shikot is really the old name of the river which flows 
into this lake, and from which the lake formerly took its name. 

autcamun : nmaaaan or Amu wM^vaam. 







Okikarnmi ^ 



Okiknmmi and Samai came to 

Samai an gara^ 


harpoon the sword-fish. 

Utura ine 


Bepa gnsu ariki 



Ba etok oroge 



And we waited for them at the 

Chi aiwakte 


fishing place. 

Okai ash awa 



Ariki ine 



When they came they eflfect- 



aally harpooned a large fish. 


Tap orawa no 



From this point the fish went 

Atai pa ue 


from one end of the sea to the 

Atni gesh ne 


other, taking the boat with it. 

Chip ekira ash 



^Tane aiue 



Now Samai collapsed for want 

Samai an garn 


of strength. 

Kiroro ekot 






Upon this Okiknrami pat forth 

Ashiri iporo 


all his strength and wrought 



with the grunt of a yonng man. 

Peare hamsei 




*Tutunahanu is the tune or tone of voice in which this legend is recited. 

^Okikurumi is the Ainu name of the Japanese hero Eorohonguwan Minamoto 
no ToBbitsune, who was driven to Yezo by his younger brother in the 12th century 
of our era, and who is said by the Ainu to have taught their ancestors the arts of 
hunting and fishing. 

*Sawiai un guru stands for Benkei, who was the servant and retainer of Yolhf- 
taune, and who is said to have accompanied him to Tezo. Scmai un guru merely 
means ** a Japanese,'* Samai being short for Samoro, which is the Ainu name for 
** Japan," e.g. Samoro kotafif ** Japan,*' Samoro unguru or Satnai un gurUf " a Japan- 
ese.'* Here I may add, the name of the famous volcanic mountain, the Fi^i Tama of 
the Japanese, is possibly none other than a oorruption of the Ainu name Huehi 
Kamui^ who is supposed to be the goddess of fire. 



7. Tane aine Tasanabaoa. 7. 
Okikarnmi «« 

Tek toi poki ** 

Tek tai kashi ** 

Ta kern poppise ** 

Ehopani *< 

8. Tane aine Tasnnabann. 
Okikurnmi <* 
Koro wen-buri •* 
Enangarn kashi *' 
Epukitara ** 
Ene itak-bi *' 

9. Tan wen sbirikap Tiisunabann. 9. 
E iki gasn ** 

E kotasb taye na *' 

10. Kite anak ne Tasanabana. 10. 
Kite not anak *' 

Kane ne gnsu " 

E osbike an *< 

Kane kik hnm *< 

Pone keore bam " 

E konrama-sbitne '* 

11. Hai tasb anak Tasanabann. 
Hai ne gasu *' 
E ka wa hai sara ** 
Hopani " 

12. Tush anak ne Tusanabano. 
Nipesh ' ne gasa *< 
E ka wa nipesh " 
Tai hopani <* 

18. E wen-ekoi yak Tasanabann. 
Shishuri-maka* ** 

Then there arose npon the 
palms and back of bis bands 
two blood-stained blisters. 

8. And with temper depicted npon 
his coauteuauce Okikurnmi 
said : — 

Oh, this bad sword-fish, as yon 
are doing this I will eat the 
harpoon line ; 

And because npon the harpoon 
head there is metal, yoa shall 
greatly suffer from the noise of 
striking iron and grinding bones 
in your stomach ; 

11 . Because the line is made of 
hemp, a plain of hemp shall 
grow oat of thee ; 

12. Because the rope is made of 
Nipesh, a Nipesh forest shall 
grow from thy back ; 

18. And when yoa die you shall be 
cast into the mouth of the Shi- 

*NipeihifiihentLmeoi the tree irith the bark of which the Ainu make their 
fishing ropes. It is called in Japanese Shina no hi. 



San o baiu Tasauabftaa. 

E oyau yak ne ** 

Paskuru •• 

Usa setfc ** 

Aukotoisere '* 

E ka on osoma ** 

E ka on oknima '* 

Nangon na '* 

14. Eramau TiusnBabaiiu. 
Hawe ash koroka ** 
Ainu itak newa ** 
Ambe yaioa an gnsa '* 
Bange mina '* 
Aaweshoye ** 
Arapa an awa ** 

15. Arapa an tek koro Tasunabann. 
A oahike un ** 
Kane kik ham ** 
Fone kenre hum «* 
XJiasa tasa ** 
Ackouramo '* 
Shitue kane ** 
Tanak kane ** 

16. I ka wa hai sara Tasunabann. 

Heiuku ** 

Nipesh iai ** 

Hetuku " 

Shiuii* iai *• 

Iki an aiue " 

Bai an aiue " 

Koi-yange an " 

shiri-muka* river, and crows 
aud many kinds of dogs shall 
congregate npon thee aud defile 

14. Now, though the sword-fish 
said it understood, and thought 
it was Ainu that was spoken, 
yet it secretly laughed and 
went its way. 

15. But before it had gone any 
great distance, mighty pabs 
seized it, and in its stomach 
was heard the sound of strik- 
ing iron and of grinding 

16. Aud plains of hemp and 
forests of Nipesh and Shiuri 
sprouting forth from its body, 
it was cast ashore in a dying 

* Shithiri'muha is the name of the Sara river. 

* Shiuri, This is the name of the wood out of which harpoon shafts are made* 
The Japaneie of Yezo call this wood Nigaki, 



17. Usaseta Tasuiaboiiu. 
Usa paskarn '* 
I-akotoi sere ^* 

I ka an osoma '' 

I ka UQ okuima '* 

18. Tane awa Tasanabana. 
Okikurumi ** 

Sap wa ariki ** 

End itaki '< 

19. Tan wen shirikap Tosonabanu. 
£ renga gosn ** 

E kip ne gnsn '' 

Aepakashnn *' 

Sbiri ne na ** 

20. Apokna notkewe Tusanabanu. 
Ashinrn ne koro '* 
Akanna notkenre *' 
Shnma korende " 

Ta rai wen rai '* 

Aki rnwe ne na ** 

21. Tan okai shirikap Tasnnabana. 
Ainu itak ** 
Iteki irara yan *' 

17. Then the dogs and orows 
congregated upon it and 
defiled it. 

Upon this Okikarami came 
down from tbe mountains and 
said : — 

19. Oh ! you bad sword-fish, it is 
by your own fault and for 
yonr own doings that you are 
thus punished. 

20. Your lower jaw shall be used 
in the out-houso, and your 
upper one shall be sunk with 
a stone, and you must die a 
very hard and painful death. 

21. Do not treat this Ainu tale of 
the sword-fish slightingly. 

The object of this tradition appears to be threefold. 

First to preserve and hand down to posterity the fact that Yoshi- 
tsuue and Beukei once resided among the Ainu race and taught the 
people how to catch the larger kinds of fish. That these two persons 
really came to Yezo (and there can be but little doubt as to their having 
gone to Saghalien also) and dwelt at Saru for a time, seems almost 
indisputable, but what eventually became of them we are unable to 
determine, at least from what Ainu traditions have hitherto been obtained. 
We may perhaps learn more in time. 

The second object of this tradition is to teach people not to despise 
a newcomer or stranger, but rather to see what he can do and what 
useful things may be learned from him, e.g* the tradition says i-^Bu 


etok orogs chiaiwaku okai ash awa, '* and we waited for Uiem at the 
fishing place." The Ainu interpret this by saying that the ancients 
took their boats and went to the point where the fishing was to com- 
mence, aud waited for the appearance of Yoshitsune and Benkei. Their 
motive, however, was to see beforehand where the best fish might be 
caught aud to return more successful than their Japanese friends. They 
did not so much desiie to learn from them as to parade their own skill. 
But it turned out that the Ainu caught no fish, whilst Yoshitsune secured 
the very king of the sword-fish ! 

In the third place this tradition teaches the Ainu not to forget the 
exceeding great power of Yoshitsune. Though Benkei dropped down in 
the boat through sheer exhaustiou, and the harpoon line had to be cut, 
yet Yoshitsune turned out to be the conqueror. He cursed the fish with 
a mighty curse. Forests of trees and plains of hemp wore to grow from 
its body, and its interior was to resound again with the noise of iron 
striking together and of grinding bones. It was to die a hard and pain- 
ful death, be cost into the mouth of the Soru river and be horribly defiled 
by crows aud dogs. Such was the curse, and so indeed, say the 
Ainu, did all surely come to pass. The tradition finishes up with a 
caution not to treat this Ainu tale in a slighting manner. 


The following ridiculous legend of the hero Okikurumi in love 
with an Ainu maiden was told me some four yeai'S ago by an old man 
who has, I believe, since passed away. It is a curious production 
altogether. In hearing the commencement of this legend, I had 
expected gi'eat things, but in the end found that it finished up with 

The purpose for which this legend is recited seems to be to teach 
young lovers never to despaur even if they cannot obtain the objects of 
their a£fections, and never to look too much after the softer sex. The 
great Okikurumi fell deeply in love ; he became very ill, exceedingly love- 



iiok ; lie lost bis appetite and bodily streugtb. He laid down in bis but 
iu sullen despair and would eat neither good food nor bad ; be was, in 
short, ready to die of love ; and, mark you, all this happened through 
taking just one glance at a beautiful woman. " Deai*, dear/* says the 
legend, *' how badly he felt 1" Therefore let the young beware. 

But Okikurumi gets cured of his dangerous malady. A little bird 
flies to the cause of this affliction — the object of his affections. Word 
is brought to her of his deep-seated love and critical condition. The 
pretty little bird wags its tail and whispers iu the lady's eai* that, if 
Okikurumi dies, the soul of Ainu-laud will also depart. Therefore the 
bird begs her to have mercy upon poor Okikurumi for the sake of Ainu* 
land. The intercession is successful. An unreal, unsubstantial woman 
ia made in the likeness of the beauty Okikurumi was smitten witii. 
She is brought to his hut, and forthwith proceeds to arrange the mats, 
furniture and ornaments. Okikurumi takes a sly glance at her through 
his arm hole or sleeve ; he is encomnged ; he gets up, rejoices, eats food, 
is revived and feels strong again. This done, the lady takes her 
departure: she is not. What then does Okikurumi do ? Why, he sees 
that he has been deceived in the woman ; and, as ^* there was nothing 
to be done, nothing to be said,'* he got well again like a sensible man. 

I will now proceed to give the legend. 


1. Ahetenrai ahetenrai Pase Eamui 1. The goddess felt lonely and 

" mishmugusu gazed upon the inside and 

" aunturuba surveyed the outside of the 

** kamui koshi- house. 

*' sounturuba 

** kamui koshi- 


2. Ahetenrai ahetenrai Soyemba 2. She went out, and behold, 

<* kamui ingar*- 


* Ahetenrai is the tune or tone of voice in which this legend is recited. 

B*TOBBL<m : sMonoeM m Aim WLK'Uaat. 



Ahetenrai ahetenrai Ainu moshiri 


moshiri kora- 


rakrak paye 


an ramaan 


auweshaye ; 




kor*an awa. 


Ahetenrai ahetenrai Hetopo- 



aun chisei ta 


ahnp an aine 




asan asange. 


Ahetenrai ahetenrai Ashiri-kinne 


kemm etok 




kemm oka 




an an awa ; 


Ahetenrai ahetenrai Payara shik- 

rap kata 




aye chikappo 


eshish-o un 


eharikiso un 






Ahetenrai ahetenrai Tnitakmawe 



re itak mawe 



8. The olouds were ioaiteg and 
waving about in beautiful 
terraees upon the horizon over 
Ainu-land. Yes, that is what 

4. So she returned into the house 
backwards, and took down her 
needle- work. 

5. Again she looked to the point 
of her needle, and fixed her 
gaze upon the eye end thereof; 

6. Then came a little bird called 
*' water wagtail," and sat upon 
the window shutter and wagged 
its tail up and down and waved 
it from right to left. 

Then two chirps and three 
chirps came to her and touched 
the inside surface of her ears, 
and whAt she beivrd wfts this: — 



Ahetenrai aheienrai apni kotoro 
** chikarare 

« ene okai- 


8. Aheienrai aheteurai Pase kamai 

'' Aina-kotaD 

'* Aiua-moBhiri 

*< epnngine ka- 

'< Okikarnmi 

«« ponnoesoine 

<' e nnkara awa 

** eyaikatekara. 

9. Ahetenrai aheteni*ai Tambe gnsa 

" tu wen chi- 

" tapirikachi- 

" tnhar'ike 

*' not-echia 

" an ruwe ne 


10. Ahetenrai ahetenrai Okikarnmi 

" rai wa ne 

*< Ainn-moshiri 

** ramachi isam 

an na. 

11. Ahetenrai ahetenrai Okiknrnmi 

'< kara wa 

'* innnnkashiki 

" kore yan, 

« ennmnoyeari 

8. The mighty Okikarnmi, who 
is the governor of all Ainn- 
land, went oat of doors for a 
little while, and, seeing yon, 
has fallen ill of love on yoar 

9. And thongh two bad fish and 
two good fish were placed 
before him for food he refused 
to eat. 

10. Now, if Okikaromi should 
die, the soal of Aina-land will 

11. Then the little bird called 
"water- wagtail,*' waving its 
tail, spake two words to her 
and said : " Have mercy apon 
us that Okikorumi may live." 



Ahetenrai ahetenra 

i aye chikappo 



to itak sa ne 



12. Ahetenrai ahetenrai Tambe 




otta ingar*an 







ra gnsa 
tu wen chi- 






18. Ahetenrai ahetenrai Taikarap 

'' kentam ayai- 
koropare ! 

14. Ahetenrai ahetenrai Tambegnsa 
** ine no an shi- 


ateke kara 






15. Ahetenrai ahetenrai Ayoikirika- 

ta; nei a 






12. Thns, then, by simply look- 
ing out npou the world Oki- 
karnmi fell so sick of love 
that though two bad fish and 
two good fish were set before 
him, he conld not eat* 

18. Dear, dear, how badly he 


14. Therefore the form of a 
woman resembling the god- 
dess was made and sent 
down to Okikornmi. 

15. The house was set in order ; 
that woman who was sent 
down pat things to rights. 


16. Ahetenrai abetenrai Okikurnmi 

'* tasa pai kari 

" iugara wa 

'* kamui shi- 

wentep au ; 

17. Abetenrai afaetenraiYaikoptmtek 

'* hopoui ine 

^ nsa ibe-ambe 

. " netobake pi- 

** orowa no 

*' nei a sbi wen- 

tep isam. 

18. Abetenrai abetenrai Okikammi 

'* akosbnnge 


« eram*an, 

** ene akari ka 


** ene ye-bi ka 


" orowa no pi- 

rika ruwe 

16. Then Okiknrami looked 
ibrongb bis sleeve and saw 
the beautiful woman ; 

17. He got np greatly rejoieing ; 
be ate some food ; strength 
came back to bis body, and, — 
the woman was gone. 

18. Okiknrnmi saw be bad been 
deceived, but tbere was no- 
tbiaig to be done and nothing 
to say, so be got well. 


Verses one to three are a mere introdnetory statement as to how it was that 
Okikammi first eanght sight of this beaatifol woman with whom he fell in love. 
She had been sitting in the hat and now felt a little lonesome, restless or tired. 
Her eyes had been wandering aboat from one objeot to another with weary solitade. 
She gets np, goes oatside in an aimless kind of way and scans the horizon, which 
she sees is very beaatifal in its gran dear, the olonds being piled one npon another 
in terraoe-like masses. She feels revived and letnms into her hot. 

The foarth verse tells as that this lady retamed into the boose 


backwards {hetopo-horoka). This is a sign of great respect. A woman, 
when going out of a bat or from tbe prasenoe of a man, must always, 
according to Ainn etiquette, walk slowly out backwards. Sbe mast never 
torn her back on a man ! Sbe mast always honour her betters, i. e. tbe 
opposite sex. She must also smooth back ber hair, draw ber finger across her 
upper lip aud cover her mouth with her hand. This is the woman's mode of saln- 
tatiuu aud showing honour to her superiors. In the present case, however, this 
comely woman was paying respects to the brilliant beauties of nature which she 
saw depicted upon the heavens, hence she came into ber but reverently walking 

Here I may perhaps note in passing, that, when men are talking together in 
a house, the women present must endeavour to become nunenUties. They must 
sit apart and either keep silent or speak in whispers. They generally sit in a ring 
and go on with what work they have in hand, such as needle-work, making string 
or cloth, or cleaning fish. They are supposed to be neither seen nor beard, though 
tbey must of course be at the beck and call of the men and attend to the fire. 

Also in passing a man in the forest, she must always make way for the 
stronger sex, must cover her mouth with her hand and not speak unless spoken to^ 

The fifth verse merely describes how intent the lady was upon her sewing. 
She looked at " the point of her needle, and fixed her gaae upon the eye end 
thereof," says the legend. 

Terse six. The water-wagtail is much esteemed by the Ainn, for they consider 
it to be a bird of good omen. It is supposed to be the first bird that was created, 
and is thought to be a special favourite and companion of the gods. Hence versa 
seven tells us that this bird was chosen and sent to convey tbe intelligence of 
Okikurami*s love-stricken heart and critical condition to this beautiful and indus- 
trious damsel. The burden of the bird's speech is contained in verses eight to 

Verse nine. The words *' two bad fish and two good fish '* form an expression 
indicating that whatever food was placed before Okikurumi, whether good or bad, 
he could not touch it. He was so very love-sick. " Dear, dear," says the thir« 
teenth verse, '* how badly he felt ! " 

Verse ten expresses what a sad calamity it would be if Okikurumi were to 
die. He was the very life and hope of the Ainn. 

Let every one take warning from verses twelve and thurteeu. It is not good to 
look upon a woman and become love-stricken and love-sick on ber aoooont. Sea 
what Okikurumi suffered. 

The remainder of these verses merely tell us how easily the great Okikurumi 
himself was deceived by a shadow. 

The moral the Ainu draw is :— Do not be too easily deceived by woman*s love, 
for it soon passes away like a mere unsubstantial phantom or shadow ; or as tha 
words are :— " it is not," i. e. it ceases to be. Therefore beware. 




I suppose tliei'e are very few persons now residing in Japan who 
doubt that the Ainu once inhabited, at all events, the whole of Japan 
proper, north of Sendai. And, indeed, there appeal's to be ample proof 
showing that they also penetrated farther south even than Tokyd. 

The scene of the following legend is laid in the northern part of 
Japan, probably in the province of Namba or Tsugaru. It is said that 
Okikorumi and his wife were very old people when they taught the 
Ainu how to cut down trees, and that this is the last act Okikurnmi did 
among the Ainu, for both he and his wife ascended to heaven riding 
upon the sound of a falling tree and enveloped in fire. In fact, I am 
told that the act here recorded took place after Okikurumi^s death, but 
that he was sent down from heaven with the express purpose of assist- 
ing the Ainu to fell a '' metal pine tree,'' and, having accomplished tliis 
work, he returned thither. It is a curious legend, and I confess that 
I cannot quite understand its drift ; however, I will record it here as 
another specimen of curious Ainu folk-lore. 


1. Samoro moshiri kaori 
moshii-i peketa ** 
kani shungu " 
ash ruwe ne *' 

2. Eamui kouwekarapa kaori 
nupuru kamul '* 
nupan kamui *' 
emush koreuba ** 
emush kokekke '' 
shir'an awa. ** 

8. Nowenohikko kaori 

nowenpakko '' 

utnra ine ** 

At the head of Japan there 
was a metal pine tree. 

2. Now, the ancients, both noble 
and ignoble, came together 
and broke and bent their 
swords (upon that tree). 

8. Then there came a very old 
man and a very old woman 
upon the scene. 

* Kaori la the tune or tone of voice in which this legend is recited. 


snaosMM or mvp wmx-mMm US 

Am NoweachikJko 



The old man had a afdafs old 

wen kamanata 


axe in his girdle, and the old 



woman a neeleae old reaping 




wen iyokbd 





Eanmi niara 



So they caased the anoienti to 



laagh at them. 


Kamai katap ne 



Even the ancients were anable 

kan' ninkeshbe 


to cat down the tree, ao they 



said : ' ' Old man and old woman. 



what have yoa oome hither to 




kara gasn 




kamai utara 


itak awa. 






The old man said:— "W« 

ene itak-hi 


have only come thai we may 

ingara poka 



aki guBU 


ariki an awa. 



Itak-tek koro 



As the old man said this bo 

wen kamanata 


drew his aseless old aze and 



Btriking the metal pine tree 

kani shnnga 


cat a little way into it. 

tangi awa 


poQ no ongora 






And the old woman, drawing 

wen iyokbe 


her aseless old reaping hook, 



strack the tree and oat it 

tangi awa 






Horak bam 



There was a mighty crash ; 



the earth trembled with the 





11. Nowenohikko kaori 11. Then the old man and woman 
Nowenpakko '* passed up upon the sound 
hamrikikatta '* thereof, and a fire was seen 
ouhnye shirika *' upon their sword-scahhards. 
kari shiri. *' 

12. Eamui ntan kaori 12. The ancients saw this and 
nukara, ** greatly wondered, and then 
oro oyachiki " they understood that it was 
Okikummi << Okikurumi and his wife, 
uturesh-koro '* 

ne rok okai. << 


Verses 1, 2. The words I have translated by ** at the head of Japan/' are, 
in Ainu: Samoro mothirit mothiri paketa, and this means **at the north" 
or "north-eastern" or "eastern end of the island of Nippon." Samoro 
moshiri is never ased to designate Yezo, 

** Metal pine tree '* rather indicates that the pine trees were very beautifol 
rather than that they were really made of metal. The word kani, " metal," was 
often ased in ancient times to express a thing of beanty. Thns i^Kanipon kasa, 
" a pretty hat ;*' kani chiteit ** a magnificent house ;" kani to, " a beantifnl lake ; " 
kani nitai, " a delightfal forest," and so on. However, verse 2 shows us that 
not beanty only is indicated here, bat also hardness ; for the ancients bent and 
broke their " swords " (the Aina had no axes) in trying to fell this ** metal pine 
tree." ^e word I have translated by " ancients " is, in Ainn, Kamui, which is a 
term applied to the gods, bat the words nupuru and nupan, " noble and ignoble," 
or " high'and low," show that men are here intended. 

For a discussion of the term kamui see Transactions of the Asiatic Society 
of Japan, vol. xvi, pt. i, page 17 et teq. 

Verse 8. The words nowenehikko and nowevpakko are terms applied only to 
Japanese of very ripe old age. Chikko and bakko are said to be ancient Japanese 
words meaning respectively, " old man " and " old woman." 

Verses 4-7. The ancients had been working hard to fell that tree, therefore 
they thought it ridicaloas that such an old oonple with sach poor tools should come 
to try their hand. Say they :— " Old man and old woman, what have you come 
hither to do? " " ikerely to look at you," says the old man ; " we have only come 
that we may see." The old gentleman appears to have been a little sarcastic, for 
▼erses eight to eleven say that he straok the tree with his useless old axe and made 

BATOBiXiOB : sraoxuixB oy Mxnm iols-lou. 187 

a utile cat in it, aad that the old woman gave it a blow with her nseleM old reap- 
ing hook, and the tree fell with a mighkj crash, so that the earth trembled with 
the fall thereof ; and, with the sound of the mighty crash, and in a olond of fire 
they both aocended to heaven. Then, says verse eleven, the Ainu nnderstood that 
the old man and woman were no other than Toshitsnne and his wife 1 80 ends the 

It may be asked, *' who was Okiknmmi's (ToBhitsnne's) wife T '* This qnestion 
I will dismiss by merely saying that I do not know. Possibly we may be able to 
learn in the near future. I have heard, however, that he married an Ainu woman 
called ** Tnresh Machi,*' but this ouly means " the younger daughter of a house." 
We can produce no positive evidence showing who she may have been. 

The moral the Ainu teach from this legend is :— ** Let not the younger laugh at 
the elder, for even the vezy old people can teaoh their juniors a great deal, even in 
10 simple a matter as feUiog trees." 


If any gtudent of philology is desiroas of seeing what the aneient 
language of the Ainu was realiy like, he may surely find it in the text 
of this tradition. Many of the words here used are never heard now 
excepting in the like traditions and legends, and most of the younger 
Ainu can neither explain nor understand such language unless they are 
first specially taught it by their elders. It really requires much patient 
toil and study to grasp the peculiar meaning of the words, and still more 
to understand the drift of certain allusions and idiomatic phrases, 
especially as many of them either have already become or are fast 
becoming obsolete. 

I have seen the following tradition listened to by old men full of 
years with wrapt attention. And indeed, I hardly wonder at it, for it is 
an exciting tale, full of pathos and graphic description, but it loses much 
of its beauty by being translated. 

* Poiyaumhe is the name of the sublet and means ** the brave Ainu." 


BATCtfdnkdiifc : MB<nMMfl ^v ktito totA^tMLM* 

In otdet thftt it may be the betidr nnderstood as it is benig read t4» 
yon, I wonld ask yon kindly to bear tbe following few remarks in mind. 

1. Poiyaumbs may be taken to mean '^ancient Ainn warriors.*' 

2. The deer which will be brought before your notice are hnjnan 
beings, inhabitants of a place called Samatuye, They have come to 
fight the Ainn. The speckled buck is their chief and the speckled doe 
is the chiefs wife. The man leads the men, and the woman the women. 
Women as well as men nsed to fight. 

8. These Samatuye people are said to have been a very warlike 
race. They travelled far and wide in search of conquest and fame. 
They nsed to travel and fight in the air, and oonld assume the forms of 
different kind of animals. Thus they came in the form of deer to wage 
war with the Ainu. 

4. As soon as the battle is commenced, they assume their proper 
form and carry on the fight in the air. 

5. But the Ainu warriors could also mount upon the clouds and 
fight ; henee, the Poiyatmbe here brought before our notice was able to 
travel through the air to Samatiiye and so carry the war into the very 
camp of the enemy. 

I will now give the tradition, reserving all further notes and 
comments till the end. 



1. bhisei ta turesh, akoro yupi 
eren a ne wa ramma-kane okan 
ruwe ne. 

^. Shine anchikara mokoro poka 
iki aetoranne an an awa, ingar'an 
humi bene ya, wendarap an humi 
bene ya, aeramushkare. 

8. Akoro petpo, pet turashi, 
ingar'an ike, pet etokushbe kamui 
nupuri, kamui shikuma kata apk» 

1. We three, my younger lister, 
my elder brother and I, were always 

2. One night I was quite unable 
to sleep, but whether what I now 
relate was seen in a dream or 
whether it really took place 1 do 
not know. 

8. Now t saw upon the tops of 
the mountains which lie towards 
the source of our river a great herd 




topahn Bbionii kane ; tops atpake 
poro shiapka usfaiash apka, kiraa 
ne yakka aabiash ki rnwe ne. 
Mommambe topa atpaia usbiuBh 
momambe topa atpa etereke kane 
annkan* rawe ne. Tambe gaaa, 
ahotki kata aki hopuni, awok kane^ 
earasaine do aiamamkosaye ; kasa 
kasa-rantupei ayaikoynpa, kina- 
taye bosbi ayaipoki-sbiri karakara 
kane, kani sbata keire aareecbia, 
kamni rangetam akntpokiebiai 
tarnsb ikayap atek-sayekare, ka« 
rimba snka kn-ntim noahike atek- 
aayekate aki, soyoabima* 

4. Pet tnraahi m an toi ka wa 
bopuni, rera lyorikiknrn pani kane 
onae nisbka abopnni arapa an awa ; 
akoro ynpi ebiaei ta toresb isetnrn 
ka yairarbre ki rok okai. 

5. Paye an awa; kamni Bhiknma 
kata, soon no poka apka topa abin- 
nai kane, topa atpata HBbiaab apka 
kiran ne yakka nsbinabbe ne niwe 
ne ; momambe topa, topa atpata 
nabiusb momambe cbiterekere ki 
mwe ne. 

6« Tata orota, pnab abikorni 

of male deer feeding by tbemaelTea. 
At the bead of tbis great berd 
there was a very large speckled 
buck ; even its boms were speckled. 
At the bead of the berd of female 
deer there was a speckled doe skip- 
ping about iu front of its fellows. 
80 I sat np in my bed, buckled 
my belt, winding it once roond 
my body, and tied my bat 
strings under my chin ; I then 
fastened my leggings, made of grass, 
to my legs, slipped on my best 
boots, stuck my favorite sword 
in my girdle, took my quiver sling 
in my band, seized my bow, which 
was made of yew and ornamented 
with cherry bark, by the middle, 
and sallied forth. 

4. The dust upon the road by 
the river-side was flying about ; I 
was taken up by the wind and really 
seemed to go along upon the clouds* 
Now, my elder brother and youn- 
ger sister were coming along behind 

6. And as we went along, in 
truth, we saw that the mighty 
mountains were covered with great 
herds of bucks and does ; the bucks 
had a speckled male at their head, 
even its boms were speckled; 
there was also a speckled female 
deer skipping about at the head of 
the does. 

6» On coming near them» I took 



hewe an kane, tap orowa no apka 
topa, topa ikiri orosama ai-erosbki, 
ne-i koracbi shikama kafca apka 
topa ipatoye cbiachiubare. Mo- 
mambe topa akoro yupi orosama 
ai-uirage, ne-i koracbi momambe 
topa yaemosbkara sama kane, 
irnkai tomta apka topa aakettektek ; 
momambe topa aakettektek. Eapo- 
keketa, abunak yak ne rok be, aina 
pito an nangora ? airamasbkare. 

7* Araka itak easbinge ene okai- 
i : — " Poiyanmbe eposo gusn kon- 
rametok, tu mosbiri ika re mosbui 
ika aasani asb gnra e ne wa gasu, 
hokamgm no cbisbimemokka aeka- 
rakara gnsn, ek an awa ; autanbi- 
po cbiko-okere iyekarakara ki abe 
gnsn, e an-rapoki akari knni eramu 
gnsn, e konrametok nean benenewa 
ne yakka e an-rapoki akari anak 
ne sbomo ki nangoro." 

8. PaknonekorOjSbisakntarapa 
tern ka bonna sbikayekaye, yapke 
tamkura ikoterekere an no ikippo, 
aemondasa asbinnma ka atem ka 
konna sbikayekaye, yapke tamkara 
akoterekere iki an ita, tarn ok bami 
oara isam. Aekotpokba ewen kane, 
ftsbinnma ka a emnsb, emnsb kane 

an arrow oat of my quiver and Bhot 
into tbe very tbiekest of tbe berd, bo 
tbat tbe mountains became covered 
witb tbe multitude of tbose Tvbicb 
bad tasted poison (i. e. wbiob bad 
been bit witb poisoned arrows). 
And, my older brotber sbooting 
into tbe tbickest of tbe berd of does, 
killed so many tbat tbe grass was 
completely covered witb tbeir 
bodies ; witbin a very sbort time the 
wbole herd, both of bucks and does 
was slain. How was it that tbat 
which but a short time since was a 
deer became a man ? That I cannot 

7. With angry words he said to 
me: — *' Because you are a brave 
Poiyaumbe and your fame has 
spread over many lands, you have 
come hither with tbe purpose of 
picking a quarrel with me. Thus 
then, you see tbat you have slain 
my friends and you doubtless think 
you can defeat me, but however 
brave you may be, I think you 
will probably find tbat you are 
mistaken. " 

8. When be had spoken so much, 
this lordly person drew his sword 
with a flash and struck at me with 
powerful strokes ; in return I also 
flashed out my sword, but when I hit 
at bim witb mighty blows there was 
no corresponding crashing sound. 
It was extremely difficult to come 



eta peken rera ne. Ayaikara kane 
ekotpoka ewen kane ki rok ine, itni- 
pa kata aerampentekbe iki a koro- 
ka, atuman-kaBhi wen kempa na 
kohopnni, wen aina niine shinnma 
ne yakka tnman-kashike wen kem- 
pa na kohopnni : 

9. Rapokeketa, chisei ta toresh 
akoro yupi etun ne ine nsbinsh mo- 
mambe awetnnangara ; tnn kane 
tarn sep nkobopuui shii'i ki. Aine, 
kimatek kata iki, koroka iki, ingar* 
an ike, akoro yupi arasereke aikne 
taye mosbiri sbokata iek-kuwapo 
koecbararase sbiri ki ita; ynpke 
tamknra akoterekere, tup ne rep 
ne aasatnye iki an ita, sbicbup 
kata Bbiknu pito ne. Ham erikikara 
poni kane, bontomota kando koto- 
ro oran atasa tarn sep serekosamba. 
Eara ntoro an etayesere bam sere- 
kosamba ina an gasa, cbisei ta 
taresh sbicbup kata iuota oroge 
bopaui bam ko kearototke. 

10. Tata orota wen sbiwentep 
wen repan mat yayoparase-cbinre 
kane, mosbiri sbokata boraocbiawe. 
Tap orowa no sbiwentep etnn ota- 
tarn iworo ore-tam iworo iyetereke- 
re iki an aine, wen sbiwentep tap 
* ne rep ne aosa-taye, sbiehap kata 

apon bim; it was as tboagb tbe 
wind cangbt tbe point of my sword. 
Tbongb tbis was tbe case, tboagb 
it was difEicalt to strike bim, and 
tboagb I did not realize tbat I was 
strack, yet macb blood sparted oat 
of my body. Tbat abominable, bad 
man was also bleeding profasely. 

9. Wbilst tbings were going on 
in tbis way, my elder brotber and 
yoanger sister met witb tbe speckled 
doe, and botb attacked it witb 
drawn swords. With great fear 
tbey fongbt ; and, wben I looked, 
I saw tbat my elder brotber was cat 
in twain ; as be fell, be pat oat his 
hands and raised himself from tbe 
earth. I then drew my sword and 
cut him twice or thrice, so tbat be 
became a living man again. Then 
riding apon a soand like thander, he 
qaickly ascended to the skies and 
again engaged in tbe fight. I now 
beard a soand as of another person 
being slain elsewhere : it was my 
yoanger sister who was killed. With 
a great sound she rode upon the 
sun (i. e. she died with a groan). 

10. Upon this the bad foreign 
woman boasted and said that she 
had slain my yoanger sister and 
thrown her to tbe earth. Then, 
tbe two, tbe woman and man, fell 
apon me with all their might and 
main, bat I strack the bad woman 


^BAOOBELCm: BPECatEXtB oat AOm 9QiLKrlJ(aM. 

hum erikikura tesa kane, sliikna 
kamai ne hum erikikuru tesa kanOi 
okaketa wen aiua nitue ikoyaisaua 
sange kane korakashike itak oma- 
re, ene okai-i : — 

11. '^Poiyaumbe eposo gasa, 
ekonrametok ia assnru oroge hopu- 
m awa ; e iki ap gasa, akoro koian 
reihe koro kata Samataye kotan ne 
rawe ne. Akoro akibi akoro turesh 
tun ne ine cbasbi sbikkasbima, 
kamui otta ka konrametok aibanara 
akoro akibi ne ruwe ne na. Sekoro 
an gasu eiraige yakka akoro akibi 
ikemna yak ne po isbiknupo e ki 
nangora, eyaikosbonge e ki nangon 

12. Hontomota wen aina nitne 
bomaretara atnye bami aerama an. 
Tasa tamkuri yainatnmnu obon no 
ne ya setak no ne ya ayainutumun. 
Orosama, akoyaisbikarun ; in gar* an 
gusn, asbkai samma amat-emasbi 
aekurnkasbike tamun-tamun ; ai- 
kap sama mosbiri ka nsbbe a wa 
kina ayaipekap, Bbinrit kata akoo- 

18. Oroaama, koyaiBhikarnn 
aki mwe ne. Ayaikosbiramsbaye 
ike, neita an kotan reibe koro kani 
Samatuye kotan ue wa gasa, chi- 
iBbitomare aiyekarakara ki bawe 
ne koro, takarikehe abosbipi yak 
anokne obi*emina ayekarakara ki 

twice or ibrice so that she rode 
upon the sun : she went to the eon 
a living soul. Then the bad, malig- 
nant man, being left alone, gpoke 
thus : — 

11. ''Beoauae yon are a Poi- 
yaumbe and the fame of your brav- 
ery has spread over many conn tries, 
and because you have done this, 
know ye that the place where I live 
is called Samatuye, The two, my 
younger brother and sister, are the 
defenders of my house, and they 
are exceedingly brave. Thus then, 
if I am slain by you, my younger 
brother will avenge my death and 
you will live no longer. Ton must 
be careful." 

12. Now I made a cut at that 
bad, malignant man, but be returned 
the blow, and I swooned. Whether 
the swoon lasted for a long space 
or a short, I know not. But when 
I opened my eyes I found my right 
band stretched out above me and 
striking hither and thither with the 
sword, and with the left I was 
seizing the grass and tearing it up 
by the roots. 

18. 8o I came to myself. And, 
I wondered where Samafuytf could 
be, and why it was so called. I 
thought that name was given to 
the place to frighten me, and I con- 
sidered that if I did not pay it a 
visit I shonid be laughed at whio ' 



Lamihi, otarai tsambe aekotekara. 

14. Tambe gusn, ingar* an ike, 
tau iuue topa ariki rawe, ru karu- 
kasbi aebopuni, inne kotan, kotan 
npsoro koyaiterekere. Tap an 
topa ru kurakasbike ebopani 
arapan aine, tokap rere ko, kunne 
rere ko, cbi-ukopisbke no iwan 
rere ko, arapa an goro, atai-teksama 
aiyosange. Inne kotan cbi-sbiri anu. 

16. Tap an ekaye-cbisb kando 
kotoro ko-yairikikum puni kane, 
kamkasbike kamni kot cbasbi cbi- 
onsbi kara, cbasbi tap ka nisbpa 
turembe kuni cbi-sbiri ko-uoye 
kane sbiran cbiki, cbasbi teksam 
aiyorange; cbisei sam kata bami 
mo apkasb akourepentok noye 
kane ; puyara otbe akakotari sep- 
ka uturu asbikposare. Ingar*an 
ike, abe etok ta pon ainu pon 
gnra abe tek sam koisamkokka 
esbitcbiure, boka nosbike koeni- 
iomnm, obarakiso an pon sbiwen- 
tep an nangora, aeramnsbkare. 

16. Tap easbiii, cbisei ta tnresb 
etnru pak nanga yaikoropare bam 
sbiwentep okai ruwe ne. Tata 
orota pon aina pon garu ene itak- 
bi : — '' Eoingara gasa, akot taresb 
itak an cbiki pirika no na yan. 
Tan ancbikatta kamni knroro yai- 
kar*bami aiyamokte ki rawe ne na. 

I retamed borne, and tbns feel 

14. Tberefore I looked ap and 
discovered tbe track by wbicb tbis 
mnltitade of persons bad come ; I 
ascended to tbe patb and passed 
very many towns and villages. 
A.nd I travelled along tbis patb for 
tbree days and tbree nigbts, in all 
six days, till I came down npon 
tbe sea-sbore ; bere I saw many 
towns and villages. 

15. Here tbere was a very tall 
moantain wbose top extended even 
into tbe skies ; npon its sommit 
was a beantiful bouse, and above 
tbis circled a great cloud of fog. I 
descended by tbe side of tbe boose, 
and stealthily walking along with 
noiseless steps, peeped in between 
tbe cracks of tbe door and listened. 
I saw something like a very little 
man sitting cross-legged at tbe bead 
of tbe fire-place staring into tbe fire, 
and I saw something like a little 
woman sitting on the left-hand side 
of tbe fire-place. 

16. Here again was a woman 
who in beauty equalled my younger 
sister. Now, the little man spake 
thus : — " Ob, my younger sister, 
listen to me, for I have a word to 
say. Tbe weather is clouding 
over, and I am filled with antici- 
pation. You know, you have been 



EoiDgdra gasa ocbia tasnre kinin 
tusure, pen ram orowa no e ki rok 
a na. Eekonheiak tusa wa en kore 
yan, kasa ham asbbe ana gasa ne 

17. Sdkoro kane, pen aina pen 
gara itak rok awa, pon sbiwentep 
ta pase maasbok yaierarapa ki rok 
ine, ene itak-i : — ** Akoro yupi pon 
akoro ynpi itak an cbiki, pirika no 
na yan. Nop irenga koro akoro 
yapibi ki kataba ene ani, taima 
kane asBara anap ; Tomi-sampet 
Bbinatap kasbi koassara asbbe. 
Poiyatimbe kamai konrametok iki 
aige, motobo sak no po cbi- 
sbimemokka akoro ynpibi ekara- 
kara gasa Poiyaumhe sbine okkayo 
iki yakka akoro yapibi atat*tara 
no wen toi kando akokirakara ki 
rawe ne. Ki rok okai rapokeketa, 
ya an gara mosbiri orowa no pon 
kesorap kando kotoro cbikarare ; 
kotasuyapa aki kash ne koroka, 
makan ne ko ene ierekebe aawe- 
raye. Atai shokata atai cbikoikip 
pon cbikoikip kambekaraka koe- 
cbararase, akoro kotan attom sama 
yaye asbi pak no ne koro rep an 
gnrn mnitam» ya an gara mattam 

a propbet from a child. Jasi pro- 
phesy to me, for I desire to bear 
of the fatare.*' 

17. Thas spake the little man. 
Then the little woman gave two 
great yawns and said : — ** My 
elder brother, my little elder bro- 
ther, listen to me for I have a word 
to say. Wherefore is my brother 
thas in anticipation ? I hear news 
from a distant land ; there is news 
coming from above the moantains 
of TomUanpst!^ The brave Potya- 
umbe have been attacked by my 
elder brother witboat caase, bat 
a single man has annihilated my 
brother and bis men. Whilst the 
battle proceeds a little Kesorap* 
comes flying across the sky from the 
interior ; and, thoagh I earnestly 
desire to prophesy aboat it, some- 
how or other it passes oat of my 
sight. When it crosses the sea it 
darts along apon the sarface of the 
water like a little fish ; coming 
straight towards oar town is the 
clashing of swords, the sword of a 
Ya un ' man and a Eep un ^ man ; 

^ TomUan pet is the name of a river said to be aboat a day's joomey farther 
up the West coast of Yezo than Isbkari. 

* Ketorap is said by some Ainu to be a peacock, and by others a kind of 
eagle. Here, however, it signifies the yictorions Aina now on his way to 
destroy Samatwge, 

* Ya Ml, '* Aina." ' B^ «ft, the enemy of the Ai&o. 



awatmkoro esbishaye, in kern 
shai oro akasbpAre shiri ki aine, 
rep an guru muttam abnn chap 
pok akotareyena, ya an gura 
zaattam pinue shikihi Bbi-ohnp 
kata tonnatara ki-bi anak ne, ayai- 
komorep akot cbaebi iki a yakka, 
akoro obasbi nwoma konip sbomo 
tap an na. Pak do ne koro asbik 
etobo nsbikosamba ki rnwe ne na. 
Pirika no nu yan." 

18. Hawasb cbiki, tanebo ekbe 
asbikopayara obisei samkata uisbte 
toi oro apatHoi kanne aare poketa 
nab kane, apa orutbe kaisbitapka 
terekere. Mindara karaka koaosb- 
ma aki rok awa, apa taika un sbine 
ikmne ikobosari ki rok awa, nep 
kamai nukan rokbe kat un kani 
itakarige kosbik etumba, barikiso 
8am niwen cbiuika aikotori. 

19. Pon ainu pon gara esbisbo 
an wa aureieruta abe betok ne-bi 
akoisam kokkae a esbitcbiare, 
kurakasbike aitak omare ene okai- 
bi: — ''Eoingara gasa, Samatuye 
un guru pon ainu pon garu itak an 
cbiki, pirika no na yan. Nep 
rametok akoro wa gasa bange rep 
un guru tuima rep ua gura cbieu- 
ramtekuk iyekarakara ki rok gasa, 
Samatuye un guru e koro yupi 
moto Bak no po cbisbimemokka 
iyekarakara, tap ambe ne ya? 

blood is spurting forth frem two 
great wounds ; tbe sword of tbe 
Rep un man goes into tbe setting 
sun and is lost ; tbe handle of tbe 
sword of tbe Ta un man sbiaes 
upon tbe sun. Although our 
house was in peace it is now in 
danger. In speaking thus much 
my eyes become darkened. Pay 
attention to what I have said." 

18. As she said this, I pretended 
that I bad but now arrived, and 
knocking tbe dirt off my boots 
upon tbe bard soil jnst outside tbe 
bouse, I lifted the door-screen over 
my shoulders and stepped inside. 
They both turned round and looked 
at me with one accord ; with fear 
they gazed at me from under their 
eye-brows. Then I walked along 
tbe left-band side of tbe fire- 
place with hasty strides. 

19. I swept tbe little man to 
tbe right-hand side of tbe fire-place 
with my foot, and, sitting myself 
cross-legged at tbe head thereof, 
spake thus : — ** Look here, little 
Samatuye man, I have a word to 
say : attend well to me. Why has 
your elder brother, the Samatuye 
man, attacked us without reason ? 
Has he not done so ? As you have 
stirred up this war without reason 
you will be punished by the gods, 
you will be annihilated. Usteo to 



Tap an tnmnncbi moto sak no po 
echi kip ne gnsu, kamui orowa no 
tamanchi seremak akopak guru 
anak chi-anna-raige aekarakan 
nangoro ; pirika no nu yan. 
Eepaketa nikap ainu a ne yakka 
iki, 6 koro kotan wen toi kando 
akokirn nangoro; pirika no nn 

20. Pak no ne koro atemka 
konna ehikayekaye, ynpke tarn- 
kura akoterekere iki an awa; 
peken rera ne, chisei kan kotoro 
kohopnni. Tap orowa no chisei 
pan nok chisei pen nok koyaikirare ; 
rapoketa pnyara otta apa otta nep 
eapak kanip ainu ne manu apatui 
kata nkata tereke. Puyara otta 
Ainu ne manu kikiri pasushke ek 
an na yukara ; apatui kata ahun 
wa ambe kina otnye aekarakara. 

21. Rapokeketa, pon shiwentep 
ene itak-hi : — ** Akoro yupuhi nep 
bnrihi echi koro katnhn ene a ani- 
bi moto sak no po Poiyaumbe ne 
ap gasu ki rnsnibe, rai ne beki ki 
wa gnsn moto sak no po ohi-sbime- 
mokka echi ekarakara gusu, Poiya- 
nmbe aramaukese ayaioraye ki 
nangon na. Pirika no nu yan." 

22. Pon shiwentep itak keseta 
upsboro konna serikosamba; tap 
orowa no apatui kata ahun wa 

what I say. Besides, although I 
am a wounded man, I will over- 
throw your town. Listen to what 
I say!" 

20. And when I had said so 
much, I drew my sword and 
flashed it about. I struck at him 
with such blows that the wind 
whistled. We ascended to the ceil- 
ing fighting, and here I chased him 
from one end of the bouse to the 
other. Whilst this was going on, a 
very great multitude of men con- 
gregated upon the threshold. 
They were as thick as swarms of 
flies ; so I cut them down like men 
mow grass. 

21. Whilst this was going on, 
the little woman said : — ** Oh my 
brothers, why did ye commit such 
a fault as to attack the Poiyaumbe 
without cause ? Was it that ye 
desired to slay those who had no 
desire to die that ye fell upon 
them ? Henceforth I shall cast in 
my lot with the Poiyaumbe. Listen 
to my words," 

22. When the little woman had 
thus spoken, she drew a dagger 
from her bosom and cut down the 



ambe, kina otnye ekarakan ruwa 
no ; sLine ikinue shine tarn ani aki 
mwe ne. 

28. Shiri ki aine, asoinapashte 
aki rawe ne. Ingar'an ike, moyo 
no ntara chi- shire aun, otara 
seremak ta Samataye an guru 
poneone hike, ntara seremak ne 
yaikara kane; irukai nekoro, moyo 
no ntara aakettektek, Okake an 
goro, Samatuye un gm'U niwen 
chinika akotari karnkashike ako- 
tarn etaye, yapke tamkara akotere- 
kere. Samatuye un mat iteksam 
peka koro ynpihi ynpke tamknra 

24. Irukai ne koro, tup ne rep 
ne ausataye inotn oroge hopuni 
ham kuru kearototke. Okaketa, 
Pon shiwentep ta chish weube 
yaiyekote, karnkashike itak omare 
ene okai-hi : — ** Ashinnma anak 
aoyane nep, ara apaha sak gara 
karnkashike tarn rarire ne wa gusn ; 
Paiyaumbs pon yattaibo ikokararase 
ne no poka eara maukese ayaitarare 
ki rawe ne na. Pirika no nu yan." 

men at the door like grass; we 
fought side by side. 

28. Fighting so, we drove them 
out of the hoase. And, when we 
looked at them there were but a 
few lefl, bat behind them stood the 
little Samatuye man ; yes, he was 
there. In a very short time those 
few persons were all killed. After 
this I went after the Samatuye man 
with hasty strides and drew my 
sword above him. I struck at him 
with heavy blows. The Samatuye 
woman ako stood by my side and 
hit at her brother with her dagger. 

24. In a short time he received 
two or three cuts and was slain. 
After this the little woman wept 
very mnch and spake, saying, '* As 
for me, I am undone. I did not 
desure to draw my dagger against 
a man without friends. As the little 
hawks flock together where there 
is food, so have I an earnest desire 
to be with thee, Poiyaumhe! 
Listen to what I say.*' 


1. Poiyaumbe. I have oome to the oonolnsion that this wbrd is most probably 
meant to designate the ancient Ainu, for, ya un guru is the word by which the 
Ainn nsed to dlBtingnish tbemseWes from foreigners, whom they called 
Rep un guru, Ya un guru means, ** persons residing on the soil, or "natives." 
JUp un guru means, " pexsons ol the sea ; '* or *' persons residing beyond 

148 EkTCBss/m : spsonnBNS of ainu folk-lobb. 

tiw seas;" or <* Islanders." Thus Foiyaumhe agaifiBB, <* little beings residiog 
on tbe soil;'* for the word may be divided in this way: Poiox pon, ** little;" 
ya, "land," "soil;" un, locative particle ;p« *' things," "being," "personB." 
Pon, however, should not betaken in this instance to really mean "small "or 
'* little," bat it is intended to express endearment or admiration, and may in this 
case be conveniently translated by " brave ; " thus the word comes to mean " the 
brave Aina." Persons who especially bore this name were the brave warriors of the 
Aina race, what we should probably call the heroes of the people. 

2. Sections one io five need no comment from me ; I will therefore pass them 
over, merely saying that such minute and graphic description is common among 
the Ainu. 

3. Section fix asks :— " How was it that that which but a short time ago was 
a deer became a man ? That I cannot tell." It was now for the first time that 
the Ainn discovered the deer to be human beings. They now assumed their 
proper fonn and were found to be enemies come to pick a quarrel and fight. 

4. Section teven contains the challenge to fight. Here we see that the 
«peckled buck, now turned into a man, accuses the Ainu of slaying his comrades. 
He seeks some ground of quarrel and attempts to shift the real cause of the 
'War from bis own shoulders to those of the Ainu, when, in truth, he 
himself had invaded the land. " You have slain my friends," says he. Then out 
flash the swords and the duel is fought with vigour and warmth. 

5. In this section we have also an intimation that the Ainu was of great 
fame ; his " fame had spread over many lands." What lands these were I cannot 
learn. Some tell me that the Ainu sailed in their boats to Manchuria and crossed 
the ice to Siberia, and there waged war and traded. 

6. Section nine tells us of the fight between the foreigner's wife and the Ainu*s 
brother and sister, both of whom were slain by her. The brother was cut in 
twain, but the Poiyaunibe went and struck him twice or thrice with his sword, 
which, it is said, brought him back to life I This is a very curious statement, but 
it is said that the Ainu once had the power of bringing persons back to life by 
cutting them with their swords. To this very day they have a custom of drawing 
their swords over a sick person and making a pretence of cutting him or her to 
pieces. This is supposed to have great efficacy in healing and restoring to life ! 
The Ainu say that they have lost the power of restoring slain comrades to life by 
the sword, and this is the reason they have now given up fighting 1 In this section 
we have also an intimation of how the Ainu used to speak of life and death. The 
Ainu*s sister rode upon the sun ; i.e. she died. Death is riding upon the setting 
sun, and life is riding upon the rising sun, or a shining like the sun ! This is a 
curious thing. What the underlying thought may be I will leave you to imagine. 

7. Section ten tells us of the death of the doe, who had become a woman : her 
body was left, bat her living soul travelled to the sun, i.e. she was shun. 

8. Sections ten and eleven iuiimate that the antagonist of the Ainn was 
beginning to fear. He therefore threatens him with the vengeance of his brother and 
sister; he also tells him that the name of his country is Samatwye. Where 
Samatuye may be I cannot find out. Samatwye means, •* to be out in twain ; " but 
it is said to be the name of a place or country. 

9. Section fourteen. The path by which the enemy had come was in the air, 
and the Ainu followed it up till he came to the country called Samatuye, Here, 
the fifteenth section says, was an exceedingly high mountain, upon whose summit 
was built the chiefs palace ; at its foot was the capital city. Again the Ainu ascends 
to the air and comes stealthily to the door of the palace; he sees the brother and 
sister of his enemy and listens to their conversation. What he overheard is 
recorded in the sixteenth and seventeenth section. 

10. BeciionB tixteen to eighteen. The sister was a prophetess. There are still 
prophets and prophetesses amongst the Ainu, but their chief duty now is to tell 
the causes of illness, to prescribe medicines, to charm away sickness, and to make 
known the ultimate result, i.e. to tell whether a person will die or get well again. 
When a person prophesies he or she is supposed to sleep or otherwise loose con- 
sciousness, the spirit of prophecy or divination is thought to enter into the heart 
of the prophet, so that the subject merely becomes a tool or mouth-piece of the 
gods. The prophet is not even supposed to know what he himself says, and often 
the listeners do not understand what his words portend. When in the act of 
prophesying the prophet is in a fearful tremble ;.he generally breathes very hard 
and drops of perspiration stand upon his brow. Though his eyes should be open 
they have, for the time being, lost all power of sight. He sees nothing but with 
the mind. Everything he sees, whether relating to the past, present or future, is 
spoken of in the present tense. This spirit of prophecy is quite believed in by the 
people, and the prophet or prophetess is often resorted to. But curiously enough, 
no person can prophesy just when he or she pleases : he must wait till the spirit 
seizes him. Nor is a good drink of wine always needed, but contemplation and 
prayer are absolute necessities. The burden of prophecy sometimes comes oat in 
jerks, but more often in a kind of sing-song monotone. 

11. I have witnessed a prophet prophesying, and, truly, I think it would be 
difficult to find a more solemn scene. Absolute silence was observed by the people 
who were congregated together : no voice was to be heard but that of the prophet. 
Old men with grey beards sat there with tears in their eyes, silent and solemn ; 
attentively were they listening to what was being said. The prophet appeared to be 
quite carried away with his subject, for he was beating himself with his hands. 
When he had finished, he opened his eyes and, for a moment, they looked wild 
and shone like fire ; but exhaustion soon came over him. But to return. 

12. Section seventeen. This sections contain the woman's prophecy. She sees 
the fight beyond the Ishikari river. She beholds her brother and his hosts slain 


in battle. She sees the conqaermg hero, the Ainn, come flitting acroes the skies 
like a little bird. He darts along npon the seas like a fish skimming the surface 
of the water. She hears the clashing sound of swords coming straight towards 
their own city and palace. They are Ainu and Samatuye men that she sees. The 
Ainu, says she, is wounded. The sword of the Saniatuye man, her brother, 
goes into the setting sun, i.e. he dies. The sword of the Ainu shines upon the 
sun, i.e. he conquers. And, lastly, she Bees that the very house in which they are 
is in danger ; and, no wonder, for the Ainu is at the very door listening. Then, 
say sections eighteen and nineteen, in walks the Ainn and challenges the brother 
to fight. 

18. Sections nineteen to end tell us the result of this fight. The woman oasts 
in her lot with the Ainu. She assists him in the fight. The Samatuye men are 
all slain, and the woman becomes the Ainu's wife ! So ends this tradition. 



By 0. S. Meix, C. E. 

[Read lith March, 1888.] 

In the following paper there will donbtless be found a considerable 
amount of matter familiar to those who have read the paper contributed 
by Capt. Blakiston to the Boyal Geographical Society in 1872 and the 
letters of the same gentleman to the Japan Mail some few years since. 
At the same time, while I have found it unavoidable to repeat some of 
the information supplied by Capt. Blakiston, I trust there will be found 
some fresh matter in this paper which will be of interest and assist in 
arriving at a more correct opinion of the capabilities of the Hokkaido 
than has hitherto been the case. 

I may say that the object of my tour round the island was with 
the view of advising the Government as to the most suitable sites for 
the construction of harbours for the better development of the trade of 
the island. 

On my arrival in Japan in June of last year, I was fortunate enough 
to obtain as my colleague Mr. N. Fukushi of the survey department of the 
Hokkaido, a gentleman who is not only intimately acquainted with the 
geography of the country, but who also had the additional advantage of 
having accompanied Capt. Blakiston in some of his travels. 

Our party, consisting of Mr. Fukushi, an engineering assistant and 
myself, left Sapporo on the 10th July, and proceeding by way of the 
road from there to Mororan, reached Tomakomai on the south coast on 
the evening of the same day. 

This road is one of the very few in the Hokkaidd suitable for 

Tol. ztL-SIO 


wheeled traffic, and with the exception of one or two short lengths in 
the vicinity of Nemnro, no others of the same description were met 
with daring onr trip. Shortly after leaving Sapporo the road passes 
through deposits of volcanic ash and pumice, which render the ground 
quite unfit for farming operations, although trees seem to thrive fairly 
well upon it. Further on, in the neighbourhood of Chitose (Stocey), 
the ground appears to improve, and small lots near the road are under 
cultivation principally with root crops. In this neighbourhood some 
few years since deer were plentiful ; now they are hardly ever seen, 
and the deer canning factory at Bibi has been closed for some time. 
From Tomakomai eastward the road— or rather horse-track — ^follows 
the coast line, and passing through the villages of Yubutsu, Magawa 
and Sarubetsu, the small town of Shitsunai is reached, which place is 
well situated in a valley close to the mouth of the Shibiohari river and 
possesses good accommodation for travellers. The occupation of the 
inhabitants along this district is fishing, both for salmon and sardines, 
the latter being all made into manure and shipped to the south for 
the rice-fields. The mouths of the rivers along this coast have a 
striking peculiarity: they all run parallel to the shore in a westerly 
direction before finding an exit to the sea. This is due to the sand 
drifting along the coast from east to west, owing to the prevailing 
winds coming from the east to south-east, and also perhaps to the tidal 
current setting to the westward close in shore. This action I will refer 
to further on when describing the north-east coast, where it is even 
more marked. At Sambutsu the first Aino population of any importance 
is met with, but they are apparently being rapidly mixed with the 
Japanese race, the number of half-castes being very noticeable. The 
country round about here appears to be very fertile, the small ai*eas that 
are cultivated near tlie villages raising good crops. Horses are bred 
here in numbers, and as the winters in this district are not so severe as 
elsewhere in the island, they can generally subsist throughout the winter 
on the bamboo grass which grows luxuriantly and which they appear to 
relish. The quality of these animals is very inferior, however, chiefly 
owing to the want of proper regulations during the breeding seasons. 
After leaving Shitsunai, Urakawais the next place of importance reached. 
Here there is a considerable population daring the fishing and sea* weed 


fl6AionB, bot after these lire <yver tiie town ioees more than one^helf its 
inhabitants, who retnrQ to their homes in the northern end of the main 
island. The sardine manure harvest is over in the last week in Joly, 
being sacceeded by that of sea-weed (kombu), which generally lasts two 
months, there being a fixed day for beginning and another for stopping 
operations, in order, I presume, to ensure the weed being gathered in 
the best condition. Referring to the sardine manure ; — ^at Urakawa the 
price last year was about 160 yen per 100 koku, that is 42 shillings per 
ton with the yen at 4 shillings, although the price has been known to 
rise as high as 400 yen per 100 koku or 106 shillings per ton. The 
smell of these fishes drying in the sun is anything but pleasant to a 
traveller. As to the sea-weed, enormous quantities are gathered 
along this eoast during the season and exported to the south of Japan 
and to the Chinese markets. In deep water o£f this coast the weed 
sometimes reaches a length of 90 feet and a width of six inches. It is 
highly nutritious, and not at all unpalatable when eaten with a little 
ihoyu. The south eoast of the Hokkaidd appears to be the only one 
in which this weed reaches perfection, although it is met with on the 
west coast. This is due no doubt to the rooky nature of the coast and 
to the cold cmrrent setting in along the shore from Cape Noshapu to the 
eastward towards Volcano Bay. 

Horoidzumi is the next place of importance after passing Urakawa, 
and here the population is also to a great extent migratory and the 
trade much the same as at Urakawa. The road between these two 
towns was last summer very rou^, no less than six separate ranges of 
hills 500 feet or so in height having to be crossed. A new road has, 
Jiowever, lately been opened along the shore, one or two tunnels having 
been made through the cliffs overhanging the sea, so that travelling on 
horseback is now much easier. The old road, though very rough, 
howeveor, was well worth the extra exertion required, as the scenery was 
charming, occasional peeps of the sea being obtained from the hill-tops 
through the trees. The timber in this district is well grown, and in 
description ie much the same as in England — ash, oak, elm, birch, 
chestnut and numerous others ; also MatsUf three kinds — Todo, Yezo 
and Shaiuku. Wild flowers grow here, and in fact all round the coasts 
in pi o£asion***-wild roses, lilies, iris and all the descriptions seen at home. 


From Horoidzomi tbe road oats across the peninsala, terminaiing at Cape 
Erimo, and strikes the coast again at Sanorn. A new road has recently 
been made, so that travelling is now comparatively easy, only a conple of 
hills 800 to 900 feet high having to be crossed. Fogs are very prevalent 
along this coast from Erimo to Noshapa Cape daring the summer months, 
and even in Jaly the traveller feels the cold severely when he gets into 
one. As soon as the coast line is left, however, the heat is sometimes 
oppressive. Within the distance of a mile from the chilling fogs and 
east wind of the coast, the magnolia tree is found in fall blossom under 
the shelter of a hill, and the thermometer stands at between 80° and 
90° F. in the shade. 

Passmg through BirO and Birofune, Ohotsunai, at the mouth of the 
Tokachi river, is reached. This town is situated on the west branch of 
the river, but owing to the fiact that this mouth is frequently blocked up 
by drifting sand, and also because good drinking water is difficult to 
obtain, the authorities are thinking of shifting the town to the east 
mouth, where the river is more likely to remain in its present position, 
since it is to a certain extent sheltered by a reef of rocks jutting out 
from the shore and where also good water is plentiful. 

The Tokachi is one of the three large rivers of the Hokkaido, and 
boats are able to navigate it for 28 ri from the sea coast. The land in this 
valley is of first rate quality, and provided some fiacilities were given 
for shipping at or near the river mouth, it would be one of the best 
districts for settlers in the Hokkaido. Eushiro, about 18 n to the 
eastward of the mouth of the Tokachi, is a town of considerable impor- 
tance, and from its favourable situation is likely to become one of the chief 
towns of the island. One of the most valuable sulphur deposits in Japan, 
or perhaps in the world, exists inland from Eushiro at a mountain near 
Eushiro lake, the quantity of sulphur being for all practical purposes 
unlimited. Up till quite recently the mineral was carried on pack- 
horses to a point on the river 17 ri from Eushiro, whence it was 
brought down by boats to the latter place for shipment. A railway has 
just been opened, however, from the mines to the river, and the river 
itself has been cleared of obstructions to a moderate extent, so that 
when a good harbour is constructed at Eushiro the sulphur trade will 
assume a prominent place in the exports of the Hokkaido. Coal has 


Also been discovered olose to tbe town, and is at present nsed in the 
small river steamers towing the sulphur boats, and judging from appear- 
ances it is of fairly good quality. To tbe mineral products of this 
district must be added the exports of fish, fish-manure and sea-weed, 
and the produce that will arise from the cultivation of the land in the 
neighbourhood, which is of considerable area and of good quality. 
Akkechi bay, a few n to the east of Eushiro, is one of the best 
anchorages on the south coast, the town at the head of the bay being a 
thriving place and having a first rate tea-house oflfering good accommoda* 
tion for travellers. The large lagoon at the head of the bay, called Se- 
Chiripp, contains a great quantity of large oysters, some of the sheila 
measuring 18 inches long. These oysters are dried, tinned and shipped 
to the Chinese markets. Hamanaka bay, having a good anchorage 
under Kiritap island, is a place of some importance and does a con- 
siderable export trade in fish and sea-weed. From this the road follows 
the coast to Hanasaki on the south side of the Noshapu peninsula, with 
a branch across to the town of Nemuro, the chief town in this part of 
the island. As I before remarked, fogs are very prevalent all along 
this coast during the summer, but they seem to excel at Hanasaki bay. 
During my visit to that place I only once saw the whole of the bay — 
about one mile wide — and that for the space of two hours only. Hanasaki 
bay is the port of call for steamers trading to Nemuro during the months 
of January, February and March, during which period the harbour at 
Nemuro is blocked up with drift-ice. Nemuro, situated on the north side 
of the Noshapu peninsula, is a thriving place and has increased in size 
very much during the last few years. It possesses a small bay or 
harbour suitable for small boasting craft, and is capable of considerable 
improvement. All the trade from the adjoining coast and islands 
concentrates at Nemuro, the value amounting to nearly one million yen 
annually. Within a few miles of the town a militia settlement has 
lately been established on the same principle as those existing near 
Sapporo. The soil here is of good quality, and fair crops can be raised 
of hemp, potatoes, turnips, daikon, beans and barley Oats and wheat 
have not been attempted as yet, but there seems no reason why they 
should not succeed. In the neighbourhood of Nemuro there is also a large 
&rm of over 9,000 acres enclosed in a ring fence now bdonging to a private 

166 jkbik: abodhd tsb bokxaido. 

geuUemoD, pert of ^liieh is being braken up with the plough and part 
being pat under pasture for cattle. Cattle and horse-breeding appears 
to be attended with success, but sheep-raising has not been tried as 
yet. This is the only place in the Hokkaido, excepting the government 
fai'ms at Nanae and Sapporo, where farming on a large scale has been 
attempted, and there is no reason to doubt that it will be perfectly 
successful with proper management. The country about here and in 
lact all along the peninsula consists of a flat table-laud from 60 to 100 
feet above sea-level, covered with undergrowth and stunted trees, the 
east winds and fogs no doubt preventing the latter from attaining large 
growth. The fogs, however, do not affect the production of cereals and 
root crops to an appreciable extent, and the climate generally appears to 
be somewhat similar to that of the east coast of Scotland, where 
admirable crops are raised in spite of east wind or fogs. 

From Nemnro the road follows the shore line to Oneto, where the 
entrance to a large lagoon has to be crossed by a ferry. Passing on 
from there, still following the shore line and crossing another lagoon 
entrance, the Nichibetsu river is reached, where good quarters can 
be obtained at the small town of Bekkai or Bitsukai. The Nishibetsu 
is the best salmon river in Japan, although not by any means the 
largest one« At Bekkai the government established a salmon canning 
factory some years since under American direction. It is now, however, 
in private hands and appears to be w^ managed, although perhaps it 
would be an improvement to label the tins, not only as a guarantee of 
ihe genuineness of the contents, but also as a help for the extension of 
the trade. From information obtained on the spot, it appears that no 
less than 16,000 koku (2,200 tons) of salmon are annually taken oat of 
the river, together with a considerable quantity from the sea coast in the 
Tleinity. As the traveller proceeds northward along this coast, horses 
become more difficult to obtain, the quality of the animal begins to 
deteriorate, and it is a very rare thing to get a horse that has not bad 
qualities of some kind. Nine out of ten are inveterate stumblers : they 
will not keep their noses off the ground if they can help it. This is no 
doubt due to theur being chiefly used as pack-horses, in which capacity 
several are usually tied together, the head of one animal being tied to 
the tail of the next in front, and so on. 


From Bdckai to Shibetsa the road is not of the best ddwrip^oti. 
After a heavy ndn it is usuaHy impaseable owing to the swampy 
nature of the gronnd, and from Uiis cause we were conducted along the 
sea-beach as being the only passable road. This beach is simply a 
sfoking swamp of decayed vegetable matter and sea-weed, owing to the 
large amount of fresh water and the absence of tidal currents in the sea, 
due no doubt to the sheltered position of the locality under Cape 
Notake. Unless the traveller has a guide well acquainted with the 
locality, he is very likely to lose his horse, if not himself, in the bog. 
Under the most favourable circumstances his lot ie not a pleasant one itt 
hot weather, with the thermometer at 90^ in the shade, innumerable 
bull flies and mosquitoes, his horses sinking below the knees at every 
step — all added to the very unhealthy smell arising from the decayed 
vegetable matter, make the road one to be avoided if possible. After 
passing the base of the Notske promontor/, Shibetsu is reached, situated 
at the month of the river of the same name. On this coast the prevalent 
winds are from the north-east, and the tidal currents setting in from the 
same direction cause the sand to drift along the shore to the southward, 
and thus, as on the south coast, causing the rivers to run parallel to the 
shore for a considerable distance before entering the sea. At Shibetsa 
the inhabitants are ooutinnaliy fighting with the river to induce it to 
go into the sea, to which proceeding it has apparently a decided objec- 
tion. Occasionally, however, after a heavy downpour of rain or a 
sudden thaw in the hills, the river itself does in a coi»ple of hours what 
the natives cannot effect in a year — it makes a new mouth for itself» 
generally near the point where it first reaches the coast line. This mouth 
does not remain open long, however, the sand drifting in such large 
quantities and at such a rapid rate. There is practically no land under 
cultivation along this coast, the inhabitants subsisting entirely upon 
the produce of the salmon and herring fisheries, the latter of course 
being all made into manure. From Shibetsu a new road has lately 
been made across the Shari hills to Shari on the north-east coast. This 
road is shorter by 11 rt than the old road vi& Wakaoi, and the whole 
distance can now be traversed in one day, although there is a horse- 
station and accommodation for travellers in the heart of the hills at a 
place called Bubetsu. After leaving the coast at Shibetsu the road 


passes throngh a forest for the whole distance (86 miles) until the sea 
coast at Shari is reached. There are first of all miles of burch trees, 
used by the inhabitants on the coast for firewood and for the manufac- 
ture of roofing shingles, for which purpose they make use of the bark of 
the tree after the outer covering has been stripped off. Ropes are also 
made by the Ainos from the bark of the Shina, a kind of ash tree, while 
stems of the young vine trees are often used for a like purpose. After 
proceeding further inland larger trees are met with, such as oak, ash, 
todxi and Yezo-maUu, some of the last named being splendid trees, 51 
to 18 feet in circumference and 150 to 200 feet high. The difficulty of 
transport to the coast, however, is at present so great that this fine 
timber can not be taken advantage of. In the Shari hills, at about 8 n 
from Shibetsu, there exist some hot springs and also indications of 
petroleum, the former sending out a considerable volume of water at a 
temperature of about 150° Fahr. and having a slight trace of sulphate of 
iron. The petroleum flows out of the ground in very small quantities close 
to the stream issuing from the hot springs, and until a proper well is sunk 
it would be impossible to judge whether it could be obtained in paying 
quantities. Neither the hot springs nor the petroleum springs are likely 
to prove of much practical value lor some years to come, but the place 
is well worth a visit by the traveller in the vicinity, although the road 
after leaving the main track is rough in the extreme. After leaving 
Bubetsu the road crosses the hills by a pass 1500 feet above the sea-level, 
and even in August, with the thermometer at 85° F. in the shade, snow 
is to be seen in the clefts of the mountains at an elevation of about 8000 
feet or so. This snow melting under the hot August sun makes the river 
water delightfully cool, and a bath in it is very refreshing after a hot 
day's ride, although the bull flies do not suffer the bather to remain long 
in the free enjoyment of his tub. After passing Shari, which is only a 
small fishing village, the road follows the coast line to Abashiri, the place 
of most importance in this section of the coast. The shore along here 
is entirely formed of sand until Abashiri is reached, where a bold rocky 
headland juts into the sea. Before reaching this, however, the entrance 
to a tolerably large lagoon (Tobutsu) is crossed, having in its neighbour- 
hood a few scattered Aino villages. Abashiri is a rising place, having 
about 880 inhabitants, all more or less engaged in the fishing industry, 


although some small portions of land near the town have been cnltivated 
for root crops. A fair anchorage exists under the lee of an island lying 
off the river's mouth, and the bay, which is sheltered both by this island 
and to a small extent by Cape Notoro, is one of the few localities on this 
coast capable of being improved into a safe harbour. The river here 
forms the outlet for a large lake situated inland about 1^ n. It is well 
wooded all round with all kinds of trees, some of them being oak of 
large dimensions. The depth of this lake varies from 18 to 28 feet, and 
the water is apparently of a high temperature — higher indeed than 
is due to the heat of the atmosphere. From the head of this lake a 
horse-track exists across the mountains to the south coast at Kushiro. 
From Abashiri the road passes through Tokoro on to Saruma lagoon, 
but in order to save time we avoided this road and proceeded by sea in 
a fishing boat. This did not turn out a success, however, as the boat 
only progressed at two miles per hour almost the whole distance to 
Saruma, there being no favourable wind. Fishing boats on this coast 
do not differ materially from those in use elsewhere in the north of Japan, 
but in any case the pi'inciple on which they are built and the manner 
in which they are propelled are not to be commended. In shape they 
are not unlike a coffin with a sharp end, and the oars are like crutches 
about six feet long, the latter being tied to the thwart of the boat near 
the bow by short pieces of grass rope. The boat is steered by two long 
sweeps at the stem, and these are also occasionally used in assisting 
the rowers. As to their sailing qualities, the less said the better. 
Owing to the shape of the boat and to the position of the sail they will 
do little else than run before the wind : beating to windward is quite out 
of the question. No doubt they have their good qualities, such as being 
easily beached should a storm arise; but for all that I think the 
Hokkaido fisherman has a good deal to learn from his western brother 
in the matter of boat-building. 

Saruma lagoon is a fine sheet of water about seven ri long by 
three ri wide at its greatest width, and covering an area of nearly 80 
square miles. It is separated from the sea by a continuous row of sand 
hills covered with scrub and stunted oak trees, varying in width from 
250 yards to three-quarters of a mile, and at its deepest part measures 
nine £ithoms. The outlet into the sea is at some distance to the eastward 



of the lagoon proper, and has evidently been gradaally forced in this 
direction by the sand-drift travelling along the shore from north-west to 
south-east. The entrance at the date of our visit was very narrow and 
shallow, and the rush of water into and out of the lagoon veiy rapid. The 
outward rush of water is due to the tide and to the fresh water discharge 
of the rivers, two of which empty their waters into the lagoon, besides 
some smaller streams, while the inward rush is due to the tide alone, 
which in the sea rises between three and foui* feet and in the lagoon rather 
less than one foot. This of course always gives a head of water, except 
at mean tide, either in the lagoon or in the sea, according to whether 
the tide is ebbing or flowing. This tidal current, added to the effect of 
the fresh water discharge into the lagoon, has not, however, sufficient 
force to maintain an open mouth to the lagoon, and since my visit to 
the spot the entrance, or rather mouth, has been completely blocked up 
with sand. Whenever this happens the few inhabitants in the neigh- 
bourhood have forthwith to set to work and dig a channel to allow the 
water to escape, otherwise the water level in the lagoon rises and 
floods the surrounding country. Last winter the water level rose as 
much as seven feet during the time that one of these sand obstructions at 
the mouth of the lagoon was in course of removal. This lagoon would 
form a magnificent natural harbour provided this difficulty with the 
entrance to it from the sea were overcome, a thing not by any means 
impossible, but expensive. All along this portion of the coast of the 
island evidences of the magnitude of this sand drift are met with, and 
we passed several small rivers that were completely blocked up, and in 
some cases, owing to high tides and to a strong breeze causing waves, 
the sea water was flowing into the river over the bar instead of vice 
ve7-8a. The river water either finds its way iuto the sea through the 
sand, or else forms lagoons which increase in size until a heavy flood 
comes down the river and breaks through the sand bar, which is very 
soon re-formed, however. Saruma lagoon is very prolific iu oysters, 
some of them attaining a large size, although not, as a rule, so large as 
those of Akkechi bay. They are not utilized in any way, although one 
or two attempts have been made, but without success, to tin and 
export them to the south. The east end of the lagoon appears to bo 
gradually filling up with these shell-fish. The principal inhabitants 


in this disiriot ftre Ainos, the only Japanese being those at the 
horse-station near the month of the lagoon, Tvhere there is fairly 
good aocommodation for travellers. Seal and mallard are seen in large 
quantities on the shores of the lagoon, bat are difficult to approach in 
warm weather. In winter, however, we were informed that they can 
be shot in considerable numbers by the sportsman who is enthusiastic 
enough to spend a month or so in this out-of-the-way place. All trade 
by sea is stopped on this coast during the months of January, February 
and March by the ice drift which sets in from the north and works 
along the coast as far as Cape Noshapu, near Nemuro. The ice-field 
extends seaward for a distance of two or three miles from the coast and 
fills np any indentations in the coast line, such as river mouths, and 
forms one solid mass on the surface of the water, which rises and falls 
with the tide and often does serious damage to the bridges or other 
structures below high water mai'k. Piles are frequently lifted bodily 
out of the ground by the alternate rising and falling of this ice-field. 

From the horse- station at Baruma on to Nurubetsu the road follows 
the sand hills between the sea and the lagoon to Yubetsu, one ri past 
the west end of the lagoon. Here the usual struggle between the river 
and the sand is visible, the latter always getting the best of the fight, 
much to the disadvantage of the inhabitants. The rivers between 
Saruma and Seya are of no gi'eat size, owing to the water-shed running 
parallel to the shore at about five ri distance therefrom. They are 
liable to sudden floods, however, which frequently open new mouths 
into the sea, thus often necessitating an alteration in the route of the 
horse-track. Near to Mombetsu several lagoons existed at the time of 
our visit with apparently no exit into the sea, but as it was, our guide — 
an Aino boy — was at fault more than once, doubtless owing to some 
alteration in the size or shape of these lagoons. 

Mombetsu is a place of some importance, having a population of 
about 400 inhabitants during the fishing season, and it appears to be 
increasing in size. A fair anchorage for small vessels exists hero, except 
with an easterly wind. From Mombetsu to Poronai and thence on to 
Isashi the coast line presents much the same appearance, the population 
being very sparse and travelling monotonous. Bamboo grass, which 
grows freely all round the Hokkaido, is here met with in perfection. It 


reaches a height sufficient to hide from sight both horse and rider, and 
when once the track is lost the horses are quite unable to force their 
way through it. If this grass were to be entirely burned down at the 
end of the warm weather and the ground broken up and cleared, good 
agricultural land would be obtained. Isashi is a place about equal in 
size to Mombetsu, these two places being the chief fishing-stations 
between Abashiri and Soya. The lessees of the fishings keep their 
boats, nets and gear at these places, and distribute them along the 
coast to the various fishing-stations when the season commences. The 
men employed at this time mostly come from the south, and as soon as 
they arrive build a large house or shed for their own accommodation, 
which they again dismantle or pull down at the close of the season. 
About five ri north of Esashi a spur of the mountain range forming the 
water-shed approaches the coast line, and the road here ascends the 
side of the hill and winds round the end of the projecting bluff at a con- 
siderable elevation above the sea. The road is very rough, and 
considerable care is required to prevent the horses losing their packs 
when rounding this promontory. Just before reaching this point a 
a small bay is passed forming a well sheltered anchorage, except with 
due northerly winds. It is called Higashitomari by the inhabitants, 
which is literally ** East- wind harbour." This is very appropriate, 
seeing that the anchorage is completely sheltered from that quarter. 

At Sarubutsu, rather more than half-way between Esashi and Soya, 
there is a rest-house for travellers, now in rather a dilapidated 
condition, but the traffic in this district being very limited, sufficient 
inducement is not offered for the enterprising tea-house keeper to start 
business. The existing house was built by Government for the con- 
venience of travellers. Close to Sambutsu is the entrance to a large 
lagoon or lake, into which, however, the salmon passing along the 
coast will not enter, doubtless owing to the presence of some poisonous 
matter in the water, arising no doubt from the existence of coal and 
perhaps petroleum on the water-shed close by. Passing the small 
fishing village of Chietomai, Cape Soya is reached on the high land, 
above which a light-house has recently been erected for the benefit of 
shipping passing through La P^rouse straits. Saghalien is seen in the 
distance, the breadth of the straits from land to land being 30 miles. 


At oue time Boya was the principal town at this end of the island, being 
maintained chiefly by the travellers passing to and from Saghalien. 
Since the island was given up to tbe Russians in exchange for the 
Euriles, Soya has been on the decline, and the town of Wakanai, on the 
opposite side of the bny, has taken the lead. This is accounted for 
by tbe fact that the anchorage off the coast at this point is much superior 
to that opposite Soya, where numerous reefs exist, on one of which 
H.M.S. Rattler was wrecked in 1868. The bay of Soya is completely 
blocked up with floating ice in the winter time, in a manner similar to 
the north-east coast. On the west coast, however, except in the 
vicinity of Cape Noshapn, no such thing occurs, the drift ice apparently 
all going down south along the east coast of the island. Its absence on 
the west coast may be due to a certain extent to the warm current of 
the Euroshiwo, which sets to the northward along this coast, and also 
to the fact that the prevailing winds blow from the south-west and the 
tidal currents also set in the same direction. This is borne out by the 
tendency of the rivers on this coast to run to the northward before 
entering the sea. Between Esashi and Wakanai horses are not obtain- 
able, with the exception of perhaps one or two at Soya, and it is there- 
fore necessary to engage horses at Esashi for tbe journey on to Soya, 
at which place a sufficient number of fresh horses can always be 
obtained by sending forward to Wakanai. Travelling in this district is 
necessarily very slow, the road being very heavy, mostly in loose sand. 
The horses too are very inferior in quality and have little life left in 
them at the end of tbe third day's riding. After leaving Soya, the 
first day*s riding finishes at Bakkai, about ten n distant. This place 
takes its name from a peculiarly shaped rock which is supposed to 
resemble a woman carrying an infant on her back, — the word of course 
being of Aino origin. In the hotel or tea-house at Bakkai the furo or 
hot bath is of rather a primitive construction. It consists of a large 
fish caldron— such as is in use for extracting oil firom herrings — set 
upon rough bricks and clay and having a fire of wood immediately 
under it. When the water has reached a high enough temperature, a 
piece of board about 18 inches square is placed on the surface, and the 
bather has to place his foot carefuUy in the centre thereof and to carry 
it down through the water to the bottom of the kettle with his own 


weight. If not very carefal, the inexperienced beginner is likely to capsize 
or burn Lis feet on the bottom of the caldron. When once safely into this 
primitive bath, the bather is both washed and smoked at the same time. 
A good view of the islands of Bishiri and Bebnnshiri is obtained 
from Bakkai, the former being a majestic cone-shaped peak rising out 
of the water to a heigh t]of 6,000 feet above the sea-level, and the latter i^ 
flat table-island only 800 feet or so above the same level and forming 
quite a contrast to its lofty companion. The road from Bakkai on to 
the Teshiwo mouth is a dreary, monotonous ride of more than thirteen 
n over sandy beach and sandhills, the only thing interesting in the 
slightest degree being the enormous quantity of drift timber lying 
scattered along the beach. Trees of all kinds, sizes and shapes are 
seen here, having evidently been brought down to the coast by the 
rivers discharging to the southward and carried up to this point by the 
tidal current and prevailing winds. The river Teshiwo is a fine, 
broad, deep stream, and is one of the three large rivers of the Hokkaido, 
the others being the Isfaikari and Tokachi. Tlie sand bar at its mouth, 
however, is a complete block to any craft other than boats and small 
junks obtaining access thereto. The mouth of this river is rather 
puzzling, since the stream runs parallel to the shore in a southei-ly 
direction for some distance before flowing into the sea, whereas all the 
other rivers on this coast tend in a northerly direction. At the present 
time, however, the Teshiwo mouth seems to be following the rule and is 
again working to the northward, and I think there cannot be the 
slightest doubt but that the sand does all travel northward along this 
coast. After leaving Teshiwo and crossing the Nembetsu river the 
coast changes its form; the sand-hills giving place to cliffs of yellow 
clay rock about 200 feet high, coming close up to the water's edge. 
These cliffs are gradually being washed away, and the loose material 
forming the beach being very slippery, renders it very difficult and 
sometimes dangerous to pass along the shore, especially when a strong 
south-west wind causes the waves to dash against the cliffs. The proper 
road along this part of the coast is on the top of the cliffs, but at the 
present time it is in such a wretched condition, owing to landslips and 
broken bridges, that the more difficult track along the beach is generally 


Fnrebetsu, aboafc 8 ri to the south of Teshiwo, is a small village 
eoDtainiDg a few houses and a tolerably comfortable tea-house, and 
8 n further on Tomamai is icached, which place may be said to be 
the northern limit of civilization on this coast. From this point south- 
ward the fishing industry is actively engaged in and villages are 
numerous. Approaching Tomamai from the north, the cliffs appear to 
be of hard rock- limestone, and are not disappeanng in such a marked 
manner as those near Furebetsu. To the southward of Tomamai there 
exists a narrow strip between the sea and the high land at the back» 
which is thickly covered with houses. The table-land at the back is 
about 150 feet above sea-level, and is cultivated to a small extent for 
root crops principally. Potatoes, turnips, and daikon seem to grow 
very well, and the country struck me as being admirably adapted for 
farming and stock-raising. 

From Tomamai to Bumoi and thence on to Mashike the traveller 
passes through numerous fishing villages which have a thriving 
appearance, this portion of the Hokkaido coasts being the most prolific 
in the fishes of the north — salmon and hen-ings. Crossing the Kotambetstt 
and Oberaspe rivers, Riimoi is reached, situated on a river of the same 
name. Rumoi is the Japanese name for the town ; the Ainos call it 
'* Burumoppe." It possesses n tolerably good anchorage in its bay, 
having deep water close in shore, and as a harbour it is capable of 
considerable improvement. The trade here at present is all due to the 
fishing business, but there is every probability of Bumoi becoming a 
place of importance hereafter, both fiom its position on the coast hue 
and fi'om the fact that good coal has been discovered on the upper 
reaches of the river. Mashike, about four ri from Bumoi and close 
under Cape Kamuieto, is at present the chief town on the west and 
east coasts between Otaru and Nemuro. It has a population of 
between 2,500 and 8,000, a portion of this of course being migratory, 
although not to so great an extent as is the case on the south or east 
coasts. The town is well built, with wide streets and good water 
supply, and altogether it has a very prosperous appearance. The 
principal merchants and fishing lessees in this district have their head- 
quarters here, and the greater portion of the fish and fish-manure 
produce of the adjoining villages is concentrated at Mashike and from 


there Bbipped to the southern markets. The harbour, or rather bay, 
at Mashike is exposed to the north, and havuig bad holding ground it 
is dangerous for ships to remain at auclior therein with the wind in a 
northerly or north-westerly direction. 

From Mashike going southward the road crosses the mountains to 
Hammamashike, reaching an elevation of 2,000 feet above sea^evel, 
and thence follows the coast line to the Ishikaii. As the road in 
question is anything but an easy one to pass over, however, travellers 
usually prefer to go by sea round Cape Eamuieto, and so avoid the 
mountain climb. As we had no further coast line to inspect before 
reaching the Ishikari, we embarked in one of the small steamers that 
run twice a week during the summer from Mashike to Otaru. This 
steamer was little better than a launch and very light in the water, 
and as a strong gale was blowing from the eastward we experienced a 
very rough passage, the boat being more than once nearly on her beam 
ends. An easterly gale is very severely felt in the bay of Otaru, and it 
is sometimes difficult if not impossible to laud or embark on a steamer 
with the wind in this direction. Taking the train at Otaru we arrived in 
Sapporo after an absence of 68 days, having travelled a distance of 840 miles. 

Having thus briefly referred to the ground travelled over, I will 
now give in as few words as possible the impressions I gained as to the 
present condition of the country and its inhabitants, and my opinion 
as to its future prosperity. 

To begin with the climate. It is not unlike that of the British 
Isles, only having a winter rather more severe and lengthened, and with 
a more humid atmosphere during the warm season. I will not inflict 
upon you any figures relating to temperature, rain-fall, etc. These can 
always be obtained from the printed reports of the meteorological office. 
The productions of the soil are very similar in the two countries, only 
the growth of vegetation in the Hokkaido is the more rapid of the two, 
due no doubt to the greater humidity of the atmosphere. This to a 
certain extent compensates for the extra length of the winter, which 
does not terminate until the beginning of April, when the snow begins 
to melt. It entirely disappears early in May. 

A very small portion of the island is as yet cultivated, and that 
only in a superficial manner, excepting in the neighbourhoods of 


Sapporo and Nemaro, where, owing to government help and direction, 
a fairly good system bae been adopted. The agrienltnral population, 
mostly coming from the sontb, have not as yet gained sufficient 
experience to coltivate the land in the most economical manner. The 
system in force in the soathem portion of Japan, where two and some- 
times three crops are taken from the land in one season, will not prove 
at all remonerative in the Hokkaid6, where only one crop is obtainable. 
Horses being low in first cost and cheap to feed, ploughing should be^ 
more extensively resorted to, and the market gardening system of 
fanning — if I may call it so-H9honld be abandoned. Hitherto all kinds 
of root crops and cereals grown in the northern portion of the main 
island have been tried with perfect success, excepting rice and wheat. 
The former will never be grown as a paying crop, owing to the long 
winters, and the latter has not as yet arrived at that state of perfection 
which is desirable for the manufacture of good white flour. I see no 
reason, however, why, with an efficient system of subsoil drainage, 
wheat of good quality should not be grown and in paying crops. 
Potatoes of both kinds flourish, and the same may be said of tumips, 
daikon and beans, while Indian com, millet, buckwheat aud hemp 
produce average crops. The climate of the island is well adapted for 
the cultivation of hardy fruit trees, and in the neighbourhood of 
Sapporo large quantities of apples, pears, plums, cherries, etc., are now 
gathered annually and prove a very remunerative crop to the grower. 
As regards stock raising, cattle thrive well, and the beef produced is 
not inferior to that grown in the Kobe district. The chief obstacle to 
the more extensive rearing of cattle seems to be the want pf capital 
on the part of the small farmer to obtain stock in the first instance. 
Sheep have not as yet been raised with success, owing no doubt to the 
want of suitable grass land, most of the grass — if such it can be called— 
being too rank for feeding sheep, and the dampness of the subsoil 
generally results in the animal being attacked with foot-rot. In the 
neighbourhood of Sapporo, however, I have been informed by Mr. Dun, 
who had charge of the Government farm there for some years, that 
there should be no difficulty experienced in the raising of sheep. 
There is therefore some hope that sheep-farming may yet be a success 
in the Hokkaidd. 


Horses are at present bred in large nnmbers, especially along the 
south coast, where, as I have already said, their winter keep is 
not an important item of expenditure. Practically no supervision is 
ever exercised over the herd during the breeding season, and the result 
naturally is the production of an animal inferior in every respect. 
The price of a horse being very low — ^flve or six yen on the south coast — 
their owners do not set much value on them, and consequently their 
treatment is not such as would be tolerated in England. Pack-horses 
are often used with their backs one mass of sores, caused by the 
chafing of the pack-saddles, while it is no uncommon sight to see foals 
of a month or two old trotting after their mothers for miles while the 
latter are carrying packs or travellers. These remarks do not apply 
to horse farms under government supervision, where the animals are 
well treated and where the breed is being considerably improved by the 
introduction of foreign blood. 

Coming now to the population — that is the resident population— 
including Ainos, the number is roughly 220,000 (57,000 houses) and 
is gradually increasing. The condition of the inhabitants of the 
Hokkaid5 on the whole is better than that of the individual of the 
same class in the south of Japan. He fares better, and when working 
as a labourer earns considerably better wages — ^generally one hundred 
per cent more than his brothers in the south. This is perhaps 
necessary, as he has to live better, the climate being colder, and also 
because for some time during the winter he may not be able to earn 
anything at all. His food consists of rice or maize, fish, daikon, and 
potatoes, for the first of which he has to pay a higher price than in the 
south. The other eatables, however, are plentiful and cheap, fish 
especially so. Firewood is plentiful, and can in all districts be had for 
the trouble of cutting. Coal is moderate in price, and would be 
considerably cheaper if the demand were greater. The houses in which 
the lower classes in the Hokkaidd live are not, however, adapted for 
the cold winters experienced, these being almost of the same con- 
struction as those used in the southern districts of Japan, where the 
winters are infinitely milder. What is wanted of the inhabitant of the 
Hokkaido is that he should build himself a good warm house ; give up 
eating rice and take to more heat-giving food, and such as can be 


produced in the islftnd, and adopt the plough as the means for 
eoltivating the ground. That these ends will ultimately he obtained 
I make no doubt ; in fact maize is now to a moderate extent taking 
the place of rice, especially among the children, and the plough is 
occasionally seen in the neighbourhood of Sapporo. But the sooner they 
are attained the sooner will the inhabitants improve in their physical 
and moral condition, and the HokkaidS rise in prosperity. The 
principal want on the part of the immigrant from the south is 
undoubtedly that of capital. A good house cannot be built nor farming 
implements procured without money or credit, and as the former is 
scarce among the small Japanese farmers, it would, I think, be 
desirable to provide some means whereby he could avail himself of the 
latter to a moderate extent when making a start in the Hokkaido. No 
doubt the government have to a certain extent recognised this in 
establishing the military settlements or " Tonden,'* but in this case a 
certain term of service as a soldier is necessary on the part of at least 
one member of the farmer's household. Some system similar to that of 
our Building Societies in England would, I think, meet the case as far 
as houses are concerned, and would also prove remunerative to the 

I have ahready made reference more than once to the very fine 
timber met with in the various districts passed through. Large as the 
quantity is that is seen near the coasts, I believe it is only a fraction 
of what the whole island contains. The Hokkaido is yet, for all 
practical purposes, one large forest of splendid trees, mostly of the same 
kinds as those met with in the British Isles. Owing to the humidity of 
the atmosphere,. the softer woods shrink and warp to a considerable 
degree after being used for constructive purposes. Nearly all the 
woods of the north require considerably more seasoning than those of 
the south of Japan, and as soon as the suitable kinds of wood receive 
proper treatment at the hands of the builder or manufacturer, the 
importance and value of the timber trade of the Hokkaido vrill be 
recognised. Of the softer woods — Yesso MaUu and Shenuku^ both 
species of pine, are the best. The latter is the best of the two for 
oat-door work and where exposed to water, as it contains a consider- 
able quantity of resinous matter, being in this respect not unlike the pitch 


pine of North America, only rather harder. Y$$so Matm is extensively 
need at present for hoase-hoilding and also boat-hmldxng. K not 
thoroaghly seasoned, however, it is apt to shrink if exposed to the hot 
snn of the summer, and for this reason the fishermen are very earefol 
to house their boats or cover them with grass mattbg daring the hot 
months of the year. Of the harder woods — ash, oak, etc. — not maeh 
use is made as yet, except for famiture and small fittings about 
dwelling houses, and what is to be seen in a manufactured state does 
not as a rule appear to have been in a seasoned condition when used. 

When on the question of building materials, I may as well refer to 
stone and brick. The former is scarce — ^that is good soft building 
stone. Hard stone, such as granite, trachyte, etc., is plentiful, but 
of coarse expensive to work. Good clay suitable for brick manufacture 
is met with in several localities, and in the immediate neighbourhood of 
Sapporo first-rate bricks are made at a moderate price. Were the 
demand greater the price of these bricks could be reduced by a larger 

As to animals and birds, — ^bears and deer, once so plentiful, are now 
very scarce and only to be met with on the mountains towards the 
centre of the island. I never once saw either bears or deer during my 
trip, excepting one sicUy looking bear cub in a cage which an Aino 
woman was carefully rearing so as to be in good condition for an Aino 
festive gathering at the beginning of the year. The smaller animals are 
much the same as with us at home. I was very much struck with the 
absence of small birds around the coasts. This may be partly due to 
the severe winter and partly to the depredations of ^the crows during 
the breeding season. These crows — ^most of them carrion-eaters — exist 
in hundreds of thousands, and while they are of use as scavengers in 
clearing off all kinds of oflfal and refuse of fish, they are almost as bad 
as hawks in preying upon the young of the smaller birds and also in 
eatmg their eggs. This scarcity of small birds is greatly to be 
regretted, as the insect tribe — ^more especially flies and mosquitoes — 
are a great pest in the warm weather. Bull-flies, sand-flies, mosquitoes, 
etc., seem to flourish in the uncultivated lands, but diminish rapidly 
when the land is cleared and cultivated. The larger kind of bull-fly is a 
great plague to the horses. He fastens himself on to the back and neci: 

miK : ABOum sn hcouuido. 171 

of the Qnforttuiate pack-horse, and only falla off when he ia gorged 
wiih blood. A dozen or 00 of these large fliee will draw enough Uood 
from an ordinary horse to render him useless for some time to eome. 
If there were more small birds, especially swallows and swifts, travelling 
would be much pleasanter during the months of August and September. 

Before oonoluding this paper I should like to draw attention to the 
tides on the coasts. The peculiar thing about these tides is their 
diurnal inequality, which amounts to about three feet at spring tides 
along the south-east coast, the maximum rise of a spring tide being six 
feet, while the range of an ordinary spring tide is about four and a half 
feet. The lowest tide at new and full moon occurs about 10 ▲.!€., and 
the second daOy tide reaches a minimum about three and a half days 
before new and full moons, or at the change of the tides. On the south- 
east coast this minimum afternoon tide occurs about 6 p.m. and only 
registers a few inches ; while on the west coast, at Abashiri, there is 
practically only one tide in the 24 hours for four days belbre and one day 
after new and full moons, and during this period the tide takes 16 hours 
to rise and eight hours to fall. The range of the tides gradually decreases 
as the coast line is followed east and north and thence south down the 
west coast. At Abashiri the maximum is three and a half feet and at ' 
Mashike only 2,20 feet. The tide registers on the west coast, I am 
sorry to say, were very imperfectly kept, and it is therefore very difficult 
to arrive at any conclusions as to the times and extent of any inequalities 
that may exist in the tides there. 

This diurnal inequality of tides exists I believe on most of the 
shores bordering on the Pacific ocean, but not having any information 
on the matter, I cannot say to what extent it affects the southern shores 
of Japan. Tides similar to those described occur on the southern coast of 
Australia and also at Singapore, and are accounted for by the interference 
of tidal waves having different heights and generated in different parts 
of the ocean, and which are modified by the configuration of the land 
and depths of water. The tidal wave proper in mid-ocean has a height 
of nearly two feet at Spring tides. 

In this paper it will be noticed that I have not made any reference to 
the Aino question. That you have I believe had often put before you 
by gentiemen who have given the matter more attention than I in my 


oomparativdly short trip have been able to do. The Aino men Birack 
me in some cases as being handsome and in all cases very dirty. The 
younger women are sometimes good looking, in spite of the wretched 
ornament with which they adorn their lips and of which they appear 

In conclusion, I think the prosperity of the Hokkaid5 has a very 
favourable outlook. The country has considerable mineral wealth, 
enormous quantities of timber, very fair agricultural land, and a healthy 
climate. I have already expressed an opinion on the agricultural 
problem, and all that is wanted to develop the minerals and timber is 
the extension of private enterprise by the introduction of more capital 
and the employment of suitable and energetic men to direct the labour — 
easily obtainable — so as to ensure the capital being laid out to advantage. 
The government of the country have given the island a good start in 
the right direction. It remains with the people themselves to carry out 
the development of the Hokkaido with energy and determination. 



Bt Gaboill Q. Knott, D. Be., F. R. S. E. 

iBead AprU 18, 1888.] 

It may be matter of anrprise to many, and sorely of interest to all, 
to know that Japan has not been without her scientific giants in the 
days of old. My work in connection with the recent Magnetic Sarvey of 
Japan has brought very particularly to my notice the labours of one 
who might be named the Japanese Picard.^ A short account of his life 
may well find a place in the pages of the Transactions of the Asiatic 
Society of Japan. 

In5 (originally Jimbo) Eageyn' was bom in 1744 in a small 
village called Sagaramura in the province of Shimdsa, Japan. In6 was 
the name he acquired by marrying into a fiEunily, in accordance with the 
very usual Japanese custom. The position of such a son-in-law 
(muko-yoshi) is by no means an enviable one, and it is said that Iq6*8 
lot was not particularly happy. His wife, it seemed, was somewhat 
of a shrew and ruled her husband with a high hand. She did not 
permit him even to eat with the family, banishing him instead to the 
servants' mess. Notwithstanding this treatment Ino proved ultimately 

^InChas sometimes been called the Japanese Newton ; but Seki Shinsnke 
a famous mathematioian, who invented a kind of differential and integral 
oalenlns, has perhaps a greater claim to snoh a high title. Pioard was the French 
astronomer who made the first really good determination of the size of the earth, 
and thus gaye Newton the only sore fonndation on whioh to build his grand 
theory of nniyersal gravitation. 

*This is his oommon name or ttHsho (§i|||). His jitstt-mei or na^nori iJt^-^ 
(V4?> £^* hy which he is usually known nowadays, is Ino ^fikei^^ JH i^ 9^.^^ 
How he and his associates pronounced " Chukei *' it is impossible to say. 


the repairer of the family's fortunes. His father-in-law was a sak^ 
brewer, condncting a business which had descended from father to son 
for many generations. On his death, affairs were found to be in a very 
bad state. In5 thereupon applied himself diligently to the business, 
and through his untiring efforts, combined with strict economy, he 
gradually amassed considerable wealth. In his fiftieth year, that is 
about 1794, he transferred the whole business to his son and began 
his scientific career. 

Astronomy was the study to which he devoted the ** declining 
years '' of his life. The books at his disposal were all in Chinese and 
contained many obscure passages which he in vain tried to understand. 
Nothing daunted, however, he made his way to Yedo, and sat at the 
feet of the Takahashis, father and son, astronomers to the ShOgun. 

Takahashi Sakuzaemon Tdk5, the father, had been called from 
Osaka to Yedo to superintend the construction of the calendar. In all 
his work he was greatly aided by Asada, a practical astronomer resident 
in Osaka, who was probably the better man of the two. The elder 
Takahashi died in 1804, and it was with the younger Takahashi that 
Ind had most to do. Certain letters written to him by InO still exist, 
and their style is such as would naturally be used by one addressing a 
former teacher. Takahashi Sakuzaemon Eageyasu, the son, is however 
himself famous in connection with an episode of Western significance. 
Towards the close of Yon Siebold's first visit to Japan, Takahashi 
gave to the great scientific traveller two maps, one of the Main Island of 
Japan and one of Yezo, in exchange for some books and papers of 
Western Science. Yon Siebold also obtained temporarily on loan 
Mamiya*s ' Travels to Eastern Tartary and Saghalien and a map of 
Kyushu. In 1880 Yon Siebold set sail from Deshima. The story is 
that he suffered shipwreck, and that amongst his baggage cast on shore 
the two precious maps were found. An investigation followed, and 
Takahashi was cast into prison and tried for high treason. Before the 
trial was ended he died, but the judge in giving sentence said that, 
had the culprit lived, he would certainly have suffered capital punish- 

*It was Mamiya who discovered the strait between Saghalien and the 
continent of Asia^ 


ment. Probably, in aceordance with old Japanese cnstom in such 
circamstances, the body of TakabasLi was preserved in salt until the 
trial was ended and tLe sentence pronounced. 

To return, bowever, to Ind, we find bim in 1600 setting out, by 
permission of tbe Government, to survey tbe Island of Yezo at bis own 
expense. In tbe following year be was instructed to survey all tbe 
coasts and islands of Japan. Tbe survey of tbe nortb-eastern coast was 
finisbed in 1804, and by 1818 bis labours in tbe field were completed. 
In tbe work be was assisted by tlfirteeu otbers, four of wbom were 
pupils studying under bim. It sbould be mentioned, perbaps, tbai 
certain parts of tbe coast were surveyed very imperfectly — sucb as tbe 
eastern and tbe nortb-western coasts. Exactly wben be died is not 
known certainly, but for some time after tbe completion of tbe survey 
ho seems to bave been engaged in tbe construction of bis maps. 

Tbe instruments wbicb Iu5 employed in tbe survey were destroyed 
by fire ; but in 1828 two instruments,^ said to be exact copies of the 
original ones, were made by Ono Yasaburo, tbe father of tbe late 
engineer who constructed tbe Mint at Osaka. A compass-needle, made 
and used by Iu6, has however been preserved by his family. 

Ouo's instruments are two, one for measuring azimuths and the 
other for measuring altitudes. Tbe former is simply a horizontal 
circular disc of copper 19 inches in diameter, graduated by radial lines 
into degrees. Seven coneeuti'ic circles are traced near the extremity of 
the disk at snch distances apart that, when a straight line is engraved 
joining the point where tbe inmost circle cuts a given radial line to the 
point where the outmost circle cuts the next radial line, this so-called 
diagonal gives by its intersections with the intermediate circles angular 
inteiTals corresponding to 10' or one-fifth of a degree. The graduated 
circular disc rests on three legs provided with levelling screws. From 
its centre rises an upright wooden pillai* which is surmounted by a tube 
(or perhaps a telescope) for sighting distant objects. Tbe levelling of 
the circle is accomplished by means of a brass '* plummet ** hanging 
down one side of the upright pillar. Tbe pillar rotates freely, 

* Throngh the kindness of Mr. Arai, of the Meteorological OfSce, these instm- 
mentfl were exhibited before the meeting at which the paper was read. 


and carlries with U a Itorissontal rod resting <m ibe graduated 
circle. The poutioa of this rod indicatea at oaee the angle to be 

The insirament for measariug altitudes is a brass quadrant, 19 
inches in radius, with a telescope fixed to one of the straight limbs. 
The whole is mounted on an upright wooden pillar resting on three 
legs. The telescope and quadrant, which move together in a vertical plane 
about a pivot passing approximately through the centre of gravity, can 
be ckmped in auy required position; From the angle of the quadrant 
a '* plummet-line,'* in the form of a brass rod, hangs. The position of 
this rod, as it hangs just free of the quadrant arc, indicates the angle 
to be read. The quadrant is graduated in a manner very similar to the 
azimuth circle, only to a finer degree of division. The radial lines 
measure to thirds of a degree ; and by means of the ** diagonal-scale *' 
axrangement, angles can be read to half-minutes. On the azimuth circle 
again it would be difficult if not impossible to read to minutes even. 

With such instruments, which were about a century and a half 
behind the Western age, did In6 carry out his survey. About 1185 
direct measurements of latitudes were taken by means of the quadrant. 
The distances between successive stations were measured by three 
distinct methods. Bopes were used as our land surveyors use chains ; 
also a kind of wheel or roller, the number of revolutions of which 
measured the distance travelled. Then with the azimuth instrument a 
triangulation by means of prominent hills and land-marks was can'ied 
out. From the distances so obtained, the longitudes seem to have been 

The results of Ino*s labours ore given in the ** Dai Nippon £n-Eai- 
jis-soku-roku,*' or, the Record of the True Survey of the Coasts of 
Japan (1821, 14 volumes). This treatise existed simply in manuscript 
till 1870 (Meiji, 8), when it was published in proper book form by the 
Tokyo University (Hitotsu-bashi) — ^at that time known as the Daigaku 
Nanko. Three kinds of maps were constructed, the largest consisting 
of 80 different sheets, the medium sized of two, and the smallest of one. 
These maps have been the basis of all subsequent ones ; and for many 
places in Japan Ino*s measurements of latitude (and longitude) are the 
only ones which have as yet been made. 


On eompleiion of the survey, Takafaashi published an epitome of 
the results in a book haviug the title, ^*InO*s Table of Latitudes and 
Longitudes." In the preface to this work are some interesting remarks 
about Ind's modes of operation. For the following translation of these 
I am indebted to Mr. H. Nagaoka, post-graduate student in the Imperial 
University. '^The Europeans,*' it is said, ''are of opinion that the 
magnetic needle generally deviates towards the west, never pointing true 
north, and that there exist local variations. These statements are to be 
found in Dutch books. In the coast survey made by In^ Ghukei, the 
compass needle formed an essential part of his stock of instruments. 
The best needles are made in Europe, but Chukei was under no obliga- 
tion to Western skill. With needles of his own construction, he 
determined the configuration of the coast line as well as the positions 

of mountains and islands He found that the needle 

always pointed true north and south, and had no westward deviation. 

Chiikei again says that in using the needle one must 

have no steel (" hammered iron *') near. For under the influence of the 
spirit (or atmosphere) of iron, the needle points sometimes east, 
sometimes west, and cannot then be said to have no deviation. Hence 
the sword' ought not to be worn during survey work, nor should there 
be any piece of iron allowed near the body. Due attention to these 
particulars destroys all risk of causing a deviation in the needle." 

It would appear that InO rather doubted the truth of the magnetic 
variation, and was inclined to refer its appearance in Europe to 
carelessness either in the construction or handling of the compass- 
needle. There can be little doubt, however, as to tiie accuracy of Ind's 
own observation that in Japan at that time the direction of magnetic 
north coincided with the direction of geographical north. At present 
the magnetic variation has a mean value of ueai'ly 5° W. for the whole 
of Japan. 

According to InO the mean length of one degree of latitude is 28.2 
n. From a copy of the standard shakit used by Ino — the original 
seems to have been lose by fire— this distance has been estimated as 
equivalent to 110.7 kilometres. The ti'ue value is 111 kilometres. 

^ It 18 said that, as InO was oompeUed by national etiquette to wear the 
appearance, at least, of a sword, he substituted for the real sword a wooden one. 


The lengths of a degree of longitade in latitudes 85°, 40°, 44° are given 
as 28.1 ri, 21.6 n and 20.285 H respectively. Reduced to kilometres, 
these are 90.7, 84.8 and 79.66. The true values are 91.08, 85.18, 
79.99, differing in no case from InO's values hy as much as one-half 
per cent. 

When vire consider the age at which Ino hegan his scientific career — 
an age at which most men are thinking of retiring from the busy 
field of life — and when further we call to mind the rade instruments 
with which he did his work, we cannot but feel that we have here a 
man worthy of a high place amongst the scientific leaders of the last 
generation. In these days of candid criticism, his work has stood the 
severest tests and remains a grand monument of his perseverance, 
patience and accuracy. His greatness is now fully appreciated, and 
some six or seven years ago received Imperial recognition. The rank 
of Sho-shi-i (JE V9 ixt), or Senior 4th class, was at that time confenred on 
In6. Excepting nobles, very few held that rank in the days when 
Ino flourished, although it is common enough nowadays. Such 
posthumous honours are, besides, very rare. His countrymen may 
indeed well be proud of Ino Chukei, almost a unique figure in the 
history of science in Japan. 

In preparing this short biography of Ino, I have been fortunate 
in the hearty assistance of Mr. *Arai, Superintendent of the Meteorologi- 
cal Office, and of Professor Yamagawa and Mr. Nagaoka of the Imperial 
University. Without the aid of these gentlemen, indeed, I could have 
done little or nothing ; and in here recording my indebtedness to them, 
I would also express my warmest thanks. 



By E. H. Parkeb. 

[Read 16th May, 1888.] 

It has DOW been fairly well demousirated by the combined efforts 
of a number of stodents that the Chinese languages or dialects foim one 
indivisible and homogeneous whole. Of the 40,000 character given by 
K'anghi, perhaps 10,000 will suffice to cover the whole field of general 
literature, the remaining 80,000 serving the same special objects as 
100,000 of the 120,000 words to be found in the completest English 
dictionary. The 10,000 characters committed to memory by natives 
of all provinces alike are the true basis of the language ; and, making 
a reasonable allowance for exceptions, variants, and Inexplicable 
accidents, we may state of these 10,000 words that they are relatively 
the same in all Chinese dialects, each dialect having diverged more or 
less from a presumed original form, which original form has been 
maintained unmutilated through the whole history of Chmese lexico- 
graphy, from the Shwoh-wdn down to K*ang-hi. So far, it has been 
impossible to define what this original form was in a positive sense ; 
because, Chinese being destitute of letters, it is only possible to express 
the original sounds by presenting the initials and finals of characters 
still having a modem sound in each dialect. Though the general 
average of dialects may, by process of elunination or comparison, point 
to an old form, which old form might have been reduced to certainty by 
committing it to alphabetical shape, there is no modern dialect which 
has so little diverged firom the presumed ancient form, mother of all, 
that it can be pointed to with present certainty as being the uncorrupted 
representative of the original ; but the internal evidence ol Chinese 

180 pabker: chikese akd annamesb. 

dialects themselves, together ivith the external evidence of the corrupted 
forms introduced into Corean and Japanese, prove beyond doubt that 
modem Cantonese, if not actually the same as ancient Chinese, is, at 
least, the dialect ¥rhioh, word for word, has least deflected from the 
nndefinablo original ; and that Hakka, which on the whole is more 
corrupted than Cantonese, still preserves a few ancient finals which 
have been lost to the superior dialect of Canton. Thus, though it is 
impossible to say that <£ VE aud ^ were actually pronounced /ar/>, pit, 
and tet in ancient times, the evidence is universal that the two first 
represent what the sounds were as far back as we can go in the direction 
of the original ; whilst, in the case of the third, the balance of evidence 
is in favour of the supposition that Hnkka has improperly evolved 
ft final f , or else that Hakka preseiTCS finals anterior in date to the 
Introduction of Chinese words into Corean and Japanese. Regarding 
the remaining 80,000 words, none of these beiug known to colloquial, 
and thus none of them forming the living original from which 
dictionai-ies must necessaiily have been and be constructed, they have no 
etymological value ; for the speakers of each dialect must of necessity 
htint up the sounds, and fix them by the light of the 10,000 well- 
known sounds which are ufied to define the sounds of the remaining 
80,000 rai-e characters. It might be more reasonable, judging by the 
average knowledge possessed by a Chinese literate, to take 5,000 as the 
flum of the living key, and 85,000 as the sum of the rare characters to 
which the key must be applied ; but that does not affect the principle 
of the theory. In addition to the 6,000 or 10,000 words in common 
use, characters for which Ore recognized by the dictionaries, tliere are a 
few hundred vulgar words in each Chinese dialect, which either possess 
no characters at all, or no characters recognized by the dictionaries. 
The reason probably is either that words have a low, ignoble, or local 
rignification, or that they have never been used by any of the lights of 
literature, just as with ns a number of well-known slang, obscene, local, 
or ignoble words exist which are never admitted into dictionaries. 
But, even with regard to these condemned words, there is a consider- 
able homogeneity in Chinese, and it is not easy to find a vulgar word 
the use of which is totally confined to one single dialect, which is not 
represented by some accidentally forgotten ehariicter, or which cannot 

pabksb: ohinsbb and annamb»e. 181 

be explained. In oUier words, wlien ftllowauee is made for the few 
foreign words which even such a conBervaiive race as the Chinese mast 
have inirodaced into its language, it has been proved that, from a 
literary point of view, the Chinese dialects are one homogeneous whole, 
and that even from a vulgar and local point of view, there is nothing in 
any of them to point to an extensive non-Chinese influence. If the 
vulgar words mentioned find no analogues in Corean or Japanese, it is 
naturally because, being unwritten and thus undefined, they can never 
have been deliberately introduced into Japanese or Corean. 

Now, Annamese is another link in the chain which proves the 
soundness of the theory above propounded, and the writings of those 
gentlemen who have made Annamese their special study deserve to be 
carefully considered. First and foremost is M. Landes, whose Noteg 
$ur la langue Annamite, in vol. viii, No. 19, of the admirable series of 
Excursions et Beconnaissances^ merit the most respectful attention. It 
is simply marvellous if M. Landes has arrived at such just conclusions 
from data furnished by study of Annamite alone ; his paper, however, 
shews signs of extended reading, and it is more probable that he has 
not disdained to avail himself of the light afforded by those who have 
studied the same subject in China. M. Landes tells us that '* Annamite 
counts six tones, inclusive of the even tone ; these tones are not 
identical in all the provinces, and these variations are also found in 
Chinese." It has already been elsewhere explained that the whole of 
the eight Chinese tones are represented in Auuamese-Chinese, but that 
the intonations of the two Annamite entering tones are the same as the 
intonations of the two Annamite departing tones. In my papers on the 
Canton, Hakka, Foochow and W6nchow dialects, I have shown how the 
Chinese entering tones (that is how words ending in t, p^ or k) have 
the same intonation (differing in each dialect) as some other non* 
entering tone (that is as words ending in n, ?», ng, or a vowel) ; and 
thus in some dialects it may be pardonable to count two tones having 
the same intonation as one tone ; this, however, is an error, for, where 
tlie entering tones drop the final consonant, and where they do not 
happen to have the same intonation as another non-entering tone, 
they form separate tones. Thus it is absolutely necessary to keep 
theory and practice apart, just w, in French, the fact t)iat final 


consonants are not sonnded, or are confased, is no justification for 
saying tbat tbey do not separately exist. They are often hrovgJu into 
existence again for rhyming parposes, and in combinations of words, 
jast as, in Chinese, tones must be recognized in poetry even if they 
exist in the imagination alone. The " variations " to which M. Landes 
alludes do certainly exist, but they do not affect the rule, and even so 
far as they may appear to affect the rule, the causes for such variations 
may be either explained or reasonably surmised. There is one very 
important point, however, which calls for examination. How comes it 
that pure Annamese, which is a tonic and monosyllabic language like 
Chinese, but with only 10 per cent of Chinese words in its colloquial 
form, has in living speech exactly the same sounding tones as 
Anilamese-Chinese ? The peculiar construction of Annamese, and the 
fact that the Annamese have invented mongrel Chinese characters for 
pure Annamese words, seem to prove (what is easily provable on other 
gi'onnds) that Annamese has or had an independent existence of its 
own. The answer must be either (1) that the Annamese had no tones, 
or no well-defined tones when they began to introduce Chinese words ; 
or (2) that finding Chinese tones absolutely necessary for literary 
purposes, they have gradually modified their own tones (originally six) 
and the Chinese-Cantonese tones (six in fact, but eight in theoiy) 
so as to form one set. In Chinese, the tones, accordingly as they are an 
upper or lower series, constitute the distinction between an initial surd 
and an initial sonant (in some dialects an aspirate), and, accordingly 
as they are entering or non-entering, constitute the distinction between 
a surd and a nasal final. It is most important that competent 
Annamese scholars should elucidate two points: (1) Is it an absolute 
fact that there are really only six tones for pure Anuamite words, and 
that these tones are and were really exactly the same in sound as in 
the A nnamite- Chinese words : (2) have or had the said tones, in the 
case of pure Annamite words, the same or any effect upon the initials 
and finals of different dialects, as in Chinese ? From the fact, stated 
by M. Landes, that voi (=Chinese "F ^) means *• to reach from afar," 
and voi (=Chiuese Ji ^) means '* the trunk of an elephant,'* whilst 
vol (=Chinese X ^) means ^* an elephant,*' is very important, if it can 
be shewn that the three words are etymologically connected: but, 


nnless the game bastard character is used for all three, how can it be 
assumed that there is any etymological connection ; and, even if the 
same bastard character be nsed, Tvhat literary weight have such bastard 
characters at all ? This query opens a correlative Chinese question. 
When we are told that SI means "a swallow," or •• Peking," accord- 
ingly as it is read yen* or ,?/m, why should we admit the right of the 
Chinese to call two words one, just because the same character is used ? 
Or, in other words, when the Chinese use a character for two or more 
different sounds and meanings, have they always been careful to 
preserve proof of their etymological connection ? 

The Annamites, says M. Landes, possessed, *' dit-on," a phonetic 
writing previous to the second century of our era, but its use was 
abolished by Si Vtiong in favour of Chinese. This statement is made 
by most writers on Annamese subjects, but there is no ground what- 
ever given for the statement, which seems to have been copied from 
writer to writer: the error, if error it be, may probably be traced 
back to some vngue Chinese statement about the X fl who came with 
the earliest missions from Yiiehshang. In an Annamite book, printed 
in Chinese character with the word-for-word vulgar Annamese or chu 
nom forms side by side, called the ^ ^tSi^ it is stated that ** During 
the Wn or three Empire period, Si Vuong [Ji 2.] was pro-consul : he 
taught the Odes and History, and civilized the Annamese." Nothing 
whatever is said of an ancient alphabet, though true, the example of 
the Coreans and Manchns shews that alphabets have failed to compete 
with character elsewhere. I have enquired of all the Europeans I have 
met who are likely to have heard any traditions there may be, but not 
one has shewn to me the slightest ground for believing that the 
Annamese ever knew any writing but Chinese. The two words 
chu nom meaning ** borrowed characters " or ** vulgar characters " have 
no separate meaning, but as the first word is vulgaily written with two 
characters ^, and the second with the phonetic character »iK it is 
surmised that the first word is a corruption of the Chinese word ^ 
(pronounced tu or t'i iu Annamite), and the second a coiTuption of the 
Chinese word A (pronounced 7iam in Annamite), the whole meaning 
** characters of the south " iu accordance with the primary rule of 
Annamite that the adjective follows the noun. 


M. Landes ihvpks that, as the AnnaimteB (like ibe Coreans and 
Japanese) have boiTOwed from the Chinese all their administrative, 
legal, scientific, and religions knowledge, and have not during 2,000 
years had any other linguistic influences to contend wilh, their 
language may well have been so impregnated that, even admitting the 
postulate that the Annamite and Chinese races originally came from two 
stocks, it must be admitted that Annamite has now been so affected that 
it is as much a dialect of Chinese as Spanish and Portuguese are of 
Latin. M. Landes refers to a book by M. Abel des Michels on Les 
oriffines de la lavgtie annamite^ but he says that he has not read that 
book. He quotes, however, a sentence of M. Michel's with which we 
entirely agree : ** La graiide majonte des racines annamites »w jietit 
s'expliquer par le chinoiSf et la syntaxe des deux laTigues est complete^nent 
differenteJ" I do not know Annamite, but after a tolerably wide 
experience of Chinese dialects, and with the assistance of a dictionary 
(kindly furnished to me by M. Landes some yeai*s ago) giving the 
Annamite sounds of Chinese words, it is not difficult for me, having 
now read through the whole of M. Petrusky's Annamite grammar, to 
positively assert two things : (1) Annamite- Chinese, with no more 
exceptions than are found in Chinese dialects, strictly follows the 
'*laws" of change, and the Annamite pronunciation of every Chinese 
word can be predicated with the same certainty, tone included, as the 
Cantonese pronunciation of every Chinese word: (2) colloquial 
Annamite, as exliibited in Petrusky's grammar, does not contain more 
than about ten per cent of leading Chinese words, whilst Japanese and 
Corean colloquial contain perhaps twenty or thirty per cent. As this 
second point is one upon which my own judgment would run unusual 
risks of erring, I have enquired of M. Dumoutier (Hanoi) and 
M. Navelle (Saigon), both of whom fully share the second opinion, and 
also the first as far as their studies have enabled them to understand 
that particular point. As M. Landes points out, and as I have pointed 
out with reference to Corean and Japanese, ** il ne sera pas sam interet 
de detmmiiier d'ahord quels sont les elements chinois qui font aujourdliui 
partie de la Utngue Aiinamite et quelUs alterations ils ont subies. There 
is no difficulty whatever in both determining and proving this, but the 
value of such a proof goes further ; it enables us to say : given prooCs 


of how Cbiuefle words have changed, let as assame thai ike same 
ehanges have affeeted pare Annamite or other foreign words, and then 
we ean decide two things : — 

(1) Whether these assumed pure Annamite words belong to a more 

ancient stock of Chinese (as I think is the ease with pare Japanese) 
or not (as I think is the case with pore Corean) ; 

(2) Whether, as is very probable, side by side with regalarly adopted 

Chinese words, there are not also a number of irregular Chinese 
words irregularly adopted into colloquial from various Chinese 
dialects : just as, for instance, the French have the word choquer 
as we have the word shock, but, in addition, adopt for irregular 
purposes the English word shocking in English dress. I have 
noticed a number of words which seem to fall under this category ; 
for instance the two words ehti rum (for tU nam), Imh, *< cold *' 
(for Idnh), etc. 

M. Landes very jastly points out that the Annamite pronunciation of 
Chinese is archaic, and makes the excellent remark that Le chinois n'etant 
ici que la langus de quelques lettrh qui le recevaimit par tradition dans Us 
kales, il ne devaUpas se co}rompre aussi facileynent qn*en Chine oil ilformait 
la langue commune. The Cantonese, however, is hardly corrupted at 
all, whilst the Pekingese is the most conrupted : it appears then to be 
rather the influence of strangers — such as the Tartars — ^which corrupts the 
colloquial, which colloquial, as has been shown in my papers on various 
Chinese dialects, varies considerably in China. In Canton the colloquial 
is practically pure : in Ningpo a system of double sounds is preserved, 
and to a certain extent also in Foochow : north of the Yangtsze it has 
become almost impossible to preserve with the colloquial a record of the 
more ancient sounds. In Corea and Japan, Chinese words, however 
travestied, may be said to follow the rules except as to tone more strictly 
than in Chiua. M. Landes' comparison with the pure Latin, which was 
preserved almost as a spoken language during the middle ages, in all 
but Latin countries, by a small class of clerks, is very much to the 
point and illustrates in a measure the state of Chinese as adopted 
into Corean, Japanese, and Annamite. M. Landes accordingly divides 
into three categories the Chinese words which have passed into 


1. Direct importations from modern dialects, recognizable, bat 

subject to no regular etymological laws ; few in number, and 
chiefly Canton, Fuh Eien, or Swatow [Trieu GLau] slang or 
trade jargon, 

2. Authentic importations into the vulgar through the '* Mandarin * 

Anuamese, and seldom varying much from the tone and sound 

which the Chinese dictionaries would assign to the words as 

affected by the genius of the Annamese tongue. 

8. Words distantly resembling, or differing from, Chinese words of 

the same meaning, but subject to laws of change which prove 

them to be of one source with Chinese ; some appearing in 

categories 1 and 2. 

Begai'ding the first two categories, there is no difficulty and no 

question. Regarding the second M. Landes asks : Were these words 

imported at a date anterior to historical importations, or were they 

imported in historical times, and owe their great change to the fact of 

their having been adopted into colloquial Annamite, and thus freed from 

the check imposed by literary tradition ? M. Landes (writing in 1884), 

says that monographs of the Chinese dialects and of the Indo-Chinese 

dialects will be necessary for the solution of this problem, and that, up 

to that date, no such preparatory work had been done for Annamese. 

Pending the appearance of the required monographs, M. Landes thinks 

that, despite a number of irreducible elements, Annamite may well be a 

Chinese dialect in the largest sense ; or, if not so, then a toneless 

monosyllabic language, gradually impregnated with Chinese elements, 

and thus become a mixed, and tonal, besides being a monosyllabic 


It would be rash to pronounce absolutely upon this subject ; but as 
I have now examined natives in Hanoi and other places in the delta, 
and in Cochin China ; spoken with different missionaries who have spent 
many years of their lives in Tonquin, and Central Annam ; consulted 
such of the French gentlemen in Annam as have given their attention to 
the scientific examination of Annamese ; and, lastly, compared notes 
with the eminent Doc-phu-su Hwang Tsing [^ ^] ,. and the well-known 
Annamite scholar M. Petrusky [9( ij^. t&] , I think I may venture to 
point out how far the evidence thus far available will take us. 


M. Kergaradeo, who is in a peculiarly favorable position for 
pronouncing a sonnd opinion, states that the construction of Siamese is 
absolutely identical with that of Annamese. Siamese is at bottom a 
monosyllabic and tonal language like Chinese and Annamite, and has a 
number of words which are manifestly either derived from these 
languages or come from the same original source. But besides the fact 
that the body of individual Siamese words is totally different from the 
body of Annamese words (a fact which, as we see in the case of Corean 
and Japanese, is by no means incompatible with identity of grammatical 
construction), Siamese has always been subject to Indian, Burmese, 
Pegnan, and Cambodgian influences, and has borrowed largely from 
those polysyllabic tongues, whilst Annamese has been subjected to 
Chinese influences alone. Hence we find that Siamese has found it 
quite convenient to adopt an alphabet, and to mark the tones by a series 
of new letters and diacritical marks, — in other words to combine the 
genius of monosyllability and tones with that of polysyllability and recto 
tono ; whilst Annamese, remaining purely monosyllabic, has found pure 
Chinese characters for pure Chinese words and bastard Chinese characters 
for pure Annamese words amply sufficient for its literary purposes. 

According to M. Landes there are 1,600 syllables in Annamite, 
not counting the tones. This is double the number of syllables in the 
present Chinese dialects, not counting the tones ; and it may safely be 
assumed that, of the 1,600, only 800 are pure Annamite. It is a very 
marvellous fact, however, that, as above stated, the intonations given 
to Chinese words correspond with those given to Annamite words. I 
have very carefully examined M. Petrusky with a view to aniving at 
an explanation of this very singular fact. It appears that, before the 
missionaries invented the quoc ngu or romanized Annamese script, the 
Annamese considered that they had three classs of tones, the ^ the ^ 
and the K. Thus the upper and lower even tones (marked by the 
missionaries ma, ma) were X ^ and *K ^. The upper and lower risiug 
tones (marked by the missionaries m^, mS.) were J: ^ and T ^ (i.e. 
"midway*' between even /"^'n/tj and uneven (trac J. The upper and 
lower departing tones (marked by the missionaries ) vuiy ma were X IX, 
and f IX. The intonations of the upper and lower entering tones (also 
marked by the missionaries mac, mac) were never distinguished by the 

188 pabsbb: ohxnsse amd ankajihsb. 

Annamese from the last two ; and, although they followed the Chinese 
rnles, and kept the distinction for poetical purposes, they never seem to 
have understood what was meant hy the A 9 ; and the fact that they 
never seem to have underatood it seems to prove that they must have 
adopted their Chinese from Canton, wfiere alone the intonations of the 
two ^ and the two A are identical, and are only differentiated hy the 
fact that the £ end in m, n, ng, or a vowel, and the X in p, t, or k. 
If the Annamites had had any knowledge of other Chinese dialects, where 
the intonation or intonations given to the A corresponds or correspond 
with other tones, sometimes ^, sometimes Ji, sometimes the two ^ in 
reversed order, or where the intonation of the A has an independent 
existence of its own, the Annamites would not have failed to distinguish 
eight instead of six tones ; nor, if the first missionaries had known 
Chinese, would they have placed the guoc ngu tonal marks upon so 
unscientific a basis. 

Annamite throws light upon a peculiarity in Cantonese which has 
never been explained, namely the division of the upper entering tone 
into .h A (makj, and ^ A (mak^). This famous distinction is treated 
of at length in Eitel's Dictionary and BalFs Vocabulary. Now, the 
intonation of the 'f ^ and f A is the same in both Cantonese and 
Annamite, whilst the intonation of the Ji iz and Ji A is also the same 
in both those languages if ice consider the ^ Xto be the standard and the 
X \to be a bastard offshoot from it. Instead, therefore, of saying that 
the upper entering tone in Cantonese is divided into J:, and ^, it would 
be more correct to say that the upper entering tone in Cantonese is 
divided into Ji (properly corresponding with the £ which is also a PC) 
and the zi X (improperly corresponding with the X ^), and this without 
prejudice to the fact that both have in addition a S IT or *' vulgar sub- 
division/* This point is well worth the careful attention of sound 
Cantonese scholars. 

Thus, just as the length of the modern Corean vowels has thrown 
unexpected light upon the meaning of Fooehow tonal inflection, so we 
find that Annamite throws light upon the meaning of Canton tonal 
sub-division. In other words, we have advanced one more step in the 
direction of finding out what the purest ancient Chinese standard 

pabksb: obinese akd annamese. 189 

With regard to ihe meaning of the two Annamiie words chu nom 
(pronounced almost like kye nom) or '* bastard Annamite characters/* it 
appears that the word chu is the native Annamite word having the same 
meaning as the Chinese Annamite word tu (^i pronounced like ti or tS)» 
The two bastard characters are written WHa, and the second is a 
corruption of the word nam *' South.*' This fact illustrates a number 
of things. 1. The invariable Annamite (and Siamese) rule that the 
adjective do follow the noun, — thus Uz nam, instead of nam t$z^ 
''characters of the southern (realm).** 2. The fact that many 
Annamite words (like many Japanese words) shew signs of having 
either come from the same ancient stock as Chinese, or of having been 
adopted into colloquial and modified to a degree more considerable than is 
the case with recognized Chinese adopted words. 8. The principle on 
which the chu nom are invented, — partly ideographic, partly phonetic. 
In short, like the early Japanese, the Annamese at first found it difficult 
to make up their minds how far the Chinese characters should be used 
strictly as such ; how far as synonyms ; how far as mere syllables ; and 
how far as a mixture of all three. The Si Yuong who is supposed to 
have forced upon the Annamese the study of Chbese is the i^ £ or 
tt ^ fl? of the Annamese V9 ^ JK!. The Annamite rhyming history 
i^^Wi^^V^, which has a Chinese running commentary, says thai 
the person in question was sarnamed d: with cognomen %, and that he 
was a native of 91 ff in iff |g ; that in his youth he went to study at the 
capital of the Chinese Hans (Loh-yang), and was appointed to be 
prefect of $! 9ti (in Tonquin). When the Chinese Go or Wu dynasty 
succeeded (Nanking and Wu-chang), Shi Sieh sent his son to Court as a 
hostage, paid annual tribute, and received a marshal's b&ton. He ruled 
at the city of li SI, the present fl&^M* M. Petrusky, in his excellent 
grammar, says : *' Tout porte a croire que les Aunamites avaient une 
'' esp&ce d 'Venture phon6tique, remplac^e par celle qui fut impos^e de 
''force par les ordonnanoes dn roi lettr6 (Si Yuong).'* He informs 
me, however, that he is not aware of the existence of any evidence in 
support of what he ouly intended to be a suggestion ; nor can he recol- 
lect the date of the introduction of the chu nom, or the name of the 
introducer, [though he says that one of the history books gives the date and 
the name of the introducer] of the {^ ^. M. Hwang Tsing (Faulus Cna) 


is also unable clear up this doubt. A little Annamese book called the 
%9Vn# says that uuder the Eastern Han, one -kS- did teach the 
people (Chinese) letters ik^X^, The corresponding vulgar Annamite 
words are ^ ft $^ ^. And the Annamese book called the ($■ ft tSlHh 
says that at Gh'ao-lei city, the above-mentioned capital of Si 
Ynong, there is still a temple, with a tablet bearing the ancient 
inscription A 3^ V t9, and that '* our taste for literature began with 

M. Landes very truly observes that, if the Annamite sovereigns 
had given an impulse to the study of their national idiom, there would 
have been an Annamite as well as a Chinese orthography, and suggests 
that in ancient times there was probably the same want of certainty with 
Chinese, — a suggestion supported by the state in which we find the 
oldest classics. I am disposed to agree with the opinion ably expressed 
upon page 125 of the paper under notice that the earliest missionaries 
might have done better if they had, by the light of alphabetical 
knowledge which they possessed, so improved the chu fiom that the 
Annamite language would have preserved the advantages of ideographic 
script whilst acquiring, by a judicious arrangement of radicals and 
phonetics, the advantages of syllabic script, instead of inflicting upon the 
Annamese people the quoc ngu, or chu quoc ngu [9 ^ ^F]. As to the 
question which has arisen between M. Landes and M. Aymonin, 
whether, seeing that the quoc ngu with all its *' bars," '' beards," and 
other hideous diacritical and tonal marks, has a widespread eidstence, 
it is worth while to substitute a clearer alphabetical script, it does not 
appear to me to be of any but philological importance. For philological 
purposes it is highly desirable to know the relative values of a system of 
letters which produces such an eyesore as Tru'o*ng Yijih-k;f , especially 
when it turns out that, in practice and actual result, the above strange 
combination is positively pronounced, in Tonqnin at least, exactly like 
the corresponding Cantonese words which in Williams* system, we write 
^Ch^nng *^ing-ki'. Some time or other it may be worth while to go 
into this question, and reduce the whole quoc ngu system to a common 
denominator such as most of the Chinese dialects are now supplied 
with. Meanwhile, as the Saigon Imprimerie has been good enough 
to famish me with a few quoc ngu types, I give a list of a few sounds as 


ihey really are, "when compared with Gorean (Grammaire Fran9ai8e) 
or Chinese (Williams' Gaatoo, Baldwin's Fooohow) soonds : bat I have 
not soffioient type to mark properly all the Annamese words ased above. 
The bearded ii, namely v is pronounced like the Corean 0U 






" e 



IT (Tare 




Canton iu 





" (d 

•c ^ a c< CI cc ^ 

" o ia pronoonoed like Foochow 6 (almost like a) 

•• 6 •• «« Canton 6 (Wade's au) 

" e «• " " S (Wade's eh) 

'< e <* •* the e in English send. 

** barred c2, namely d is pronoonced like an English d. 
*' nnbarred d is pronoonced varioasiy y, z, j, r, or a mixture of all. 
S and X are much confused ; neither is a pure «, but both are soft 
sibilants, the second being rather aspirated. R sounds as an initial like fj. 



jiDJUTsu (It m^ 


Bt Rev. T. Lindbat and J. Eano. 
iRead April 18ih, 1S88.'] 

In fendal times in Japan, there were various military arts and 
exercises by wbieh the Samurai classes were trained and fitted for their 
special form of warfare. 

Amongst these was the art of Jicgatsn, from which the present 
Jiudo (^ at) has sprung up. 

The word Jitgutsu may be translated freely as the art of gaining 
victory by yielding or pliancy. Originally, the name seems to have 
been applied to what may best be described as the art of fighting 
without weapons, although in some cases short weapons were used 
against opponents fighting with long weapons. Although it seems 
to resemble wrestling, yet it differs materially from wrestling as 
practised in England, its main principle being not to match strength 
with strength, but to gain victory by yielding to strength. 

Since the abolition of the Fendal System the art has for some time 
been out of use, but at the present time it has become very popular in 
Japan, though with some important modifications, as a system of 
athletics, and its value as a method for physical training has been 
recognised by the establishment of several schools of Jicgutsu and Jiudo 
in the capital. 

Wo shall first give an historical sketch of Jinjutsn, giving an account 
of the various schools to which it has given rise, and revert briefly in the 
sequel to the form into which it has been developed at the present time. 

hBKOBkr All» MM»Qp: JIVfUTgU. lOS 

Jiqafiia has baen known bo» feudal times nnder varions nainest 
sash as Tawam, Taijatsu« Eognsokn, Eempo and Hakada. Thtt naises 
Jinjafsu and Yawava were most widely known aad naed» 

In iraeing tbe history of the att, we are met at the outset witii 
difficalties wUek are not onoommon in similar researches, — the 
nnreliableness of mooh of the literature oC the art- 
Printed books on the subject are scarce, and whilst there are 
iannmenable manuseripttf belonging to Ysrioas sshoob of the art, many 
of them, ave contradictory and nnaatisCactory. The originators of new 
acliools seem ofifcentimes to have made kutory to snit their own 
purposes, and thus the materials for a consistent and clear account of 
the origin and rise of Jiii|iitstt are very seaaly. In early times, the 
knowledge of the history and the art was in the poswssion of the 
teachers of the various tfchools, who handed down information to their 
pupils as a secret in order to give it a sacred appearance. 

Moreover, the seclusion of one province from another, as a 
consequence of the Feadial System of Japan, prevented mneh acquaintance 
between teachers and pupils of the various schools, and thus contrary 
and often contradictory accounts of its history were handed down and 
believed. Further, it is to be noted that the interest of its students 
was devoted more tosnecess in the practice of the art than to a know^ 
ledge of its rise and progress in the coontryr 

Turning to the origin of JivQuUu^ as is to be expoeted varioos 
accounts are given.. 

In the Bitgd Shd-dm (A H 'h (S), which is a coUootion of brief 
biographies of eminent masters of the different arts of fighting practised 
in feudal times,— accoanta- are given of Koguioku {'h A JL} and Ken 
(#), which is equivalent to Kempo (4^ ^) ; these two being distinguished 
from each other, the fomas aa tho art of 9eiziing and the latter as the 
art c^ gaining victory by pUaney. The art of Kogutoku, is ascribed to 
TakenOQohi, a native of Saknshin. It is said that in tbe first year of 
Tenbon, 1682, a sorcerer came unexpectedly to the house of Takenoucbi 
and tanght him fivB methodt of seising a man ; he then went off and he 
could not tell whither he went. 

The origin of the art of Ken. is stated thus :— There came to Japan 
firom China a man named Ckingempm^ who left tbaft cooi^ 


after the M of the Min dynasty, and lived in EidLasbAji (a 
Baddhist temple) in AzBhn in Yedo, as T0ky6 was then called. Theve 
also in the same temple lived three renins, Fokano, Isogai and Minra. 
One day Chingempin told them that in China there was an art of seizing 
a man, which he had seen himself practised hut had not learned its 
principles. On hearing this, these three men made investigations and 
afterwards became very skilfal.^ 

The ongin of Jtu, which is equivalent to Jinjatsn, is traeed to 
these three men, from whom it spread thronghoat the coontry. In 
the same account the principles of the art are stated, and the following 
are their free translations : 

(1) Not to resist an opponent, bnt to gain victory by pUaney. 
(2^ Not to aim at frequent victory. 

(8) Not to be led into scolding (bickering) by keeping the mind (empty) 
composed and calm» 

(4) Not to be disturbed by tjiings. 

(5) Not to be agitated under any emergency but to be tranqniL 

And for all these, rules for respiration are considered important. 

In the Bt^utm riu soroku (A W Ulla fli), a book of biographies of 
the originators of different schools of the arts of Japanese warfare, 
exactly the same account is given of the origin of Kogusokn, and a 
similar account of Jinjntsu; and it is also stated that the time in 
which Miura lived was about 1660. 

In the Chinomald, a certificate given by teachers of the EitO school 
to their pupils, we find a brief history of the art and its main principles 
as taught by that school. 

In it, reference is made to a writing dated the 11th year of Enanbun 

According to it there was once a man named Fokuno who studied 
|he art of fighting without weapons and so excelled in the art that he 
defeated people very muoh stronger than himself. The art at first did 
not spread to any great extent : but two of his pupils becakne especially 
noted, who were founders of separate schools, named Miura and Terada. 

lAlthoagh the statement refers to an art of teiting a man, what isreaUy 
there meant, ive beUeve, is an art of kioking and striking an opponent. 


TIm art taught by Minra waa named Wa (which ia equivalent to 
Yawara)j and the art taught byTerada was named Jiu (which is 
equivalent to Jh^uUu)* 

The date of the period in whieh Foknno floarished is not mentioned 
in the eertifieate quoted above« but it is seen from the date in another 
manuscript that it must have been before the eleventh year of Euanbun 

The Oufori mmho dzue (A SK W ■ S) gives an account of 
Chingemfdn. According to it Ghingempin was a native of Korinken in 
China, who fled to Japan in order to escape from the troubles at the 
dose of the Min Dynasty. He was cordially received by the prince 
of Owariy and there died at the age of 85 in 1671, which is 
stated to be the date on his tombstone in Eenchtgi in Nagoya. 
In the same hooka passage is quoted from Kenpdhisho (#ticllk#) 
which relates that when Chingempin lived in Eokusbdji in Aaabu, the 
three renins Fukuno, Isogai and Miura also lived there, and Chingempin 
told them that in China there was an art of seizing a man and that he had 
seen it ; that it was of such and such a nature. Finally these three men, 
after hearing this, investigated the art and as a result, the school of the 
art called KUonu was founded. 

In a book called the Sen teUu to dan (ib^Wi 9l)» which may be 
considered one of the authorities on this subject, it is stated that 
Chingmnpin was bom probably in the 15th year of Banreki according 
to Chinese chronology, that is in 1587 ; that he met at Nagoya, a prieat 
named (}ensei in the 2nd year of Manji, that is in 1659, with whom he 
became very intimate. They published some poems under the title Gen 
Gen 8hd Washu (tc tc •« |v IKt). 

In another book named Khfu shd ran (If ^ ^ O it is rehited that 
Chingempin came to Japan in the 2nd year of Manji (1659). 

Again it is generally understood that Bhunsui (iV^7JC), a famous 
Chinese scholar, came to Japan on the M of the Min dynasty in the 
2nd year of Manji (1659). 

From these various accounts it seems evident that Chingempin 
flourished in Japan some time after the second year of Manji, 
in 1659. Bo that the statement of the Bujutm muoroku that Miura 
flourished in the time of Eiroku must be discredited. It is evident 


from the itecooiits aboady glrea tiaai ChiogeBipid floiiritheA at a 
later period, and that Minra waa his coatempocary.. 

There are other accoants of the origin of Jia^uisu given by i^ariona 
schools of the art, to whieh we mitst now torn. 

The aceonnt given by the sehool named To shinriu ia aa foUowa : — 

This school was begun; by Miura YoMn^ a physician of Naga«aki 
in Hizen. He flonrished in the early times of the Tokagawa Shogans. 
Belieriitg that many diseases arose from not using mind and body 
together, ha invented some methods of Jiojutsix. Together with his 
two medical pupils be found out 21 ways of seizing an opponent and 
afterwards found out 51 others. After his death his pupils founded 
two separate schools of the art, one of them naming his school 
YOshinrint, from Ydshin; his teacher's name : the otlier named his achool 
liiurariu, also* from his teacher's name. 

The next accotoot is that of a masusariptl named Ttnjin SMm^rin 
Taiiroku. In it there occurs a eoaversation between Iso Mataemon, the 
founder of the Tn/^n SkinydriUf and Terasaki, one of his pupils. The 
erigiii of Jii^sa is related thus: There once lived in Nagasaki a 
physician named Akiyama, who went over to China to study medieioe; 
He there learned an art called Hakuda, wfaidi consisted of kicking^ and 
ttfiking, differing, we may note, from Jiujutso, which, is mainly 
seizing and throwing.. 

Akiyama learned three methods of this Hakada and 28- ways of 
tecovering a man from apparent death. When he returned to Japan, 
he began to teach this art, hot as he bad few methods, liia pupils got 
tired of it^ and left him, 

Akiyama, feeling much grieved on this account, went to the' TMijin 
shrine in Tsnkushi and there worshipped for 100 days. 

In this place he discovered 808r different methods of the art. 
What led to this is equaHy curious. Oner day during a snow storm he 
observed a willow tree whose branches were covered with snow. 
Unlike the pine tree which stood erect and broke before the storm, the 
willow yidded to the weight of snow en its branches, but did not 
break under it. In this way, he reflected JittjuUu must be 
practised. So he nameA his sdMol Ydsbin-rin, the spirit of the wiUow- 

Loamj AMD SAHo: jRMimu, 19T 

In Ihe TaHroku U is jdeni0d ibftt €faingenipiii ktoodneed Jisijiiifla 
into Japao^-bat wltitofc alBrmiilg thai Akiyama inirodaoed Bome 
features of the art from China, it adds, *' it la a shame ie o«r cMmtry " 
to aseribe the ori^n of Jtigntsn to China. In this opinion we oataetves 
eonear. It seems to ns that the art is Japanese in origin and 
devebpment for the following reasons. 
(1) An art of defence withoat weapons ts common in all coantriea in a 

m(Hre or less devebped state, and in Japan the feudal stale 

wonld necessarily devek^p Jiigntsn. 

(3) Ihe Chinese KempO and Japanese Jiigotsn diier matarially in their 

(8) Ihe existence of a similar art is referred to, befere the time ef 

(4) The nnsatisfactorinees of the accounts given of its origin. 

(5) The existence of Japanese wrestling from very early times, which 

in some respects resembles Jinjntsn. 

(6) As Chinese arts and Chinese civilization were highly esteemed by 

the Japanese, in order to give prestige to the art, Jii^tsa may 
have been ascribed to a Chinese origin. 

(7) In ancient times teachers of the diff<N«nt branches of military arts, 

such as fencing, nsing the spear, etc., seem to have practised 
this art to some extent. 

In support of this position, we remark first that Jitgntsa, as practised 
in Japan, is not known in China. In that country ihexe is the art 
before referred to called Kempo^ and from the acconut of it in a book 
named ** Kikoshinsho " (Ci eK if" #), it seems to be a method of 
kicking and striking. 

Bat Ji^uUu involved much mcMre, as has been already made 
clear. Besides, a stndent in China, according to the books of instruction, 
is expected to learn and practise the art by himself, whilst in Jiujutsu 
it is essential that two men shall practise together. 

Even although we admit that Chingempin may have introduced 
Eemp6 to Japan, it is extremely difficult to look upon Jiujutsu as in 
any sense a development of Kempo. Besides, if Chingempin had been 
skilled in the art, it is almost Murtain that he would have referred to it 
in his book of poems which, along with Oensei the priest with whom 


be became inlimate at tbe casUe of Nagoya, be published under their 
joint names as tbe Gengenshowashin* Yet there is no reference in 
any of his writmgs to the art. 

Apart firom Obingempin, the Japanese coold learn something of the 
art of Kemp6 as practised in China from books named Bubishi 
(i^ fS ^), Kikoshinsho, etc. We believe tiien that Jinjatsa is a Japanese 
art, which could have been developed to its present perfection withoat 
any aid from China, although we admit that Chingempin, or some Chinese 
book in Kempo may have given a stimulus to its development. Having 
thus discussed in a brief way the origin of Ji^jutsn, and what Jiqntsn is 
in a general way, we shall now turn to the different schools 
and the differences which are said to exist between the several names 
of the art mentioned above. It is impossible to enumerate all 
the schools of Jii\jutsu ; we might count by hundreds, because almost all 
the teachers who have attained some eminence in the art have originated 
their own schools. But it is not possible, and also not in our way to 
describe them all or even to enumerate them. We shall be satisfied 
here by referring to some of the most important on account of the 
principles taught, and the large number of pupils they have attracted. 

1. Kitoriu (^ W %) or Kito School, This School is said to have been 

originated by Terada Ean-emon. The time when he 
flourished is not given in any authoritative book or manuscript, 
but we may say he flourished not very long after Fukuno, 
because it is stated both in the Ghinomaki of the Kit6 school, 
and in the Bujutsn riusoroku that he learnt the art from 
another Terada, who was a pupil of Foknno, although there 
are opinions contradictory to this statement. Among the 
celebrated men of this school may be mentioned Yoehimura, 
Hotta, Takino, Gamd, Imabori ; and of late Takenaka, Noda, 
likubo, Toshida and Motoyama, of whom the two last are still 

2. Kimhinriu was originated by Inugami Nagakatsu. His grandson 

Inugami Nagayasu, better known as Inugami Gunbei, attained 
great eminence in the art and so developed it that he has been 
called in later times the originator of Einshinrin. There is 
great similarity in the principles of the Eitdriu and Eiushinrin. 


The reMmblance is so dose, that we sappose the latter has 
been derived from the former. It is also said that in the 
second year of Eidhd (1717) Inngami studied Kitdria under 
Takino. This mast of oonrse be one of the reasons why they 
are so similar. Among those who were famons in this school 
may be mentioned Ishino Tsukamato and Egnchi. ' 

8. Sekiguchi JiUhin was an originator of another school. His school 
was called Sekiguchi ntc, after him. He had three sons, all 
of whom became famous in the> art. Bhibukawa Bangoro, who 
studied the art from his first son Sekiguchi Hachirozaemoni 
became the founder of another great school of Jiigutsu known 
after him as the Shibukawariu. SeHguchi JtUkin of the 
present time is a descendant of the originator (being of the 
ninth generation from him). 

Bhibukawa Bangoro, the 8th descendant of the originator 
of Shibukawariu is now teaching his art at Motomachi in 
Hongo in Tdky5. 

4. Another School we should mention is the Yoshinriu. As has been 
stated above, there are two different accounts of the origin of 
this school. But on examining the manuscripts and the methods 
of those two schools, one of which traces the originator to 
Miura Ydshin and the other to Akiyama Shirobei, the close 
resemblances of the accounts lead to the belief that both had 
a common origin. 

The representative of Yoshinriu of Miura Yoshin 
at present is Totsuka Eibi, who is now teaching 
at Ghiba, a place near Tokyd. His father was Totsuka 
Hikosnke, who died but two years ago. This man was one 
of the most celebrated masters of the art of late years. His 
father Hikoyemon was also very famous in the time he 
flourished. He studied his art under Egami Euanriu, who 
* made a profound investigation of the subject and was called 
the originator of Y6shinriu in later times. This man is said 
to have died in 1795. Another famous master of this school 
was Hitotsuyanagi Oribe. The Ydshinriu art which this man 
studied is the one which is said to have come from Akiyama. 


5. Next comes Tet^in shdmydriu. This School was originated by Iso 
M^taemon^ who died bat twenty-six years ago. He first 
studied Ydshinria under Hitotsoyanagi Oriye and then Shin 
no Shintd riu (one of the schools of Jiqjateu which has 
developed otit of Ydshin riu) from Homma Jdyemon. He then 
went to different parts of the country to try his art with other 
masters, and finally formed a school of his own and named it 
Tenjin Shibydriu. His school was at Otamagaike in Tdkyo. 
His name spread throughout the country and he was con- 
sidered the greatest master of the time. His son was named 
Iso Mataichird. He became the teacher of Jiojutsu in a school 
founded by one of the Tokugawa Shoguns for different arts of 
warfare. Among the famous pupils of Mataemon may be 
mentioned Nishimura, Okada, Yamamoto, Matsunaga and 
We have mentioned different names, such as Jiojutsu, Yawara, Tai- 
jutsu, Kempo, Hakuda, Eogusoku. They are sometimes distinguished 
from (me uiother, but very often applied to the art generally. For the 
present, without entering into detailed explanations of these names, we 
shall explain in a concise way what is the thing itself which these names 
come respectively to stand for. 

Jiujutsu is an art of fighting without weapons and sometimes with 
small weapons much practised by the Samurai, and less generally the 
common people in the times of the Tokugawas. 

There are various ways of gaining victory, such as throwing heavily 
on the ground ; choking up the throat ; holding down on the ground or 
pushing to a wall in such a way that an opponent cannot riso up or move 
freely ; twisting or bending arms, legs or fingers in such a way that an 
opponent cannot bear the pain, etc. 

There are various schools, and some schools practise all these 
methods and some only a few of them. Besides these, in some of the 
schools special exercises, called Atemi and Euatsu, are taught. Atemi 
is the art of striking or kicking some of the parts of the body in order 
to kill or injure the opponents. Kuatsu, which means to resuscitate, is 
an art of resuscitating those who have apparently died through violence. 
The most important principle of throwing as practised was to 


diainrb the oenire of gravity of the opponent, and than poll or poah 
in a way Ibat the opponecit cannot atand, exerting skill rather than 
strength, so that he might lose his eqailibrioia and fall heavily to the 
gronnd. A series of rules was taught respecting the different motions of 
feet, legs, arms, hands, the thigh and back, in <Mrder to acoonqDlish this 
object. Chokiog up the throat was done by the hands, fore-arms, or 
by twisting tiie collar of the opponent's coat round the throat. For 
holding down and pushing, any part of the body was used. For twisting 
and bending, the parts employed were generally the arms, hands and 
fingers, and sometimes the legs. 

The Kuatsu or art of resuscitating is considered a secret ; generally 
only the pupils and those who liave made some progress in the art receive 
instmclion. It has been customary with those schools where Euatsu 
is tnoght for teachers to receive a certain sum of money for teaching. 
And the pupils were to be instructed in the art after taking an oath 
that they never reveal the art to any one, even to parents and brothers. 

The methods of Kuatm are numerous and differ greatly in the different 
schools. The simplest is that for resuscitating those who have been 
temporarily suffocated by choking up the throat. There ave various 
methods for doing this, one of which is to embrace the patient firom the 
back and placing those edges of the palms of both hands which ar^ 
opposite the thumb to the lower part of the abdomen to push it up 
towards the operator's own body with those edges. The other kinds 
of Kuatsu are such as recovering those who have fallen down from great 
heights and those who have been strangled, those who had been 
drowned, those who had received severe blows, etc. For these more 
oomplicated methods are employed. 

Stories of Famous Jiujutsu Tbaokbbs. 

About 200i years ago there was a famous teacher of Jiujntsu named 
Sekiguchi Jushiu, who was a retainer of the lord of Eishiu. One 
day while they were crossing a bridge in the prince's courtyard, his 
lord, in order to test his skill, gradually pushed him nearer and 
nearer to the edge of the bridge until, just as he attempted to overbalance 


him, Bekigaohi, slipping romid, tnrned to the other side and oaaght 
his lord who, losing his balance in the attempt, was about to M 
into the water, and taking hold of the prince, said, * you must take 
care.' Upon which the prince felt very much ashamed. 

Some time afterward, another of the lord's retainers blamed 
Sekignchi for taking hold of the prince, for, said he, if he had been an 
enemy, he coald have had time to kill yon. Then Sekignchi told him 
that the same thought had also crossed his own mind, and that when he 
canght hold of his lord, although it was a very rude thing, be had stuck 
his kozuka (small knife) through his sleeve and left it there to show tiiat 
he could have had time to stab him had he been his enemy, instead of his 

During the year Ewan-yei there was a festival of Hachimangn 
at Fukui in Echizen. SkOfnl teachers of various military arts had 
gathered there from di£ferent parts of the country, and Yagiu Tajimano- 
kami, a famous master, was appointed umpire of the sports. As Yagiu 
was a very famous man, many visitors came to see him, and amongst 
them there was one friend with whom he began to play at go on the 
day before that appointed for the sports. They continued their play all 
day and all night, and when the appointed time came for beginning 
the sports, Yagiu did not appear, being still intent on his game 
of go. 

The Prince of Echizen became very angry and threatened to 
punish Yagiu, and hearing this, one of his retainers set off on horseback 
to persuade Yagiu to be present in the place. When he reached the 
place ho saw the players still engaged, and artfully proposed to join in 
the game. After a time, as if by accident, he mixed up the pieces on 
the board, and then reminded Yagiu of his appointment as umpire. 
Yagiu thereupon mounted the horse which bad brought the retainer 
and galloped off to the field. 

While engaged as umpire, another famous Jiujutsu teacher came 
up and offered to fight him. He declined on the ground that he 
was there as umpire. Still the man continued to urge him and 
suddenly tried to pull him down. Yagiu in a moment seized him, 
turned him over and threw him with great force on the ground, and so 
ended the attempt to overthrow Yagiu. 


Teradu Ooemon was another noted man. He ItVed in T6ky6 some 
40 years ago, and one day while passing the Snidobashi near Hongo, 
he fell in with the proeession of the Prince of Mito. The Sakibarai 
(attendants) of the Prince, while making way for the proeession ordered 
Terada to kneel down, which he refased to do, saying that a Samnrai 
of his rank did not require to kneel unless the Prince's Kago wonld 
Come nearer. The Sakibarai, however, persisted in their endeavours to 
force him to kneel, and five or six attempted to throw him down, but 
he freed himself and threw them all to the ground. Many other retainers 
then came about him crying, ''kill him, kill him,*' but he threw them 
all down and seized ihmrjiUei (short iron rods) and ran over to the 
Piince's Yashiki saying, I am a samnrai of such and such rank, and it 
is against the dignity of my prince that I should kneel down ; I am 
very sorry that I had to throw your men down, but I had to do it to 
preserve my dignity, and here are the jittei which I return to you. 
The Prince was so much pleased that he asked Terada to enter into his 
service, but he preferred to remain with his own prince and so refused 
the offer. 

Inugami Gunbei was a famous teacher of the Kin Bhin 

One day he met Onogawa Eisaburo, the most famous wrestler of 
the time, in a tea-house. They began to drink sake together and 
Onogawa boasted of his powers to Inugami. 

Inugami said, that even a great wrestler with stout muscles and 
stentorian voice might not be able to defeat this old man, referring 
to himself. 

Then the wrestler became angry and proposed they should go out 
to the courtyard for a trial. 

Onogawa then took hold of Inugami saying, can you escape ? Of 
course, he replied, if you do not hold me more tightly^ Then Onogawa 
embraced him more firmly — and repeated his question, receiving the 
same answer. He did this three times and when Inugami said, can yon 
do no more, Onogawa, relaxing his grip but a little to take a firmer 
hold, was in a moment pitched over by Inugami on to the ground. 
This he did twice. Onogawa was so much surprised that he became 
Inngami's pupil. 

204 uNDSAy i^a> sanq: n^9xm^. 


There are now over UO sdUoqIs io Xokyo representing the various 
schools of feqdol times, bat of these two are speeially worthy of notioe 
on aceonnt of the methods employed and the large attendanee of 

One of these is the school of Mr. J. Eanoof the Oiikashain (Noble's 

fie first sti;idied under Isq and Fnhada of the Tenjin Bhinyo soliool 
and then studied the principles of the Eito ficbool under a celebrated 
teacher named likubo., 

Afl^er having a^^qnired the vtxt in this way» Mr, Kano made bives- 
ligations into the history of the art» coUectipg manaacripts ftrom all 
souoces within his reach, cprnpariug the variouB principles tan^t, nntil 
after mnch researeh and labour he elaborated an eotectic system of the 
art which now bears the name of Jiudo. 

In feiidal times the old form of JitgntsQ was mainly learned for 
fighting purposes. In thla recent siohool it is developed inta a system 
of athletics and mental and moral training. 

In ^is pyihopl daily instmetion is carried on by means of lectures 
on the theory of Jiudo, by discussion among the pupils and by a^otnal 

In Jitgatsu as formerly taught, the art of pliancy, as it baa been 
called, the practice of the art was pf most importance : in Jndo« which 
is an investigation of the laws by which one quay gain by yielding, 
practice 19 made subservient to the tlieory, although when stndied as a 
system of athletics, practice plays a more important part. 

Saigo, Yamadat Yamashita and Yokoyama are the moat celebrated 
of the pupils of this school. 

In the Polm Dep^rtmmt of Toky4> all the polic(» are obliged 
to stn^y this art, 

The method of instroction was quite q{ the old atyl^ nnUl a few 
years ago, when at. a meeting of teachers and pupils of the various 
schools in Tokyo, the pupils of Mr. Kano sp distinguiahed thmnaelves 
that the Department resolved to adopjt the. methoda of the art of Mr. 
Eano*s school, and in 1879 appoint Jiudo teachers £rom among bis 
pupils, named Yokoyama and Matsnno. In addition to theae teacbeiis 


there are also Hisatomi Suzuki, Nakamnra, XJyebara and Eanaya, ail 
of whom may be considered as the present representatives of many of the 
important schools of Jiujntsu now existmg in Japan. 

In addition to the work of Jiudo as a system of athletics, it is also to 
be considered, as has been noted, a means of mental and moral training, 
and to this reference will be made in a future paper. 





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CbHuiiiwi Vtilicy. Br J. M. Diion, M. A., F. a S. E 

A Lltorfti^ Lftily of OiJ Ji4|>tt». Bjr th« latv Dr» T, A- Pufct?ll imd 

WML Asian .*.. Slfi 

A Votsalmlttry of the Mc^Ht Arroieat Wor*!w uf the Jwimtieae Langitiigft, 

By B, 11. ObnmUrlftin, nxsiiited liy M- Uclo . 235 

Mirtiiton ol Motttiiiffa .. .,.*,... ,, v 

tU^piirt qF Cntuiieil ,...,.......,,..... xix 

hhi *yi Uemhetf^ *.* ..**..**. xtiv 


K. MElKLEJOiiN .t Co,; KELLY tit WALSH, L'u. 
ToKYi'n Z. E** Mjiruta 4: Co., L'r*. 

IjoktkjK ;: TuDbt^hh A Co,— Pabib; Ernust Lunocx. 

MA \\ 1889. 






U ftliuBJiiiJOiiy A* Cf>„ iVtnWr*. N". i)& Wintpi Btreet, Yf.«koJnuii» 




FEB 18 1890 


By J. M. Dixon, Esq., M. A., F. R. S. E. 

[Read June 6th, 1868,] 

At tho northern end of Tokyo, in the dietrict known as Koi- 
shikawa, lies tho valley of Myogadani — Ginger Valley, — whose southern 
end opens oat on the banks of the Yedogawa. It is a narrow 
valley with precipitious sides, and for the most of its length runs 
almost due north and south. Here for many years, from 1709-1715, 
was imprisoned an Italian priest, the solo representative of his race and 
religion in the islands of Japan. An account of his arrest on the shores 
of the province of Osumi, and of his cruel journey to the capital, — a 
journey which cost him the use of his limbs from close confinement in 
the nonmono — will be found in an earlier number of the Transactions of 
this Society, vol. iv, page 156. For an abridged account, giving in 
addition the sequel of his own and his jailors* deaths, readers may 
consult the Chrysanthemum magazine for September, 1882. I wish hero 
to give a few amphfications of the story, being specially interested in the 
spot and its associations. My residence happens to be within a stone's 
throw of the enclosure where Pere Baptiste Sidotti lived and died, and 
I have to pass daily by a headstone which marks the grave either of the 
priest or of one of the Christian residents of the valley. 

In the year^ 1702 a Sicilian priest, a man of good family, left tho 
shores of Italy in the suite of the papal legate Maillard de Tournon, 
whom Pope Clement XI was sending on a mission to China. The party 
arrived in a French man-of-war at Pondich^ry in the year 1704, having 
embarked on board this vessel in the Canary Islands. Here Father 
Sidotti, whose destination from the beginning had been Japan, parted 

1 1 follow Charlevoix's history. 


company with the legate and set out for Manila, a port which he 
reached in the year 1707. The two sacceeding years he spent in study- 
ing the Japanese language, and in preparing for mission work. His 
intention of proceeding to Japan becoming known, many of the 
residents of Manila encouraged and aided him, and the Governor of the 
Philippines gave him the full measure of his support. Through private 
munificence a vessel was fitted out, and a captain of some reputation, 
Dom Miguel de Eloriaga, volunteered to command it, and promised 
to land the Father on Japanese soil. The ofier was accepted, and in the 
month of August, 1709, all preparations being complete, the vessel left 
the harbour of Manila. The voyage seems to have been protracted, for 
the shores of Japan were not sighted until the 9th of October. The 
crew were making preparations to land their passenger, when they 
observed a vessel, manned by fishermen, close to the shore. They decided 
to approach this vessel in the small boat and enter into parley with the 
fishermen, employing for their purpose a Japanese who was in the service 
of the Governor of the Philippines and had undertaken to enter Japan 
with Father Siodotti and see him safely settled. The Japanese put ofi" to 
the vessel and entered into conversation with the fishermen, but after a 
short time signalled to the ship not to approach. When he returned 
on board he reported that it would be eminently dangerous to 
land, \ for the priest was certain to be arrested and put to death 
with horrible tortures by the reigning prince, a cruel ruler. Father 
Sidotti, after a short time spent in prayer, declared his fixed intention 
of landing, notwithstanding all the terrors that might await him. The 
captain urged the fact upon him that his object was to make converts, not 
to die as a martyr, and that he had better seek some more favourable spot ; 
buttonopui'pose. Towards midnight, undercover of darkness, he prepared 
to quit the vessel. The parting scene was very touching. After writing 
some letters, he addressed the assembled crew, earnestly and tenderly 
exhorting them. He asked them to pardon his lack of diligence and 
care for their spiritual welfare, and ended by kissing the feet of all 
present, not only of the officers and seamen, but also of the slaves. The 
small boat then conveyed him ashore through a calm sea. On leaving it 
he kissed the eaith and thanked God for having happily conducted him 
into a country which had for so long a time been the goal of his earthly 


wishes. He then started inland, accompanied by some Spaniards, who 
carried a package for him. They had the curiosity to open this, and 
found that it contained a rosary, sacred oils, a breviary, the Imitation of 
Christ, somedevotional works, two Japanese grammars, a crucifix, an image 
of the Virgin Mary and some stamps. Shortly afterwards they parted from 
him, having forced him to accept some gold pieces. Their return to the 
ship was not made without some difficulty from the rocks and sand- 
banks which lay in their way. Getting on board at eight in the 
morning, they set sail with a fair wind and entered Manila harbour on 
tlie 18th of October. 

Such was the last that was seen of Father Sidotti by men of his 
own race and faith. To a Japanese author, AraiHakuseki, we owe a full 
account of his subsequent life in this country. The first person whom 
he fell in with was a charcoal burner named Tobei, who ran to the 
nearest village to announce the arrival of a strange foreign -looking 
man. Two villagers returned with Tobei and found the foreigner where 
he had first been seen, apparently very weary. They took him to 
Tobei*s house, and gave him something to eat, for which he ofiered 
gold, but this was refused. His language they could not understand ; 
but his dress was that of a Japanese, the material a light blue cotton 
cloth with the four rectangles of the badge of Yotsume. His hair was 
also done up in Japanese style and he carried a long sword of Japanese 
make and ornamentation. 

The officials of the lord of Satsuma took him first to Nagasaki, 
where he was examined. He expressed great dislike of the Dutch, who 
accordingly were not brought into his presence ; but it was through the 
medium of a Dutch trader who knew a little Latin and spoke to him 
while hidden by a screen, that the Japanese learned his country 
and profession. A long journey to Yedo in a iwriwono, which he was not 
snficred to quit, crippled him, and he never afterwards regained the use 
of his limbs. He was imprisoned in Kirishitan Yashiki, Koishikawa. 

The name *' Christian Valley " had been applied to this place many 
years before the arrival of Father Sidotti. Mr. Satow, in a most 
interesting and valuable note appended to Mr. Gubbins' paper on the 
Introduction of Christianity into China and Japan (see vol. vi, pt. 1, p. 61), 
informs ns that several Christian priests, who had abjured Christianity, 


lived here under Barveillance. One of these, an Italian named 
Giuseppe Chiara, became a proselyte of the head priest of Mnryo-In 
Temple in Eoishikawa, and lived to the advanced age of eighty-foar. 
He had adopted the name and received the swords of Okamoto 
8anyemou, a samurai who had been condemned to death, and he 
married the widow, so it is said, of another criminal. Chiaralies buried 
in the interesting old graveyard of the Temple, about half a mile 
distant from Christian Valley. 

A visit to the Muryo-In graveyard will amply repay the curious 
visitor. The Temple, of insignificant proportions and dwarfed by the 
great Denzuin Temple topping the blufif to the south, lies among the rice- 
fields on the left of the road leading to the University Botanic Garden. 
The graveyard, however, is extensive and imposing, and the stones are 
in excellent preservation ; indeed the condition of the grounds reflects 
credit on the staff of the Temple, who must bestow great pains in 
keeping them in their present condition. They form a striking contrast 
to the dilapidated precincts of the Denzuin temple close by, where 
lyeyasu's mother is buried. 

In a square enclosure, rubbing shoulders with other headstones, 
stands the tomb of Giuseppe Chiara. The pedestal measures 3 feet in 
height and is square in section ; on the top rests a foreign hat carved in 
solid stone, measuring 5 ft. 7 in. round the brim, and 8 ft. 1 in. round the 
base of the crown. The height of the hat from the lowest portion of the 
rim to the apex is 10 in., and the rim itself is raised 7 in. above the top of 
the pedestal, which gives a total height of 4 ft. 6 in. The impression 
conveyed to a person when approaching, is as if a human being stood 
there, whose legs were sunk in the ground and whose hat had been 
pressed down on his shoulders. My companion in my first visit, who 
had full means of knowing, declared it to be a priest's hat, the opinion 
entertained by Mr. Satow, who noticed the resemblance to the hats of 
Jesuits as depicted in Montanus. In any case it is a unique piece of 
carving, pronouncedly foreign in its origin. As a countryman remarked 
who was passing as we photographed it, *' That's a foreign boshi." 

The inscription I have now to show you. The character at the 
top, of which I have taken a separate tracing, is a sacred Sanscrit sign, 
having the reading Kiiiku ; its signification is unknown to the resident 

dizom: chbistian yallet. 211 

priest, but is said to signify death. The rest of the inscription is 
intelligible enough. ** This man certainly entered into Paradise on the 
6th day of the 2ud year of Jokyo (1685).'* The priests have a tradition 
that another foreigner is buried in their graveyard, but they do not know 
exactly where. For further information on this point Mr. Satow*s note 
may be again consulted. So much for this interesting tomb. 

To return to Christian Valley where the dead priest spent the closing 
years of his life. Inquiries made among Japanese residents in the vicinity 
during the winter by one of my students resulted in the gathering 
together of the following facts and traditions : — 

«Myogadani, the ordinary name, literally means * Valley of Ginger.' 
The valley, they say, was so called because it was full of this plant a 
long time ago. But it is strange enough that the hill opposite Chris- 
tian Slope has also the name Myogadani. Why the name was given 
also to a hill is almost inexplicable, and we cannot but think that the 
people applied the name quite unconsciously. 

** In the valley of Myogadani lies a certain lot of ground called 
' Eirishitan Yashiki,' which signifies ' the Christian luclosure.' The 
name itself tells us that there were once some Christians living there. 
But whence they came, wliat they were doing there, or whither they 
went, remains a matter of conjecture. I was exceedingly desirous of 
knowing more minutely about the place. One morning I went to Fuji- 
dera (Demmyoji), a Buddhist temple in the valley, and told the master- 
priest all that I wished to know. He was an old and kind-hearted 
man, who, by his own account, had been living in the temple for above 
forty years, and therefore I thought his words were trustworthy enough. 
I received, however, but little satisfactory information from him. This 
must be due to the fact that few Buddhist priests care much about 
Christianity. I dare say, however, that all he told me differed little 
from the truth. 

" The old priest related that the Tokugawa Shoguns persecuted 
Christians as cruelly as Nobunaga and Hideyoshi did before them. But 
tho third Shoguu, lyemitsu, was wise enough to think it unjust to 
punish a man merely for believing in a religion which the Japanese had 
never known before. He was filled with the notion that Christianity 
might be better than other old religions, and desired to learn clearly the 


nature of Gliristianiiy before criticifiiiig it. But fear of the people 
prevented liim from openly declaring his opinion. So he secretly picked 
out four or .five faithful Christians among the people, and gave them a 
part of Myogadani for their residence. lyemitsn made them ' Doshiu/ a 
class of constables under the Tokugawa dynasty. Thus they were ap- 
parently low officers, but really representatives of Christianity, who 
engaged the earnest attention of the then ruler of Japan. We must not 
forget, however, that Christianity was as strictly prohibited as ever all 
throughout Japan. 

''It is quite true that nothing can bo kept secret for ever. It was 
not long before they were noticed by people not to be mere officers ; and 
they were soon discovered to be enthusiastic believers in the prohibited 
religion. Since then, their place of abode has been called * Kirishitan- 
Yashiki.' A descent which leads to their houses from the main road of 
Takech5 (the present Takehayacho) received the name ' Kirishitan- 
Zaka.* A part of the main street near their residence was called 
' Doshiu-cho,' from their official title. 

'* It is very uncertain how they all ended their lives, but tradition 
relates that the most pious and faithful of the Christians was murdered 
by a samurai. One dusky evening when this Christian was kneeling 
down on the ground to say his prayers, a murderer, with a drawn sword 
in his hand, approached the Christian from behind, and in a minute the 
latter lay dead. No one knew who the samurai was. The passenger 
will find a pyramidal stone, about three feet high, standing by the side 
of ' Kirishitan-Yashiki.' This is the tomb of the murdered Christian, 
which marks the place where he gave up the ghost. Very close to the 
tomb there is a small wooden bridge, ' Koshimbashi * by name. Koshin 
is one of the gods whom certain superstitious Japanese worship. The 
common people of that time believed that the Christian was not a man, 
but Koshin, who clothed himself with flesh and appeared among men ; 
whence the name ' Koshimbashi.* There are two bamboo tubes 
inserted in sockets in fi'ont of the tomb, which I have never found 
empty, but always fall of flowers in bloom. No one knows 
who ofier the flowers, but they must bo either descendants of the 
Doshin Christians, or believers in Christianity, or worshippers of 


<'In the valley of Myogadani there are four or five Buddhist 
temples, none of which are very old. Demmyqji is the one nearest to 
' Eirishitan-Yashiki/ and is said to have been bailt two hnndrod and ten 
years ago. It is commonly known as Fujidera, because the Wistenu 
chinensis, which the Japanese call fiiji, grows abundantly in its 
precincts. The second oldest temple, called Toku-un-ji, is the largest of 
all. About the others there is nothing worthy of mention." 

A few additions may be made to the above. Mr. Satow states that 
the stone is commonly reported to mark the resting-place of a Japanese 
convert named Hachibei, and the Mikado's Empire of Mr. Griffis 
(cap. XXV, page 262) contains the following interesting paragraph : — 

*' Tradition says that the abb^ was buried in the opposite slope of 
the valley corresponding to that on which he lived, under an old pine- 
tree near a spring. Pushing my way through scrub bamboo along a 
narrow path, scarcely perceptible for the undergrowth, I saw a nameless 
stone near a hollow, evidently left by a tree that had long since fallen 
and rotted away. A little run of water issued from a spring hard by. 
At the foot was a rude block of stone, with a hollow for water. 
Both were roughly hewn, and scarcely dressed with the chisel. Such 
stones in Japan mark the graves of those who die in disgrace, or 
unknown or uncared for. This was all that was visible to remind the 
visitor of one whose heroic life deserved a nobler monument." 

The valley has changed somewhat since Mr. Griffis published his 
invaluable work. No stream issues from beside the stone, the water of 
tho spring having probably been deflected in order to fill the fish-ponds 
in the hollow beneath. Vague traditions are afloat in the neighbourhood 
regarding the miraculous nature and powers of this spring, which was 
credited with healing virtues in cases of blindness. It is now contained 
within the grounds of Mr. Tsukahara, a prominent ofiicial of the Agricultural 
Department, who purchased the land several years ago and now resides 
upon it. The whole neighbourhood is changing and becoming rapidly 
an integral part of the city. Within the pasfc year more than a dozen 
houses have been built north of the well-kept lane which Mr. Griffis 
found a mere foot-path a dozen years ago. The topography of a spot so 
interesting to Europeans deserves some notice at a time when rapid 
changes are transforming the old capital of the SJwguiis into the likeness 

214 dqon: chbistuk vallby. 

of a foreign city. The area of the city widens remarkably every year, 
and hoaees displace the bamboo thickets and rice-fields which formerly 
made the valleys green in the spring time and early summer. Con- 
sequently it is often diffieolt to identify places in the environs of Tokyd 
from descriptions made only a few years back which were perfectly 
accurate at the time. The residence of these unfortunate exiles r isolated 
among a strange people, whose religion some of them embraced, but 
only after the sternest and cruellest compulsion, must ever retain a 
peculiar attraction for us, Europeans like them. Again, after the lapse 
of nearly two centuries, we become familiar with the same landscape 
and tread the some soil, but under conditions how different 1 

ThI Christian's Grave. 



By the Late Db. T. A. Purcell and W. G. Aston. 

[/iVacZ June 20th, 1888,] 

The ancient classical literature of Japan has hardly even yet^ 
received the attention which it deserves. Indeed doabts are sometimes 
expressed whether the term ** classical ** is fairly applicable to it. But 
those who have actually made themselves acquainted with the works 
produced by Japanese authors from the 9th to the 12th century of our 
era will not have much hesitation in admitting their title to this epithet. 
The degree of purity and perfection which the language attained in the 
hands of writers of this period, and the elegance of their style, have 
been the admiration and despair of all succeeding native authors, who 
are continually lamenting the debased idiom of their own degenerate times. 

The original impulse which awaked to life the genius of Japan 
came of course from China, and for several centuries the intellectual 
energies of the Japanese nation seem to have been engrossed in 
appropriating and assimilating the treasures of thought which had been 
amassed there for centories. For most subjects Chinese was the 
literary language of the country, as Latin was for Europe during the 
middle ages, but there was one exception — belles-lettres. For the 
lighter literature the native language continued to be employed, and as 
the men occupied themselves chiefly with Chinese studies, the honour- 
able task of maintaining the credit of the native literature devolved 
mainly on the women of Japan. How they responded to the call has 
been shown in another paper contributed to this society by one of the 
present writers.' 

^ This was written fourteen for fifteen years ago.— W. G. A. 
> An Aneient Japanese Classic. Bead 80th June, 1875. 


Partly for this reason, and partly owing to the comparatively quiet 
and peaceful times of which it was the product, this old Japanese 
literature has an essentially feminine character. Gentleness and grace 
and a vein of playful humour are its chief characteristics. We look in 
vain for the bold, irregular flights of imagination, or for that rude, 
untutored vigour which we are accustomed to associate with the first 
literary efforts of a nation just emerging from barbarism. Instead of 
war and rapine, of deeds of daring and revenge, the gentler muse of 
Japan at this time loved to dwell on nature in her varied aspects, to 
watch the moon rising over the mountains, or to listen to the hum of 
insects in the dusk of summer evenings. Next to nature, the domestic 
affections hold a prominent place, and here, as elsewhere, love is chief. 
The writings of this period are a perfect mine of sentimental lore, and 
the ladies who wrote it as well as their fair readers must have been 
thorough adepts in what Cowley has called — 

" The politic arts 
To take and keep men's hearts ; 
The letters, embassies, and spies, 
The fro¥m8, and smiles, and flatteries, 
The quarrels, tears, and perjuries. 
Numberless, nameless mysteries." 

Those who are acquainted with the popular literature of Japan in 
modern times may be surprised to learn that in these old books there is 
a marked absence of anything coarse or indelicate. The domestic life 
of the day is vividly reflected in some of them, but it is chiefly the 
Court and capital which are brought before us. Of the people at large 
we hear but little. The truth is that this literature was not the 
literature of the nation, but of a very narrow section of it which 
comprised the Court and a small cultivated circle closely connected with 
it. The rest of the nation was sunk in ignorance, though it enjoyed 
the blessings of peace under the paternal rule of the Mikados. 

The usurpations of the Taikuns, the accession to power of the 
military class, and the continual civil wars which accompanied these 
changes, disturbed this fair scene of peaceful rule and literary culture. 
The capital was repeatedly destroyed, the courtiers were dispersed into 
exile in distant provinces, or lost their lives in the incessant conflicts 


^bieh took place, and their wealth and power fell into the hands of 
men who valaed more a keen sword forged by Masamnne, or a retainer 
who could wield it worthily, than the most perfect compositions of 
Hitomaro or Akahito. The literary class once dispersed, the absence 
of general cnltnre in the nation prevented its place from being supplied, 
and to this day Japan has never again produced anything worthy of 
her ancient literary fame. The effects of the government by the 
military class are plainly visible in the crude and coarsely drawn 
scenes of war and revenge, of murder and suicide, of lust and violence 
which disfigure so much of the later literature, and may be easily 
traced by English readers in such works as Dickins' translation of the 
*' Chinshingnra,'* or Mitford's " Tales of Old Japan." 

It is pleasant to turn back from these degenerate modem days to 
what were emphatically the good old times of Japan. Our author, 
Sei ShOnagon, had the fortune to live while they were still in their 
prime. 8he belonged to a distinguished family, being directly descended 
from a Mikado, and her learning and talents obtained for her the 
honour of being appointed Chief*Lady-in-Waiting to the Empress. 
Her stay at Court was not a long one. It ended with the death of her 
mistress in A.D. 1000. 8he then retired to a convent, where she 
spent the remainder of her days in peaceful seclusion, receiving to the 
last frequent marks of her former master's esteem. She amused her 
solitude by noting down reminiscences of her life at Court, to which 
she has added her observations and ideas on things in general, the 
whole forming a curious medley, to which its title, the Uakura no Soshiy 
or ** Pillow Miscellany," is not inappropriate. 

The following extracts will give some idea of the contents of this 
interesting work. The four seasons form the subject of the opening 
chapter : — 

*< lu spring," the author says, '* I love to watch the dawn 
grow gradually whiter and whiter till a fiednt rosy tinge crowns the 
mountain's crest, while slender streaks of purple cloud extend themselves 

*' In summer, I love the night, when the moon is shining, and the 
dark too, when the fireflies cross each other's paths in their flight, or 
when the rain is falling." 


" In a^tumii, it is the beaaty of the evening wliich most deeply 
moves me, as I watch the crows seeking their ropsting-place in twos 
and threes and fours, while the setting sun sends forth his beams 
gorgeoasly as he draws near the mountain's rim. Still more is it 
delightful to see the lines of wild geese pass, looking exceeding small in 
the distance. And when the sun has quite gone down, how pleasant to 
listen to the chirruping of insects, or to the wind sighing in the trees 1 " 

'^ In winter, how unspeakably beautiful is the snow 1 But I also 
love the dazzling whiteness of the hoar-frost, and the intense cold even 
at other times. Then it is meet quickly to fetch charcoal and kindle 
fires. And let not the gentle warmth of noon persuade us to allow the 
embers of the hearth or of the brazier to become a white heap of 
ashes l" 


The ladies of the Court at this time led by no means the lives of 
strict seclusion which we are accustomed to picture to ourselves. At 
festival times in particular, they had many a glimpse of the outer world. 
But let our author speak for herself : — 

*' What delightful anniversaries festivals are ! Each one brings its 
special pleasures, but none to my mind is so enjoyable as New Year's 
Day. It is early spring time then, when the weather is settled, and the 
morning breaks serenely. A quiet haze is spread over hill and dale> 
which the sun disperses when he rises, and shows the dew-drops spark- 
ling in his rosy beams. The world seems glad and happy, and in the 
shining faces of the neighbours, glowing from the frosty air of morning, 
content and peace is plainly written. How pleasant it is to watch them 
as they pass, in holiday attire, intent on making their congratulations 
to their master, and ignorant the while that their very lightness of heart 
is an unconscious compUment to themselves. 

** It is the 7th day of the month when people, tempted by the fine- 
ness of the weather, go out in company to pick the Wakana (wild 
pot-herbs). The snow is off the ground, and great is the excitement 
amongst the ladies of the Court, who have so seldom the opportunity of 
a country trip. What fun to watch the farmer's wives and daughters 


furrayed in all their hoarded finery and riding in their waggona (made 
clean for the oecasion) as they come to see the races in the Oonrt-yard 
of the Palace. It is most diverting to observe their faces from onr 
grated windows. How prim and proper they appear, all nnoonscions of 
the shock their dignity will get when the waggon jolts across the huge 
beam at the bottom of the gate, and knocks their pretty heads together, 
disarranging their hair and worse still, mayhap, breaking their combs. 
Bat that is after all a trifle when compared to their alarm if a horse so 
much as neighs. On this account Uie gallants of the Court amuse 
themselves by slyly goading the horses with spear and arrow point to 
make them rear and plunge and frighten the wenches home in fear and 
trembling. How silly, too, the men-at-arms look, their foolish faces 
painted with dabs of white here and there upon their swarthy cheeks, 
like patches of snow left on a hillside from a thaw. 

** Then there is the 15th of the 1st month, when appointments for 
the next four years are made. How eagerly candidates for office rush 
here and there through falling snow and sleet, with their memorials in 
their hands. Some have the jaunty air and confidence of youth, but 
others — more experienced, are weary and dejected-looking. How the old 
white-headed suitors crave an audience of the ladies of the palace and 
babble to them of their fitness for the places they seek. Ah 1 little do 
they suspect when they have turned their backs, what mirth they have 
occasioned ! How the ladies mimic them — whining and drawling !" 

Miseries of an Exobcist. 

The exorcist seems to have been a special object of our author's 
sympathy. She makes frequent reference to him, and always in terms 
of pity : 

*' How I pity an exorcist ! It is bad enough I am sure to be an 
ordmary priest, but to be a holy man who professes to drive out evil 
spirits, one must indeed lead a miserable life. His ordinary food is the 
fasting diet of others. He dare not look upon a pretty face, however 
much he may long to do so, not even if he comes by chance upon a 
crowd of beauties — though perhaps he does so surreptitiously. He 
meets with all sorts of hardships amongst the mountains where he 


is boaud to pass bis solitary b'fe; and even \9ben bis reputation 
comes to be establisbed bis lot is bardly better. For no matter bow 
exbausted be may be, if be only nods from wsnt of sleep wbeu be is 
called in to a man wbo is possessed, be is scolded for a lazy rogue. No 
matter wbat bis inward troubles may be, wben be comes into a room be 
must assume a consequential air and purse bis moutb and try to look as 
if be doubted not bis power to set everytbing rigbt at once. He bands 
bells and maces to all tbe bousebold, and grinds out bis cbaunt in tones 
like tbe note of tbe semi (cicada). 

" But suppose bis spells are a failure, and tbe benign influence of 
no avail. Wbat mortification is in store for bim I He sees tbe people 
wbo assist begin to doubt bis power and sanctity. Yet be must not 
stop. Hour after bour be cbants and pra3's in desperation, until be 
finds it hopeless to continue. At last be bas to tell tbem to get up from 
tbeir knees. He must take bis bells and maces back, and witb downcast 
look admit tbat be cannot break tbe spell. How sad bis rueful face as 
be ruffles up bis bair, and bis forebead ! How wearily be yawns and 
sigbs and flings bimself upon tbe mats to sleep !** 

Visit of the Empbess to a Ministeb of State. 

<* To-day tbe Empress went to visit tbe Daijin Narimasa. As tbe 
main gate of bis residence is very large, ber carriage entered easily. 
Would tbat we bad entered witb ber I Preferring, bowever, for many 
reasons to avoid all observation, we went round and tried to drive in by 
tbe nortbem gate, wbicb was uuguai^ded and seemed deserted. We 
particularly desired to enter unobserved, because most of us, having 
been summoned hastily to attend our mistress, bad not bad time to dress 
our bair or to change our garments. ' This will be delightful,' said we ; 
' we'll make tbe cai-riage draw up at tbe very door and slip in quietly.' 
Wben, to our horror and consternation, witb a fearful bump the unlucky 
vehicle stuck fast in tbe gate. Wbat a predicament ! Here were we 
caught in a trap, and unable either to advance or to retreat. It was 
raining heavily, and to make matters as bad as possible we were but 
lightly clad. Mats were, bowever, laid down for us from tbe carriage 
to the door, along which, whether we liked it or not, we had to walk. 


What added most to our mortifieation aud annoyance were the winks 
and nudges which we plainly saw exchanged between the conrtiers, 
the gauntlet of whose mirth we had to run in our semi-dad condition. 
When we met the Empress and told her of our troubles, wo got little 
satisfaction. Her Majesty only laughed at us and rebuked us for our 
untidiness. ' There are people staring at you now/ said she. ' Yes/ 
we returned, < but they are our own people and we are accustomed to 
them. Just to think of a Minister of State having a beggarly gate 
through which a lady's carriage cannot pass I Won't he catch it when 
we see him ! ' And indeed, I had my revenge, for hardly had we done 
speaking, when in he came carrying the Empress's inkstone and writing 
materials. 'This is too bad of you,' said I. 'Why do you live in a 
house with such a wretched gate ? ' To which he replied that he was 
satisfied to believe that his house and his gate suited his requirements. 
'Indeed,' said I, — determined to extinguish him with a quotation — 
' how little, then, you resemble that Chinese philosopher who, thinking 
more of the comfort of posterity than his own, had a gate constructed 
much too large for his necessities.' This historical allusion quite took 
his breath away. ' Dear me I' said the great man, ' you allude of course 
to the country of Utei. Who would have thought that anybody but a 
venerable pundit knew aught of that ? I myself have occasionally 
strayed into the learued paths and fully understand you.' ' Indeed, then,' 
returned I, ' I must say I don't admire your paths at all. We were all 
very much put out by being obliged to walk along your matted paths.' 
Indeed, I am truly sorry,' he replied ; ' aud it was raining too. But I 
must attend the Empress ; ' saying which he made his escape. 

'* ' What has put the Daijin out ? ' said the Empress, somewhat 
later in the eveniug. ' I cannot tell, I am sure,' said I ; 'I only told 
him of our misfortune at his gate.' " 

Here is a pretty bit of colour, delicate in the original as the sketch 
of a master upon a fan, but sadly blurred aud smudged, it must be 
admitted, in the transfer to our canvas : — 

" On the northern side of the Emperor's pavilion, where he is 
won't to take his exercise, the sliding doors have fearful pictures painted 
on them. These hideous monsters, all arms and legs, may be seen from 
the upper windows of the ladies' quai'ters, when the pavilion doors are 


Open. It ehanced one day, that "whilgt sitting on the verandah and 
talking of these dreadful figares, the Dainagon — the brother of the 
Empress — come towards oar room. He had on a cherry-eolonred enter 
garment jnst old enough to have lost its stiffness and to fit him easily. 
Loose trowsers of thickest purple silk, and white silk underclothing, 
showing at the neck, completed his attire. As the Empress was 
engaged with the Emperor at the time, he sat himself upon the narrow 
verandah outside their door and talked with the Mikado. We saw them 
plainly through the semi-transparent curtains which were hung all 
round the room. What a pretty picture it was, and how lively ! The 
gay dresses of the waiting women adorned with Wistariaj the yellow 
Ketriaf and flowers of other kinds — the sound of the attendants bringing 
in the Emperor's mid*day meal, and the officials calling to them to make 
less noise, and last of all the Chamberlain himself coming to announce 
dinner served, and then retiring to his own apartment. The Dainagon 
accompanied the Emperor to his dining room, and then returning to our 
quarters, stood beneath a huge blue porcelain vase in which were placed 
some branches of the flowering cherry full five feet long and loaded 
with blossoms. The Empress perceiving him, emerged from behind the 
curtain and gave him greeting, to which he courteously replied by 
descanting on the beauty of the place, the fineness of the day, and the 
good deportment of the servants, alluding, in conclusion, to the verse of 
poetry which says. 

The days and months roll on, 

Bat the moant of Mimoro remains forever. 

This whole scene impressed me deeply, and I wished in my heart 
that it might continue forever.'* 

The Memorable Attack of the Dog Okinamabo upon the Cat 

'^ The distinguished cat which was the subject of this adventure 
was a special favourite of His Majesty Ichij5-no-in, and in constant 
attendance upon the Imperial footsteps. As a reward for her fidelity, 
she had received a cap of honour and had been raised to the 8rd rank of 
nobility, with the title of Miyobu-no-Ototo, or chief of the female 


fttteiMUuitg. SIm wa0 indeed ft cat of mimy grftoes and good qiuditiM. 
Now one day she bftppeiied to be baaking in the snii on the veraBdah» 
after the manner of cats, when her cnrse — ft lady gpeeiidly appointed 
to that honorable oiBoe—^disapproTing of her atUtade in repose, besonght 
her to come indoors. Had ibe but lietoned to tibis reasonable eonneel, 
how mnch trouble might hare been avoided! Being, however, in a 
wiifol and ctisobedieDt mood, she tamed a deaf ear to the imree^s 
entreaties, and, maintaining her position, eontinaed to slumber nn- 
eoneemedly. This was provoking. What was to be done ? It was 
plain that as the oat was not to be managed by love, some other method 
mnet be resortod to. In an evil moment the old lady resolved to try 
what fear would do. 80 pretending to seek assistance fh>m the dog, 
she colled oat *' Okinainaro, Okinamaro, come and bite Miydbto-no- 
Ototo." The foolish dog, mistaking jest for earnest, on beiflg thns 
appealed to, lost no time in flying at the oat, who, radely wakened from 
her nap, jamped np and in her fright dashed headlong b^nd the very 
screen where His Imperial Majesty was at that moment engaged at 
breakfast, and sought protection in his arms. His Migesty, much 
shocked and agitated, sent immediately for his Lord High Chamberlain, 
Tadetaka, and gave orders that Okinamaro should be thrashed forthwith 
and exiled to Dog Island. 'Such is our Royal will,' said he; 'see 
that you lose no time in executing it.' All the Court attendants 
hereupon gave chase to Okinamaro who, being caught and beaten, was 
forthwith banished. Was it not sad ? He had hitherto been such a 
happy dog, and was much esteemed. To think that he it was who on 
the third day of the third month had been carried in procession in a 
willow litter with peach blossoms and hollyhocks upon his head. Ah t 
little dreamt he that in a few short days he would become an outeast. 
The nurse was also punished and reprimanded for her carelessness and 
finally dismissed. She received her fate with humility, and appeared 
DO more before the Emperor." 

The above extracts (which there has been no attempt to translate 
literally) give but an inadequate idea of the very varied contents of this 
entertaining miscellany. A curious feature of it is a number of enu- 
merations of things which struck the author as being. " dismal,*' 
" abominable," *' incongruous " (as bad writing on pink-tinted paper, 


''purple trottBors onti serving man ") ''ansighUy/* etc., eic. In the 
laBt-named category, the author very appropriately reckons " the wrong 
side of a bit of embroidery/' the *' inside of a oat*s ear/' and <' a litter 
of young rats which have been tumbled out of their nest before their 
hair has grown." Then she has lists of flowers, telling which are her 
fiftvonrites. Other parts read like a lesson in geography, but the names 
of rivers, lakes, mountains, and waterfalls have the appearance of being 
selected for poetical purposes rather than by way of general information. 
But this grave and learned society has doubtless had enough of 
these frivolities, which read tame and pointless when divested of that 
charm of style which has preserved the original from oblivion during 
nine centuries. Indeed, Hiis paper was condemned by its authors as 
soon as written, and if it had not fallen under the eyes of more lenient 
judges would probably never have seen the light at all. It may serve 
a useful purpose, however, if it directs the attention of students to one 
of the pleasantest by-paths of the ancient classical literature of Japan« 



By B. H. Chambeblain, assistbd bt M. Ueda. 

[Rsad im May, 1888.] 

If we are ever io find oat anyttiiDg poeitive ooneemiiig the origin 
and affinities of the Japanese langnage, snrely the first thing to do is to 
stttdy that iangaage in the earliest form of it that has come down to ns. 
Indeed it is almost a tmism to say so. Who wonld take Italian as 
his standard, when Latin is there ready for the measnring*tape and 
the weighing*maehine? Nevertheless, and althongh Europeans have 
been studying Japanese for well-nigh three hundred years, and have 
been disputing about its origin for the greater portion of that period, no 
one seems to have thought of taking the essential preliminary step of 
aseertaining exaetly what the oldest and simplest words of the language 

The question of grammar is a less diffieult one in the present ease. 
Great praeticai dissimilarity between the earliest and latest forms of 
Japanese does not obsenre the fl^ot of a theoretical identity. In the 
languages of Western Europe we see a gradual change of grammatical 
system, ending in some oases, — that of English for instance, — ^in so 
complete an alteration of physiognomy, that it would be hard to believe 
that the ancient and the modem belong to the same family of speech, 
were it not that the intermediate forms have been preserved. Japanese, 
on the contrary, has gone on repeating itself. The spirit of its gram* 
matioal system is the same now as it was twelve hundred years ago, 
although the material elements of the conjugation axe much changed. 
F(Hr comparative purposes, therefore, a study of any good grammar of 


the Colloquial will do nearly as well as a pernsal of a treatise speeially 
devoted to the Classical or Archaic dialect. It will he seen at a glance 
that Japanese is an agglutinative tongue, that it is the grammatical 
alte}' ego of Korean, and extremely like Mongol and Manchu, which 
latter are included in the Altaic group. 

But if the history of Japanese grasunav hears no resemblaooe lo 
that of English grammar, the history of the Japanese vocabulary does 
bear a marked resemblance to that of the English vocabulary. Later 
Japanese, like later English, has been interpenetrated by foreign elements ; 
and no investigation of the language can be fruitful which does not take 
cognizance of this iact. But here a question suggests itself: — " In the 
case of English, the native Sa^on and the imported French or Latin 
can be proved to derive ultimately from one common Aryan source. 
Now may not the same phencanenQQ exist in Japanese ? May not the 
genuinely nsitive vecabidary tvm out after all to be related to the 
apparently foreign Chinese element imported into it dwring hiatotio 

It is pveeisdy this question which baa recently been answered in 
the affirmative by two Clanese scholars of sucb repnte as Dv. J. 
l^dl^nsB and Mr. K B. Parker, in papers eontribated by them tq the 
last vo^nme of these << Tr«n9aetions«** Dr. Edkina*» paper is, li^deed, 
shcnrt and soQ»ewhat enigmatical. Perhaps the leanied doctor bad not 
fttU leisore tQ give himself up to. hia subject. Mr. Parker's thesis^ on the 
contrary, is worked out with all the thoroughness, as well as with all the 
dating! by which he is so eBuinently didtinguished. He supports his 
views by means of an anviotated vocabulary, wherein several hundreds 
of Japanese worda are compared with Chinese words of more or lees 
mttUai? sound and meaning ; and the particuhir conclusion he arrives at 
^ stated by him in these terms : ** Before Chinese was imported into 
<< Japanese (1) directly, and (3) indirectly, through Korea, — say before 
<* A. D. 1 — the Japanese spoke a hmgnage, the great majority of words 
« in which ^ame from the same language-stock as Chinese.*' In other 
passages of hia writings, Mr. Parker seems to have in view, less a com- 
mon derivation of Chinese and Japanese from a single atock, than the 
wholesale derivation of Japanese from Chinese. Be this as it may, and 
ibongh I myself was^ I tbink» the first Boropean to point ent thi 

yvdbafailiiy thikl Mtn# words hiflMtio ngurdoi at p«m JapauM^ aM 
frohahly ChiBead inportalioaa after aU»«^fbr inataiieft i»»ui^ <^ a bone/' 
bcm <%io«a6 J| (ma) ; wm^ ^' a pki]»>fcrw/* from Chinoae W (mn)^ both 
naineB of tkiDgs whieh w«ro alnosi eeriaialjr iatrodooed isto' Japan tbam, 
China or Korea ; — ^notwithstaodiDg lUi^ I ooafaaa that I am ttoi yei 
eonyaried to a boUof eithor in the theairy of a oommon origin for tho two 
langoagae, or in that of wholesale borrowing by one from the other* 

The agglatinativo grammatieal ayalem of Japaaaee, whether 
aaeient or modern, diflera more from the iaoialing grammalieal syatem 
of Chineae, whether aneaent or modem, than Aryan graaunar does from 
Semitie. The conalmotioii of eenteneea, the whole ayntaz, ahowa a 
ditergenee no less radieal. In every point of grammar, even down to 
the emaUeat, Japanese agrees with Korean ; in almost all it agreea with 
Moni^l and Manohn> while none of the four agree with Chinese. Nothing 
is more remarkable than the tenaeity with whieh Chinese and Japanese 
have along eaeh to its own priaoiplss daring the whok time that the 
history of these langaagss is known to ns, that is to say at leasl twelve 
bimdired yesars in the ease of Japanese^ and between two and three 
ihoQsand years in the ease of Chinese. If there is no traeo of a gra«i« 
matieal rapproeJiimewt even twelve hnndred years ago, ai what period <tf 
thoQsands wt tens of thonsaode of years ago are we ezpeetsd to poatadato 
a hypothetioal nnity ? And if, even in the ease of historioa^y eertahl 
borrowings, we find saeh dissimilarity as there is> for instanoe, between 
Japanese o and Chinese ymg K, << to correspond," what elna eaa there be 
to guide ns in onr gropings through the darkness of seoves of bygone ages? 
Mr. Parker's ear diaeovers a similarity between Japanese iro, '' eolomr," 
and Chinese & {iet or thik)^ Bat if iro is like «^ what word is not like 
every other? It is true that rekted words in Enropean langyages 
sometimes sonnd very differently. English *' bead " is etymologieally 
the same as Freneh *' oJuf" Bat the elne whieh enablea tho eonnee* 
iion between aaeb words to be discovered, tho basis on which repose 
eevtain definite and well recognised h^ws of letter-change, ia commu- 
nity of grammar. Now community of grammar is preeiasly what 
dnnese and Japanese lack. 

On the other hand, if it is chiimed that tho Japanese vocabulary 
has been borrowed from that of China> all sorts of difficulties seem tio me 

288 oBJoaaaOiAisii astd innu: AxcmsT jiVAinaB tooabitlabt. 

io stand in the way. Japanese, — and it ia important to insist on ibis 
point,«--t8 of all langnages the most given to repeating itself. It varies 
in outward details, it appropriates new materials m mMse^ bat it never 
strikes oat new methods so far as our twelve oentaries' ezperienee of it 
reaches. Now there is a striking peealiarity in the manner of Japanese 
borrowing from Chinese daring the period open to onr inspection. It 
is this : — ^noans only are so borrowed ; or, if other words are borrowed, 
they are forthwith converted into nouns. Words of Ohinese origin are 
never used as verbs. I should say hardly ever ; but the exceptions are 
really so few, as practically not to invalidate the truth of the assertion. 
Here are the exceptions. In modem Japanese we have the verb rikimtt, 
'Uo swagger,** apparently derived from the Chinese word t!^ (nAa), 
'* strength,** and the verb iT/onl, '' to cook,** derived from the Chinese 
words ^ S {ryo n), <* cooking." In Mediaeval Japanese I have met in 
one passage with the word mandawaztt, a ooi^ngational form barbarously 
derived from the Chinese expression man do^ H ^, The Chinese term 
K 4C (sko zokH)^ ** gftrb,'* ** dress,** was also formerly conjugated as a 
verb with the gerund shozokite, " having dressed.** Bat both these latter 
words have fallen into disuse. And tiiis is the whole tale of such cases I 
So far, therefore, as experience goes, Japanese has not derived any of 
its conjugated words from Chinese during the last twelve centuries. 
Bat the hypothesis of wholesale borrowing assumes that conjugated words 
develop from Chinese originals as easily as nouns do. 

Whatever may be thought of Uiis reasoning, grammatical arguments 
are by no means the only ones which prevent us from accepting the 
bcnrrowing hypothesis. History steps in, and asks how the borrowing 
could have taken place. Nations can only borrow words from the 
foreigners whom they meet, and under primitive conditions they never 
meet any but their nearest neighbours. But the Chinese and Japanese 
were not near neighbours in' early days. The Chinese territory has not 
always extended to the sea ; and even had it done so, primitive people 
do not cross wide seas. Korea, with Tsushima as a stepping-stone, 
was the only likely road from the continent of Asia to Japan. That it 
actually was the road is shown by all sorts of references in the 
mythology, the traditions and early history of these islands. Now 
there is no evidence of any language of the Chinese type having ever 


been spoken in Korea* Korea was not even eonqnered by tlie CUoese 
till the second cenlury before Christ. Accordingly we find that it is 
not nntil after that time, — not nntil considerably after that time (abont 
200 A. D.), — that the first aoeonnts of Japan which testify to real inter- 
course and knowledge begin to make their appearance in the Chinese 
annals.^ The Japanese names which these accounts qaoi&^thoagh 
unfortunately all too scanty, — support the opinion that the Japanese 
language then was substantially identical with the language as we know 
it from the native documents of five hundred years later. And to say 
five hundred years is really to overstate the interval. For though the 
documents themselves, — the Kcjiki, Nihongi, and Man-ydshA^ — date 
from the eighth century, they are simply comfHlations containing 
material of a much earlier period,--*poetry whidi can well stand the wear 
and tear of time and of oral tradition, especially when invested, as some 
of this poetry was, with a partially sacred character. 

We are thus led to the inference that the Japanese, when discovered 
by the Chinese, spoke substantially the same language as that used by 
them at the present day. Now we know positively that the process of 
borrovring has proceeded with increasing rapidity during the historic 
period, in other words that it was much less active in early times than 
it has been in recent tunes. But the theory under consideraitioo 
would require that it should have been much more active and more 
thorough at the beginning than the end. Or, if it is not borrowing, but 
original organic unity which Mr. Parker has in view, then what we are 
invited to suppose is this : that two languages, one found in the middle 
of a continent (viz. in the upper part of the valley of the Hoang Ho)^ 
and the other in an archipelago beyond the seas, far away from that 
secluded valley, are related, although their grammatical systems are 
utterly unrelated, and although history points to the oecnpation of the 
intermediate territory by races speaking languages not cognate to either. 

Such are some of the a priori difficulties in the way of our 
acceptance of Mr. Parker's theory. An examination of his list of wordif 
does not tend to allay our doubts. Some of the identifications are 
indeed ingenious ; for Mr. Parker rarely attacks a subject without 

^ See Mr. Aston'a learned paper on " Early Japanese History," in Fart I. of 
this vdnme. 


leayiog loaiiiioaa traces of hie piuuuige. Some may 1m irae instatieefl at 
early boirowisg. How disprove any thing wLeo we pass beyond the 
reack of docamentary evidence? Bui ibere are eases where 
doonmentary evidence does come in, and where it proves that those 
particular identifications are illasoiy. Take, for instance, the word 
deHf ** can," the fourth on his list. Considering it as an original and . 
simple word, his quick ^nce leads him to connect it with the Chinese 
ti {toku)f meaning " to get,** hence <' to achieve.*' The sound is like, 
and the sense is like. No, not really I The similarity is a deceptive one« 
DM is but a modem coarrupiion. The original word was tde-kiiru^ a 
compound signifying *^ to come out.** Indeed dsH itself has retained 
that meaning in certain cases, as. where it is applied to anything 
which comet cut on the skin, such as a boil or an eruption. But in 
otlier cases the verb ide-kurUt whence cMt^ru] , passed from the sense 
of << coming out ** to that of ** happening,** hence '< being able to be,*' 
'' can.** All the changes in the meaning of the word belong to 
cempaFatively recent times.' 

Mr. Parker's twelfth word, kaku^ " to sketch,'* is, on the contrary, 
one which leads us very far back. The identification of it with the 
like-meaning and like^sonnding Chinese f) (kaku) is illusory, for the 
simple reason that the Japanese word k€iku did not begin by meaning 
**to sketch" at all. It meant *^io scratch.** In like manner his 
twenty-first word tstcM, ** a month,*' began by meanmg ** the moon." 
If, therefore, it reaUy has any connection with the Chinese word HI 
{taku)j it is not enouf^ to show that the sense of " month '* may be 
derived firom aaku. It woald be necessary to prove the derivation of 
the sense of *^ moon ** feom the same source. 

Again, Mr. Pbrkcr would connect Japanese 99%a, ** a Shinto shrine," 
with the Chinese M miao^ *< a shrine," especially *' a Buddhist shrine.** 
The likeness of sound is certainly great. So is the likeness of the idea, 
especially to soch as have not had the opportunity of realising the 
pvolbund distiDction drawn by tiie Japanese between things Buddhist 

* The original signifioation of the word is stiU preserved in certain provineial 
dialects. Thas» as the Bev. E. B. Miller infonns me, the Nambn people use dekiru 
where the Vokyo people have 4erH, and vioe'vefsA. Fer instanoe, the phrase *' He 
has gone out " will theie be DekUa, whereas *' It is well done '' will be Yoku deUt, 


and things Shinto. Unfortunately, however, for the identification in 
qnestion, a reference to the earliest books in the Japanese language 
shows miya to be a purely native word, a compound of mi, " venerable,** 
and ya, *' house,** ya itself being an old gerundive form connected with 
the verb iru {icint), ** to dwell.** Miya therefore originally meant 
*' a venerable dwelling,'* and was accordingly used both of the palaces 
of the native emperors and of the temples of the native gods. Mikado, 
lit. " the venerable gate,** hence ** the Imperial Court,'* *• the Emperor,** 
is another word formed from the same honorific mi and kado, ** a gate.*' 
On the other hand Mr. Parker's number 92, netsu, ** heat,** ** fever," is 
simply a Chinese word and acknowledged to be such, because known 
to have been imported during the early middle ages. There is therefore 
no need for identification in its case. Natsu, on the contrary, which 
he includes under the same rubric, has been a Japanese word from 
time immemorial. To identify it with netsu is to draw a bow at a 
venture. Indeed the probabilities are against two words so widely 
separated in time retaining so nearly the same sound, even if they were 
really originally connected.' 

Similar negative criticism would dispose of great numbers of words 
on Mr. Parker's list. But the few instances which have been given 
may suffice to show the pitfalls into which even so eminent a scholar 
as he may be led by disregard of the fact that, Japanese being a 
language with a long and eventful history, a critical knowledge of that 
history is the indispensable basis for a sound Japanese philology. If 
the so-called ** rules of letter-change," by which the comparison 
between Chinese and Japanese is guided, produce such errors where we 
can check the result by the application of the historical method, what 
confidence can we feel in the more numerous cases where we cannot 
thus check the result ? 

One of the arguments which Mr. Parker incidentally brings 
foi'ward is a peculiarly ingenious one. Fearing that the identification 
of Japanese iro, ** colour," with Chinese fe (set or shih) may strain the 
credence of even the friendliest of his readers, he points out the 

9 Mr. Aeton snggests that natsu may be oonaected with Korean ny'dram, 
which has the same signification, the final am being a mere termination, and 
Korean r or 2 corresponding regularly to final t$u or dzu in Japanese. 


remarkable coincidence whereby the Chinese and Japanese words thus 
compared signify not only *' colour/' bat ** love " (in a bad sense), — 
« venery/' as Mr. Parker styles it. Chinese & {set or ahik) means 
" colour *' and 'Move ; " Japanese iro likewise means ''colour*' and 
" love." 

Now at first sight the coincidence seems so extraordinary, that the 
greatest sceptic must feel almost persuaded to turn believer. How 
could two unrelated languages possibly agree to hit on precisely the 
same metaphor ? But just look round a moment on the languages 
of Europe, and see what you find there. Is it not, for instance, a most 
striking coincidence that exactly the same figure of speech which has 
produced the word demi-monde in French should have produced the 
parallel word HalbweU in German ? Does it not amount to a miracle 
that precisely the same figure of speech should occur in Russian, and 
even in modern Japanese itself? — No ! it is not a miracle at all. There 
is no coincidence at all ; the case is simply one of borrowing. A French 
author started the idiom, his compatriots adopted it, and other 
nations, thinking it good, have translated it. That is all. Or take 
a more ancient case, the case of the word " case " itself, as used by 
grammarians. The Greeks, on analysing their language, found that 
nouns had various forms. One of these (the nominative) they 
considered to be the standard, the natural form, the form which, as 
it were, stood erect and self-reliant, while the other four appeared to 
them to be " fallings away " from the standard, inclinations, deflections, 
inflections. The metaphor was perhaps not a very happy one. 
Nevertheless the Latins adopted and translated it, rendering the 
Greek Trrolris from 7r»rra), '* to fall,*' by their own casus from cadere, 
" to fall.'' The Germans followed suit with the word " Fall " from/aUen, 
" to fall," then again the Russians with padezh from padat, *' to fall," 
so that at last the poor faded little Greek metaphor conquered the 
whole grammatical world. And borrowing of this kind, — that is, the 
borrowing of a foreign idea and the fitting of that idea to a native 
word, is one of the most powerful engines in the transformation 
of language. It has altered and enriched the whole manner of speaking 
of civilised nations. All Europe speaks in idioms translated from 
alien tongues, and especially from Greek and from French. 


Well, the ease of Japanese iro meaning '* colonr " and also ** love/' 
and of CliiiieBe & {set or shik) likewise meaning " eolonr " and also 
'* love," is exactly parallel to that of irrwscs and its varions equivalents 
in other languages, or of demi-monde and its German and Russian 
equivalents. We can prove, by reference to the early poetry of Japan, 
that the word iro formerly meant '* colour " only. It took the sense of 
*' love *' or '* venery " later on, owing to Chinese influence.* Dozens of 
such cases of *' coincidence " might be quoted, which would lend them- 
selves admirably to the function of mare's nests. For instance take the 
word mtc/ii, *' road." How surprising it seems at first sight that this 
Japanese term should denote, not only " road " but '* doctrine," exactly 
as the Chinese word ^ {tao) does I But examine Archaic Japanese, and 
you will find, in the first place, that michi is merely a compound of the 
already mentioned honorific prefix rut, and of c/it or rather ti (also te)^ 
the original word for " road," and secondly that neither tt, te nor michi 
-was ever used in early times to denote the idea of *' doctrine." The term 
meant '' road " and nothing more. The sense of '' doctrine " was added 
in early classical times through literal translation of the Chinese idiom. 
Is not this a curious consideration ? Does it not show what scrupulous 
care, what minute criticism, must be used in dealing with questions of 
such delicacy ? In philology, at least, to cut the Gordian knot is not 
to untie it. 

Put into two words, my position then is briefly this : Beyond the 
fact that its grammatical system closely resembles that of Korean and 
of the Eastern Altaic languages, the affinities of Japanese are still 
altogether obscure. The only way in which we can usefully employ 
ourselves at present is in collecting facts. The day for grand 
generalisations has not yet come. In any case, whether the day for 
generalisations has come or whether it has not come, all will agree that, 
for comparative purposes, the oldest form of the Japanese language 
must be the best. There is more di£ference between the language of a 
modern Japanese newspaper and that of an ode in the Kojiki or 
Man-yoshu than there is between a modern Greek newspaper and the 
language of Homer. 

^The earliest instance of its nse in the new sense wonld seem to occur in the 
I$e Monogatari, a classical romance of uncertain date and authorship. 


Bat there does not exist any voeabolary of the oldest, and none 
but the oldest, Japanese words. The native Japanese dictionaries do 
not distinguish the Aichaio dialect, i.e. the language previous to the 
eighth century of the Christian era, from the Classical, i.e. the language 
down to the thirteenth century. I therefore determined to go through 
the materials which are most important for this investigation, with the 
help of a promising young scholar, Mr. Ueda Maunen, who took upon 
himself a portion of the necessary reading. The result is the vocabulary 
now offered to the Society. It is imperfect, no doubt. Neither Mr. 
Ueda nor myself have much leisure. The consequence is that numbers 
of words may have escaped us, especially of the rarer ones. Then, too, 
a small misfortune happened one day. There was a sudden gust of wind, 
and off fluttered a little pile of slips into the garden, and some of them 
out beyond the garden; and I never could make quite sure how 
many there were nor which they were that thus got lost. A much 
graver consideration is suggested by the fact that the Archaic literature 
is of small compass. We may, therefore, well suppose that numbers of 
words, only known to us as Classical or Colloquial words, were really 
Archaic also, though they do not happen to occur in Archaic texts. 
Sometimes there are indications to help us out, for instance in the case 
of the Colloquial word iiso, '' a lie," which does not even occur in the 
Classical literature, but whose continuous existence from the earliest 
times is rendered probable by the occurrence of the word icoso with 
apparently the same signification in one of the Man-yoshu odes. But as 
a rule this difficulty is one not to be guarded against. However, all 
deductions made, I venture to think that the list even now 
contains most of the words which are really important, — the radical 
words if one may so style them. By " radical words " I do not 
mean the <* roots" of some scholars, those extremely problematical 
monosyllables which spring partly from a comparison of like-sounding 
words, partly from the inner consciousness of the investigator. I mean 
actual words found in authors, the simplest of such actual words, so far 
as they can be known. Compounds are of course discarded, — such 
words, for instance, as the already mentioned mi-kado, mi-ya^ mi-ehi ; 
such others as kaga-mi, " a mirror," (from kage, " reflection," and wtn<, 
" to look ") ; ko'koy " here " (from ko, " this," and ko, " place ") ; ma- 


Jcoto, ** truth " (from ma, «* true," and koto, " thing **) ; utau^ " to sing " 
(from tUsu or utu, ** to heat,*' and au, " to he mutual,*' i.e. " to heat 
time in concert *') ; waga, ** my," from tva or a, ** I," and ga, " of." 
All such words ( and their name is legion) should indeed find their place 
in a dictionary, whose ohject it is to give information concerning the 
current use aud signification of terms ; hut they must he as cai-efully 
excluded from a vocahulary intended for comparative purposes. For 
whoever should take michi or makoto or ivaga, or any such word, which is 
really a compound, as a simple word, and compare it with words in other 
languages, would he following a will-o'-the-wisp. My only fear is that 
many compounds may still lurk among the words here given as simple 
ones. Ail nouns over two syllahles aud all verhs of over three 
syllahles are to he suspected. The danger is unavoidahle in the 
present rudimentary stage of Japanese philology. One can hut do one's 
best. Aud I, for one, have a horror of using my imagination in such 
matters, although I do of course use my spectacles. It is surely hetter 
that the results shall be trustworthy, even at the cost of their being 

With regard to inflected words, viz., verbs and adjectives, tha 
method followed has been to present them in the shortest form in 
which they actually occur. Adjectives are accordingly given in the 
stem form, as naga, take, for nagaki, takeJd (Colloquial nagai, talcci). 
Verbs are given in the conclusive form of the present tense, as 
semu (colloq. setnem), ** to press upon," siigu (coUoq. wgvii), '* to 
pass," ''to exceed." This plau has the incidental advantage of in- 
cluding under one rubric verbs belonging indifferently to the fii-st 
aud second conjugations, such as nagaru or nagarum (Colloq. 
nagareru) "to flow;" wamni ox wasitrurti (Colloq. wasurei-u), "to 
forget," etc., and likewise such pairs of verbs sls alcu, "to open" 
(inti-ans.), and alniru (Colloq. akeiu,) "to open," (trans.); orum 
(Colloq. oreru), "to break" (intrans.), and or«, " to break" (trans.), 
etc. For the distinction between the first and second conjugations 
is not fundamental ; it is a later growth. Similarly, all such pairs 
of verbs as wakaru, " to be apart," and wakui-u, " to separate," 
are given under a single rubric, — in this case tcaku, — such verbs 
being, in fact, mere compounds of an original shorter verb with 


ai-Uy ** to be,*' and wu ** to get." Again, sach derivative verbs as 
tsunagUy " to tie," yacloru^ ** to lodge," are not given at all. The nonns 
tsuna (here written tuna) and yado, from which they are derived, are 

Farthermore, it need scarcely be mentioned that words are only 
given in the senses in which they actaally occur in the earliest 
texts. For instance, the common verb yomu will be found in the list, 
but not with its familiar sense of *'to read." Archaic Japanese 
has no word for *' to read." How should it, seeing that the people 
were ignorant of the use of letters? Yomu meant **to count." 
When the art of reading was introduced, the word for counting 
was pitched on in a rough and ready fashion to do duty for the 
idea of reading. The solitary idiom uta wo yomu, which means, not 
to read poetry but to compose it, is a relic of the original signification 
of the word. It refers of course to the counting of the syllables in 
each line. The necessary limits of this paper do not permit me to 
treat other words in detail after this fashion. To do so would fill 
not a paper, but a volume, and a large volume. It must suffice 
thus merely to point towards lines of research which perhaps others 
may follow up. A beginning has indeed already been made in this 
direction by Mr. Satow in the notes to his literal translation of the 
Shinto Rituals, — notes containing more solid matter than goes to the 
forming of many a thick volume. But what has been done, — valuable 
as it is, — is but little in comparison with what remains to be done, both 
philologically and archaeologically. And the charm of the study is that 
in it one treads on certain ground. Results once obtained are obtained 
for good. They are not tnere speculations, like the theory we have been 

Only one more item before closing these introductory remarks. 
Just a word on the subject of orthography. In the absence of a clear 
knowledge of what the pronunciation of Japanese was at the earliest 
time of which any traces of the language remain, I have decided to 
adhere to that system which, by the almost common consent of native 
scholars, is deemed to represent most truly the pronunciation of early 
ages. According to this, the kana spelling is followed syllable by 
syllable, and the series 


Jf i^ y T y IB transcribed ta ti tu te to»^ 

:^ f-' y r h* " " da di du de do. 

•f >' ^ ^ y ** ** sa d 8U se so. 

•^ sJ pC -tf y «♦ «* za zi zu ze zo. 

s; # ai ^ «« <« ica td toe wo. 

Only in the series ->> b 7 -> * have I ventured to strike out a 
new line, and to transcribe thus : — pa pi pu pe po. Some scholars, 
both native and foreign, would prefer ha, hi, hu, he, /to, others /a, Ji, 
f^hf^f Jo* It appears to me that there are sufficient grounds for believing 
the h with which some of the letters of this series are now pronounced 
to be a corruption of/, and the /again to be a corruption of 77. The 
colloquial use of p in such words as pika-pika, connected with hikaru^ 
•• to shine,'* and the frequent use of ;> after a nasal and of double p in 
words borrowed from the Chinese and having a 77 in that language 
point in this direction. But the fact that the nigoH of the consonant 
in question is h raises the supposition more nearly to the rank of a 
certainty. Moreover, there is one weighty piece of historical evidence 
tending in the same direction. It is the transcription of the syllable b 
in the word hinuko in a Chinese text of the third century by the 
character 4^, of which Br. Edkins says that its pronunciation as pi 
(not fi nor hi) is " beyond dispute." On such a matter Dr. Edkius's 
authority ought to be trusted when he speaks so positively ; for the 
history of Chinese sounds is his specialty. Furthermore, he concludes 

B In transcribing the Kana syllables f- and y by ti and tu, rather than by 
the values cUi and tiu which they bear in modern pronnnciation, I may seem to 
be disregarding tlie jastly great authority 0! Mr. Satow, as expressed in his paper 
entitled '* Beply to Dr. Edkins on Chi and r«u," and printed in Vol. viii of these 
" Transactions." As I interpret that paper, however, Mr. Satow does not reject 
the idea of a very early t pronunciation of syllables now having cU and («. All 
that he claims for the latter sounds is an antiquity greater by some centuries than 
that whioh Dr. Edkins had at first been willing to allow them. It is surely hardly 
necessary to add that the system of spelling followed in this paper is adopted for 
the purposes of this paper only. For all ordinaiy purposes I follow Dr. Hepburn 
and the Bomanisation Society. The latter authorities consistently follow the 
modem pronunciation, and are therefore strictly scientific from one point of 
view. I, in this paper, follow what I believe to be the nearest attainable approach 
to the pronunciation of Archaic times. The leading principle is the same. The 
result is different only because the principle is applied to different data. 


from it, as I would conclade from the coDSeusns of all the evidence, that 
'* we are warranted in regarding all Japanese words beginning with A 
as having in the third century begun with p.'* The chief reason, 
probably, that will make students of Japanese, and especially Japanese 
students of their own language, hesitate to endorse the p spelling of such 
words is one founded, not in logic but in custom. The familiar words 
look odd in such a garb. But, without wandering further than our 
native English, the labours of philologists have proved the occurrence of 
extraordinary changes of pronunciation within a few centuries ; and the 
same could probably be shown to be true of almost every tongue. For 
myself, I do not wish to be bigoted in this matter of the transcription of 
the Japanese -'^ b 7 -^ * series by p. Considerable uncertainty hangs 
over the ancient pronunciation. The original letter may have been either 
p, ph (i.e. p + A) or/. It could hardly have been 7i. All that we know 
with tolerable certainty is that it was a labial surd. There is nothing 
in particular to show that it was aspirated. Under all the circum- 
stances, therefore, it seems best to transcribe it by p, until such time 
as the superior suitability of ph or of/ shall have been demonstrated. 
It is surely hardly worth while to remark that the modern pronunciation 
is untrustworthy as a guide in such matters. That will be admitted by 
all who have studied the subject. The only thing is to follow the Kana 
spelling. One does indeed sometimes wish to be able to get behind 
that spelling to a still more ancient stage of the phonetics of the 
language. Two native scholars, Messrs. Kurokawa Mayori and Tatsumi 
Kojiro, have actually endeavored to distinguish between ten and u in the 
single Rana letter i>, and between iji and i in the single Kajia letter >f . 
But, as they follow no rule but their own imagination, I have not been 
able to make use of their alleged discoveries. 

With these introductory remarks, I commend the vocabulary to the 
kind indulgence of competent critics. My object will have been attained, 
if Orientalists are induced to see how essential it is, in all questions of 
Japanese philology, to take the Archaic form of the language as the 
standard of comparison. It will be more than attained if any are led 
on hereby to the discovery of new facts in this almost virgin field. 


a, a net. Probably by apocope for amt, a net, formed from amti, 
to uet. Still as we find the compounds a-biki^ drawing in a net, and 
a-gOf a fisherman, it is possible tbat a was the original word, whence 
the verb amu, as paramu from paraf etc. 

a or are, I. The re is probably an agglutinated suffix. See s. v. 

a, foot, leg. Possibly by apocope for ashif which has the same 
meaning. Still, a consideration of the many very ancient compounds 
into which it enters, may make it a more probable opinion that a is the 
original word, and ashi but a compound. Undoubted compounds are 
a-bumiy stirrup, from a and pumu, to tread ; a-gura, throne or seat, 
from a and kura, a seat ; ayupi, leggings, from a and yupu, to tie ; 
a-oto, the sound of footsteps, from a and oto, sound, etc. 

a, also aze and azu, a dike between rice-fields. 

abura, oil, grease, fat of any kind. In the earliest passage where 
the word occurs, it would seem to have the still vaguer signification of 
liquid of any kind. Mr. Aston suggests that it may be connected with 
apuru (modem afuret-u), ** to overflow,'* which, though not happening 
to occur in the archaic texts, is probably an old word. 

adit a species of teaU 

adisawi, the hydrangea bush. A compound, but of what ? 

aduM, a species of small, red bean. 

adulcu, to give in charge. 

adusa, the catalpa-tree, used for making bows. 

agu, to lift, to raise. Hence many derivatives, e.g. agapu^ to com- 
pensate ; aga-ta^ upland rice-fields, i.e., rice-fields in the dry. 

• aka, brilliant, hence red ; possibly connected with aki^ clear, and 
with aku, to open. 

aH, autumn. 

aki^ clear, — as in aki-raka, clear ; aki-ra-murUf to make clear. 

akii, to open. 

akUf to be satiated. 

akuta, dust, dirt. 

ama, sweet. 

ama or atne^ the sky, heaven, rain. Possibly two originally difierent 


terms, — one meaning Leaven and the other rain, — ^may have converged 
into one. In the sense of rain we also find same in quite a number of 
compounds, such as ko-same, mura-samej paru-same, pi-same. The in- 
sertion of a euphonic s being no usual feature of Japanese phonetics, 
are we to look on same as a separate word, or as a con-up tion of ame ? 

ama, many, as in ama-nekif many ; amani, to remain over ; amasu, 
to leave over ; ama-ta, many. 

amu, to net. Ama, a fisherman, and ami, a net, are participial 
formations from this verb. 

amu, to bathe. 

amw, ahorse-fly. 

ana, a hole. 

ana ! ah ! alas ! 

ant, not. Used independently, and also as a suffix, as in sir' ant, 
not knowing, from sim, to know. 

apa, foam. 

apa, millet. 

apabif the sea- ear. 

apare ! alas I what a pity 1 

apu, to meet, to be together, to do or be anything in company or 

a/71/, to endure, to dare. 

apuguy to wave, to fan. 

apupi^ the name of a plant, — the holly-hock. 

apuru or aburu, to put close to the fire. 

apvti, the name of a tree, — a species of melia. 

ara, rough, new. This is a word very fruitful in derivatives, e.g. 
aru, to storm; arare, hail; arashi, a storm ; arata (or, by metathesifi* 
atard), new. Probably also ara-kazime, beforehand ; arawasUy to reveal ; 
am, to be bom. 

ara-kazime, beforehand, first. See ara, 

arapasUf to reveal. See ara. 

arUf to be born. See ara. 

arUf (there) to be, there is. 

aru, to wither. 

aruku, or ariku, to walk. Possibly connected with a, the foot or leg. 


asa, Lemp. 

asa^ shallow, more rarely short. 

asa^ asita, or asu, moruiog, morrow. 

asarUf to fish. 

aae, sweat. 

an, a reed, a rush. 

asi, the foot, the leg. See a (8). 

asi, had. 

aso, a title of nohility. 

asobu, to frolic, to play. 

ata or ada, had conduct, asolessness, a foe. 

atapu, to give. See atu (1). 

atara, new. See ara, 

atari, also iratari, neighhonrhood, environs. Compare atu, to 
place near. 

ato, a track, a trace. Possihly connected with a, foot or leg. 

atu, to place near, to pat upon, to fix on. Hence atapu (for ate 
apu), to give. 

atu, hot. 

atu, thick. Perhaps originally the same word as the preceding. 

atuma or aduma, the east. The native derivation of this word 
a ga tuma, my wife, is untenable. 

atumu, to collect. 

ain, woad ; hence a blue colour. 

awo, green, blue. Probably connected with the preceding. It is 
thought also to mean white in some contexts. 

aya, an ornament, a pattern, hence damask. 

aya, an adverb or inteijection corresponding somewhat to our word 

ayamatu, to err. The termination matu is obscure. The initial 
syllables aya may possibly be identical with those of ayasi, strange and 
bad. If so, aya may have been originally a noun denoting something 
evil and uncanny. 

ayame, the sweet flag. Probably from aya, an ornament or pattern. 

ayad, strange, — in a bad sense. Conf. ayamatu, 

ayu, the east (wind). 


ayu, a kind of trout. 
ayu, to ripen. 
a^mUf to walk. 


he{si). Mnst, shall, may. — ^The initial b probably represents an 
older p» It oecnrs in no other word. 


dani, at least, even. The initial d occurs in no other word, and 
probably represents an older t. 

F. (See under P.). 


ga, of. The form go also occurs, but seems to be less original. 
gari^ the place where a person is. 
gatera or gateri^ while. 

goto^ each, every, similar, like. — ^The initial g occurs in no other 
words, and probably represents an older Ar. 

H. (See under P.). 


t, sleep. Conf. nu^ to sleep. 

i or i<t«, five. It is uncertain which of the two forms of this 
numeral is the original one. Judging from the analogy of the other 
numerals, in which the syllable tu is a mere suffix, and from the multi- 
pies i'SO^ fifty, and i-po, five hundred, one would incline to decide in 
favour of t. On the other hand it must be borne in mind that the other 
even numbers are derived from the odd by a process of vowel-strength- 
ening, thus : 1 ptto, 2 puta ; 8 9iu, 6 mu ; 4 yo, 8 ya. It is therefore 


bnt natural to postulate a like relation between ttu, 5, and to, 10. 
According to this view, the syllable tu is radical, and the initial i may 
either be radical also, bat dropped from to, ten ; or else it may be an 

ibu, indistinct, dim, hence gloomy. 

idakUf to embrace. 

idUf to issae forth, to go or come out. 

trfw/what? (adjective). 

ika ? what ? how ? 

ika, angast. 

ikariy an anchor. 

ike^ a pond. 

iki, the breath. 

ika or oku, to live. Probably connected with ikif the breath. 

ik(opu)^ to rest. (From the preceding ?). 

iku ? how many ? Conf. ika ? what ? 

t%un, a reef. 

ikusa, a battle, war. 

ima, now. 

imndaj still ; with a negative, not yet. 

ime, a dream, same as yume. 

imo, a wife, a sister. 

imo, a potato. 

imu, to shan, (as something unlucky,) to prohibit, to dislike. 

tna, no. 

ina or ine, rice in the ear. Another form of the word is tine. Conf. 
the remarks on tame under ama (2). 

inoti, life. Possibly from iki no uti, while breath lasts. 

inuj to depart. 

inu or yenuj a dog. 

ipa, a rock. 

ipe, a house. 

ipi, food. 

ipo, a hut. 

ipu, to say. , 

tro, colour. 


iru^ to aim, to shoot. 

tru, to enter, to insert. 

isa, or ito, brave, energetic. 

isamu, to reprove. 

Uatu, to make violent demonstrations of grief. 

isay{opu)f to totter, to be on the verge of. 

in, a stone. 

ISO, the sea-shore. 

ISO, busy. 

Ua, a plank, a board. 

tto, violent, painful, sad. Hence it(opu), to dislike, to shnn ? 

itadura, nselessness. 

itaru, to reach. 

id, vigorous, flourishing. 

tti, a town. 

ito, a thread. 

Uopu, to dislike, to shun. 

tttt, when ? 

tttt, strength. 

itu, sacred. 

itukuii, pretly. 

iya, still more. 

iyasi, vile, base. 

iza, an exclamation used to call or encourage. 

izaru, to fish. 


ka, an interrogative or exclamatory particle. 

ka, a prefix of no ascertainable meaning. 

ka, an odour. 

ka, a deer. 

ka, a mosquito. 

kUf thus. 

ka or ke, a day. 


ha or ks, a bair. 

ka, koj or ku, a place. These words are probably bat variants of 
the same original. 

kabe, a wall. 

kabane, a corpse. 

kad(apu) or kad(npH)f to entice. 

kadi^ a paddle, au oar. This word carionsly exemplifies that 
development in the sense of words, which accompanies the development 
of inventions. When boats came to be no longer steered by means of a 
simple oar, bat of that differentiated kind of oar which we term a mdder, 
the word kadi passed over into the latter more specialised sense, 
while the general signification of '' oar *' was assumed by the imported 
Chinese word ro. Kadi is sometimes written kai. 

kaga or kage, reflection, shadow, light. 

kagamu, to bend. 

kaka, an onomatope for the sonnd made in drinking water. 

kake, a cock. Evidently an onomatope. 

kakerUf to run. 

k(iki, a fence, a hedge. 

kakif an oyster. 

kako, a boatman. 

kakUj to be flawed, defective, to wane (of the moon). 

kaku, to bang. 

kakUf to scratch. Hence later to draw a picture, to paint, to 

kakumUf to snrronnd. 

kakuru, (intrans.), \ 

kakusu, (irtiJiB.), J*o^i^«- 

kama, a sickle. 

kama, a pot nsed for boiling rice or water. 

kamame^ a sea-gnll. 

kam(apu)^ to frame. 

kame^ a jar. 

kame^ a tortoise. 

kami^ a god. See kamu (1). 

kami, above. 


kami, bair. Perhaps identical with the two preceding, as only the 
hair of the head is so called. On the other hand, it should be 
remembered that ka also means hairs in general. 

kamOf a wild- duck. 

kamu or kamij a god. Possibly identical with kami, above. 
Bat the apparently saperior antiquity of the form kamu is against this 
hypothesis, nnless we may assume that the kami signifying above 
was also originally kamu, 

kamu, to brew (rice-beer), to distill. In classical and later Japa- 
nese it also has the meaning of to munch, to chew, which is probably 
the radical signification of the word, though not happening to occur in 
the archaic literature. 

kana, a carpenter's plane. 

Icana or kane, metal. 

kanasi, sad. 

kane, sake ; as ta ga kane ! for whose sake ? 

kani, a crab. 

kanUy to do two things at a time ; hence to be unable. 

kajm, skin, fur, bark, in fact any exterior organic covering. 

kapa, a river. 

kape, a kind of tree, supposed to be an oak. 

kaperu (intrans.), ) 

top«« (trans.), j*""*""- 

kapi, a shell. 

kapi, a hollow. 

kapina, the arm. 

kapo, the face, perhaps also the whole body. 

kapu, to exchange, to change. 

kapu, to keep, to rear (animals). 

kara, from, since. 

kara, a husk, any useless and thrown ofi* integument. 

kara, pungent. 

karamu, to wind. 

karif a wild-goose. 

karo or kai-u, light (not heavy). 

karu, to cut, to mow. 


karu, to be apart, to be separated. It is generally believed by 
the native etymologists to stand for wakaru, from waku, to divide. Bat 
why should it not be an independent word ? 

karu, to decay, to fade. 

karu, to hunt. 

karu, to borrow. Gonf. kasii. 

ka$a, a pile, a heap. 

kasa, a hat, a sunshade. 

kasa, an eruption on the skin. 

kad or kcuipa, a kind of oak. 

kanko, awful, hence venerable. 

kasiku, to boil — said of rice. 

kad-num, rattling, noisy. 

kasu, dregs, lees. 

ka$u, to lend. It is the transitive corresponding to the (grammati- 
cally speaking) intransitive kani, to borrow. 

kasoka, or ka^ca, distant and indistinct. 

kanimi, haze or mist in spring. Probably connected with the 

kdta, side, hence direction, way ; also one side, whence partial or 
defective numerically ; also the side of the body, but specifically the 
shoulders ; also the seaside when sandy, a shoal. 

kata, hard. 

katami, mutual. 

kataru, to tell, to recount. 

katati, shape. Conf. kata, 

kati, on foot, — e. g. crossing a river on foot instead of in a boat. 

katu, moreover, besides. 

katu, to conquer. 

kalura, a creeping-plant, hence a head-dress. 

katura, the cassia-tree. 

kaya, a kind of rush used to thatch roofs. 

liaza or kaae, the wind. 

kazaru, to adom. 

kazu, number. Hence kazouru, to count. 

ke, food. 


ke^ any small receptacle, e. g. a basket. 

ke, vapoar, spirit, aspect. 

kCf to vanish, to melt. Probably a contraction of khje, from kiyu. 

keclasi, perhaps, if peradveuture. 

kedicru, to comb. 

kepu, to-day. See pi (1). 

kepuri, smoke. 

kesij strange, uncanny. 

ked, a garment. 

keta, the cross-beams of a house. 

ketUf to cause to vanish or to melt, to extinguish (a fire). Connected 
■with kiyu / 

ki, rice- beer. 

kif a verbal suffix indicative of past time. 

ki, a stockade, a stronghold, any enclosed space, a coffin. 

kigisi or kigisu, a pheasant. 

kiku, to hear. 

kimif a lord, a sovereign. 

kinw, the liver. 

kinopiif yesterday. See pi (1). 

kinii, a garment. 

kipfopt()f to strive. 

kipa, an edge, the end or limit of anything. 

kiruy to be misty, hazy. 

Idnif to cut. 

kiru or keru, to wear, to clothe (oneself). 

Icisa^ an elephant. 

kisi, the shore or bank of the sea or of a river. 

kim or kesu, to clothe (another). This is the transitive form 
corresponding to kiru, to wear. 

kitana, dirty. 

kitUy a fox. 

kiyo, clear, pure. 

kiyu, to vanish. 

kizo, yesterday. Conf. kozo, 

kizu, a wound. 


kot a basket. 

kOf this. 

ko^ a child, a jonng pereoD of either sex ; hence small. 

ko, dark-coloared, thick. 

ko or kij a tree, also the sabstaDce wood. This word serves as a 
Bnffix to form many names of trees and plants. 

kobotu, to break. 

kobu, to flatter. 

kogo(giki), solidified, coagulated. 

kogu, to row (a boat). 

kogUf to be charred, burnt. 

koke, moss or lichen of any sort. 

kokoda, many, mach. 

kokonoy nine. 

kokoro, the heart. Motowori believes it to be from koro-koro, which 
was, he thinks, a sort of onomatope for the bowels and inward parts 
generally. Kokoro, since early classical times, has been chiefly used to 
signify the metaphorical heart, the affections. This sense was before 
then expressed by nra, q. v. 

koku, to pare, to scrape. 

kanamij the elder of several wives. 

komOj matting. 

kamUf to crowd, to press, to shut in. Hence komoru, to be shut 
up, the colloquial komarti, to be bothered, etc. 

koporogij a cricket (insect). 

koporUf to freeze. Perhaps connected with korUf to become hard, 
to coagulate. 

kopUf to yearn, hence to ask, to love. 

koriy incense. 

koro, time. 

korobUf to fall down, to tumble or roll over. 

koromoj a garment. 

korUf to take warning, to profit by experience. 

korUf to coagulate, to become hard of form. 

koru, to scold. 

kosij the loins. 


kosi, a palanquin. 

kosoy a highly emphatic particle. 

kosu, to cross, to go over. Connected with koyu. 

kotapUy to answer. Perhaps fi'om koto apu, words (or things) 
meeting, agreeing. 

koti, the east wind. 

koto, a thing (of the mind), a fact, an act. Hence kotoieari, reason, 
lit. the division of things. 

koto, a word. Perhaps identical with the preceding. 

koto, especially. Perhaps identical with the two preceding. 

koto, a lute. 

kowa or kowe, the voice. 

koworo'koworo, an onomatope for curdling. 

koyaru or koyasu, to lie down, to rest. 

koyii, to cross over. Connected with kosu. 

kozo, last year. Conf. kizo, 

kozu, to pull up by the roots. 

ku or ko, a place. Probably the same as ka, 

ku or ki, yellow. 

kubi, the neck. 

kuda, a horn. 

kndaku, kiidiku, or kuduru, to break. 

kiidaru or kudatu, to descend. 

kudira, a whale. 

kuga, dry land, as opposed to the sea. Possibly from ku ka, the 
yellow place (as opposed to the blue main). 

kuku, to pass in through, to dive under. 

kukumu, apparently a variant of pukumu. 

kukuru, to bind, to tie. 

kuma, a bear. 

kuma, a dark place, a hiding-place, hence a corner. 

kumo, a cloud. 

kuma, a spider. 

kumu, to divide, hence to ladle out, to draw, — as water. The 
sense of dividing also passes over into that of distributing, whence to 
put together, to interlace. Thus, by insensible gradations, the opposite 


senses of dividiug and combining come to be expressed by the same verb. 
The earliest sense, that of dividing, was ah'eady obsolescent in archaic 
times, occnrring only in proper names, as Mi-kuman-yama, the Mountain 
of the Division of the Waters, ** Mount Water-shed." 

kunu or kuni, a country. 

kupa, a hoe. 

kupa, a mulberry- tree. 

kupa{8i), complete, perfect, fine, minute. Compare the verb 
kupapurUy (coUoq. kuicaeru) to add, -which, though not occniTing in the 
archaic texts, not improbably existed in archaic times. 

kupi, a post, any piece of wood stuck in the ground. Conf. ko or 
Art, wood, tree. It would be in accordance with analogy to suppose an 
old form ku of the latter word. 

kupu, to eat. 

hwat anything to sit on, — a seat, a throne, a saddle : oki-gura, a 
stand, a table ; awe no iua-Imra, the rock-throne of the gods in heaven. 

kura, ] dark. 

kimtf ) to grow dark, 
is the indefinite form of this verb kuru. 

kuragej a kind of jelly fish, the medusa. 

kuHy a chestnut. 

ktiroj black. Conf. kura, dark. 

kii(i'u), to come. May it not possibly be connected with kuntma, 
a wheeled vehicle, which turns, returns ? Conf. also the classical verb 
kurupu, to turn, to twist, hence to be in a frenzy. 

kuru, to reel (thread). 

kuruma, a wheel, anything with wheels. Conf. kin-u, to come, 

kurmi, vexatious, sad. 

kusa, (1) herbs, grass. (2) a kind, a sort. This second meaning is 
probably derived from the first. 

hisi, a skewer, hence a comb. 

kusiro, a bracelet. 

kuso, animal secretions or excrements of any kind. 

kusu or hisiy wonderful, supernatural. 

ku9uri, medicine. 

kuti, the mouth. 

1, I dark. ^^^^^ ^.^^.^^ black.— ^«r^ dusk, twilight, 

!(, ' to grow dark. 


kutUf a shoe. 
hutUf to rot. 

kuyu, to regret, to repent. 

kuzu, the name of a plant resembling arrowroot, — ^tLe Doliclios 


ma, a grand- child. 

ma, space, room, interval. 

ma, true, genuine, good. The native literati believe tbe honorific 
mi to be identical with this word. 

ma, a horse. See uma, 

ma, or me, the eye. 

made, until, as fai* as. The form mate, which would be more 
archaic, seems also to have existed. 

viadi, or madu, poor. 

madu, first of all. 


madCapn), ^ ™i^> ^ mingle; hence to go astray owing to 

mag{iru), ' complications. Gonf. also maga, 

maz{ini), ^ 

maga, crooked ; hence evil. 

fnagu, to seek. 

makaru, to return, to die. 

maku, to make, to set. 

mnku, to roll, to wind. Hence makura, a pillow. 

maku, to sow. 

maku, to be defeated. 

malm, to order, to entrust. 

mame, beans. 

majpi, a bribe. 

ma'pu, to go round, to dance. 

maro, round. Hence marohu, to roll over. 

TTvaro, I. 

ma}u, to excrete (foeces). 


7»a8a, trne, right. Hence masu and inamrut to be saperior, Conf 
ma J ti*ae, genuine. 

masi, a verbal particle which implies that the action indicated by the 
verb might have taken place, but did not. It therefore resembles such 
English idioms as would have, ought to have been, etc. 

ma^o or mata^ complete. Conf. ma, true. 

masUy to dwell ; hence to be. 

mataj a fork, — as of a tree or of the legs. 

mata, again. (Deiived from the preceding ? ) 

matasUy to send. Perhaps the same as watam, to hand across. 

mato, a target. 

inatUf to await, to wait. 

niatii, a pine-tree. 

maturu, to reverence, to offer reverently. (Connected with matu, to 
wait ? ) 

mawom, to say ; hence to govern. 

man, a wicked spell, an act of witchcraft or poisoning. (Connected 
with the next ?) 

mazirUy see uiadopu. 

me, a woman. 

we, the shoot of a plant, a bud. The Japanese literati plausibly 
see in this word a contraction of nioyij the indefinite form of the verb 
moyu which signifies to bud. 

me, a crowd. The Japanese literati see in it a contraction of mure, 
a crowd. See muni. 

medu, to like, to love. 

megumu, to treat with kindness. 

meguru, to go round. 

meeu, to summon, to send for. 

mi, an adjective suffix signifying on account of, because of. 

mi.,, mi, a verbal suffix occurring always in pairs, and having an 
alternative, repetitive, or frequentative signification. 

mi, an honorific applied to the most exalted personages, such as 
gods and emperors. See ma, true. 

mi, a berry, a fruit. 

mi, three. 


7nif deep, said of mountain recesses. 

nn or niidUf rarely initUf water. It is bard to say which of the 
two first-given forms of the word is the original one. AK occurs in all 
the oldest compounds, such as mi-na-to, an estuary ; mi-na-moto, a 
river source ; mi-zo, a ditch. At the same time, if niidu is itself a 
compound of vii and du, what is the signification of du / 
iinidaru, to be confused, disordered. 

I midasu, to confuse, to put in disorder. 

midoHy green ; hence young. 

midu, water. See mi, water. 

midiif fresh. 

mimi, the ears. 

mifia, all. 

fninami, the south wind. 

mira, chive. 

mini, a kind of sea-weed. 

miru, to see, to look. 

mitt, the name of a marine animal, possibly the sea-lion or a species 
of seal. 

mitu, to fill, to be full. 

mizi(ka), short. 

9)10, face, hence direction. See oifw, 

mo, a lower garment, a skirt. 

mo, sea-weed. 

mo, a particle whose most frequent sense is even, also ; bat iu the 
oldest texts it seems to be rather ft sort of expletive. 

7/10, a calamity, mourning. 

moda, silence. 

mogoro, similar, equal. 

momidu, to grow yellow or red, — said only of the leaves in autumn. 

viomo, a peach-tree. 

momo, the thigh. 

momo, a hundred. 

momu, or Mfiomi, a species of fir, — the Abies firma. 

^nono, a thing, any material object. 

mori, a grove of trees. 


nwro or ynuroy a cave ; hence a dwelling-place. 

vioro, all sorts of, all. 

fnoni, to gaai'd, to watcL. , 

moi-u, to fill, to pile up. 

viosi, if. 

moti, fall, — said of the moon. 

ynotif bird-lime. 

moto, the stem of a tree, hence origin, beginning. Hence probably 
vwtO'porUj to return ; moto-pom, to repeat. 

motomu, to seek. 

titotu, to hold ; hence to have. 

moyu, to burn. 

jiwyu, to bad. 

mozu^ the shrike or butcher-bird. 

mu, a particle indicative of probability, especially probability in the 

viUf six. 

mu or viif the body, the person, hence self. 

7nugi, wheat, barley. The gi is probably for ki, tree. 

jnugura, the name of a creeping plant, — the hop. 

muka, opposite. Connected with the following. 

muJcu, to turn towards. 

mukade, a centipede. 

muku, the name of a tree bearing berries, the Celtis muku. 

muna (a less ancient form is muda)^ empty, vain, useless. 

munagi or u^uigt, an eel. 

mura, a cluster. A participial form of the next. 

mum, to congregate, to be in a crowd or cluster, as the houses of a 
village, clouds in the sky, mountains in a district. Also used transitively 
as uma uchi-murete, having gathered the horses together. 

ynudf an insect. Probably from the following, on account of the 
swarming of insects in hot and damp places. If this is really so, the 
original sense of musi would be a swarm. 

musUf to grow, especially in a damp place, as moss ; to swarm. Also 
apparently to produce or to be produced in general, whence musu-ko, a 
boy, and musu-mej a girl, lit. a produced child, a produced female. 



VIH8U, to choke. 

musubUf to coagulate, to form or harden, as a frait ; also to tie. 
Probahly derived from musu (1). 
muta, together. 
mutu, familiar, dear. 


nuj a name. 

na, fish, alive or cooked ; vegetables growing or cooked; food. It is 
ancertain which of those meanings is the original one. Possibly two or 
three independent words may have coalesced into one to form this 
general term. 

na? what? 

7ia ! or ne ! an emphatic and exclamatory particle. 

na, non-existent. Also a prohibitive particle, similar to the Greek 
fxrj or the colloquial English ** don't! '' 

na, or nare, thou. The re is probably an independent word. 
See s. V. 

na, or no, of. Na wonld seem to be the older form of the word. 
It is preserved in such compounds (really phrases) as mi-iia-to, the 
gate of the water, i.e., an estuary, afterwards a sea-port ; ma-na-ko, 
the eye, etc. 

n€ibu, ] to put in a row, to be in a row. Hence nabe, together. 

namu, j Conf. nara, flat. 

nabu, \ 

namu, hto lick, to taste. 

napu, j 

naburu, to tease. 

nadu, wet. 

nadu, to stroke. 

nadumu, to be weary. 

naga, long. Hence nagaru, to flow, and nagara, while. 

naffi, an onion. Perhaps a compound, for Id means tree. The form 
negi is later. 


'nagu, to throw. 

nagu, to become calm, said of the wind ; also of the passion of 
love ; also to calm. Hence probably nagisa, the sea-beach. 

naka, inside. Perhaps a compound, as ha means place. 

naka-naka, on the contrary, contrary to expectation. 

9iaku, to cry, to sing. 

name{si)t rude, insolent. 

tiamit a wave. 

iiamitaj a tear. 

najidif thou. Probably a compound. Perhaps from na-moti, name- 
possessor, i.e., famous. This is the native derivation, and it is a 
plausible one ; for it is in accordance with all that we know of Japanese 
methods of expression for a so-called pronoun to be resolvable into an 
honorific phrase. 

na7m or nana, seven. 

nape, a sprout, a bud. 

najH), straight, right. Hence used adverbially in the sense of yet, 

napUf to twist. 

nara, the name of a species of evergreen oak. 

nara, flat, level. Possibly fiabti or navm, to put in a row, may be 
contracted from narabu or naraniu, the verbal form of this word nara, 

nan, that whereby a man gains his livelihood, business. Identical 
with narUf to become ? 

nam or noru, to become, to ripen. 

ftaruy to get accustomed, to become tame. 

nam, ] 

^^... 1^0 resound, to make a noise, to cause to sound. 

nuBUf ) 

nan, a pear-tree. 

naau, to do. Gonf. nam, to become, of which it is the corresponding 


n€i$u, \ 

I to resemble. 


natu, summer. 

natu(kasi), fond, wrapped up in (metaph.). 

natwne, the jujube tree. 


nawi^ an earthquake. 

nayamUt to be sick. 

naz{opu)y to compare, to liken. 

ne, a root, the bottom or nethermost part of anything, e.g. of a 
mass of rocks. 

ne, sound, resonance. 

ne, a mountain peak. 

ne ! an imperative particle. Apparently different from the emphatic 
na ! or ne ! 

nedtif to twist. 

negUf to beg, to pray. Hence modern negait, for negi-axi, 

nezumi, a rat. 

nif in. 

ni, a load. 

nf, earth, mud ; hence a red colour. 

nigiru, to grasp. 

nigUf to run away. 


nigi, soft, tender. 

nigo, ' 

nikUf odious. Hence nikumu^ to hate. 

ntpa, a courtyard. 

mpa{ka)j suddenly. Perhaps connected with the next. 

nipij new. 

nipo^ the name of a bird, the widgeon. 

nipopu^ to be fragrant. 

nire, a species of elm. 

nirUf to boil (food). 

nirUf to resemble. 

nisi^ the west wind. In later times it came to mean simply 
west, without any reference to the wind. 

msiki, brocade. 

no, of. See na (7). 

nohUf to lengthen. Hence noboru^ to ascend, and nobosu^ to cause 
to ascend. 


nodo, tbe throat. From nomi-to, the drinkisg gate, as suggested 
by Japanese etymologists ? 

nodo(ka), soft, gentle. 

noki, the eaves of a house. Ki is here, as nsnally, probably the 
word for tree or wood. 

noku or sokUy to pnt aside. 

novii, only. 

nomu^ to pray, to worship. 

nomu, to drink. 

noriij to tell, to say. Hence nonto, the name of the Shinto rituals, etc. 

Tioru, to ride (on a horse, or in a boat). 

noti, afterwards. 

nu, a jewel. 

nUj to be. The existence of this verb, though highly probable, is 
not absolutely certain. The form from which it is most safely inferred 
is the often recurring gerund nite, 

nu or inu, to sleep. Nu seems to be the verb to sleep, and i the 
substantive sleep, as in yam-i si nasazu, I do not do a comfortable 
sleep, i.e., I cannot sleep quietly. If this view is correct, inu is really 
two words, thus i nu, lit. to sleep a sleep. In classical times the 
longer form was preferred as more elegant. In the colloquial of our 
day the i has again been cut off, in accordance with a general habit of 
the later form of the language. 

nu or no, a broad expanse of uncultivated land, a moor. 

nugu, to take off (clothes). 

nuka, the forehead. 

nt^u, to pull through (e.g. a string through a bead), to go through. 

nuno, grass-cloth. 

nupUf to sew, to stitch. 

nuru, to smear, hence to varnish. 

nnru, to get wet. 

nusa, offerings to the gods. 

nusumu, to steal. 

7iute, a small bell. 

nuye, the name of an apparently fabulous bird. 

nuzij a rainbow, 



0, that. (It occurs in oti, there, that way, a term corresponding to 
koti, here, this way, from ko, this ; the syllable ti is probably the same 
as the word meaning road.) 

obiyu, to take fright. 

oboini, to drown. 

obu, to bind round (the waist). 

odoro or osoro^ startling, frightening. 

okasu, to transgress : ayamati tco okasUf to make a mistake. 

oki, the offing, out at sea. Probably the same word as oku (8). 

oki or okti, lateness. 

okina, an old man. 

oko{napu)t to act, to behave. 

okom, to send hither (colloq. yokosii). 

oku, to place, to put (aside), hence sometimes to exclude. 

okUf to light or fall on, — as dew or hoar-frost. 

oku or okiy the recesses or farthermost part of any place, e.g. a 
mountain fastness, or an island far away from the mainland. 

oku^ to rise (especially from sleep). Hence the transitive okoiu, 
to rouse. 

okurUf to send (thither). Conf. oko9U. 

okurUf to remain behind, to be too late. 

omt, a grandee. Perhaps, as the Japanese literati suggest, from 
opo miy a great person. 

onto, a mother. 

amo^ the human face, the surface of anything. Hence probably, by 
apocope, mo, face, direction. 

omo, heavy. 

omopUf to think of, to love. Perhaps from omoy heav}% The later 
language has formed from this same omoy a verb omonzuru, lit. to make 
heavy, hence to think much of, to esteem. 

ono, self. 

opo, big, great, many, rough, vague, general. It would seem 
from the texts as if the sense of vague were the most ancient. 

opopUy to cover. 


opUf to pnrsne. 

opu, to carry on the back. 

opu, to grow, to spring into existence. 

orahUf to howl, to yell. 

ore, thou, an insulting term. 

on, regrettable. 

090, slow (physically or mentally), silly. 

osu, to push. 

oto, a sound, a noise. 

otu, to fall, to fail. 

oyazi or onazi, same. The first is the older form. 

oyobi, a finger. Hence modem yubu 

oyohu, to reach. 

c^y* to get old. Hence oya, a parent. 


(This heading includes all words beginning with/ or h in modem Japanese). 

pa, a feather, a wing. 

pa, the leaf of a tree. 

pa, a tooth. 

pa, the edge or extremity of anything ; hence the beginning, the 

pa, a thing, a person, that which. The classical and modern 
postposition wa is this word slightly disguised in pronunciation. 

2)a, each. 

pada, the surface of anything, especially the naked surface of the 
body. Hence perhaps padare, snow in patches. 

padu, to be ashamed. 

pagi, the lespedeza tree. The second syllable is probably the word 
hi, tree, as in so many other names of trees and plants. 

pagu, to flay. 

paka, a grave. The syllable ka probably means place. 

pakaru, to weigh ; to reckon ; hence to contrive, to plot. 


pako^ a box. Perhaps a compound, whose secoud syllable, ko, 
meaua basket. 

paJcu, to put on, to wear (ou the legs or feet), to gird on (as a 

pakii, to sweep. 

2)akUf to work. 

{paku occurs for kaku in the sense of fitting a string to a bow.) 

pamay the sea-shore. 

pamu, to put or to be inside something else, to insert, to immerse. 

pana, a flower, a blossom. 

panat the nose. Perhaps the mucous secretion of the nose, a sense 
which the word still retains, was the original sense. If so, is it not 
possible that this word may be identical with the preceding one 7 

pana-pada, very. 

paniy clay. Conf. ni, earth, showing that this word is probably a 
compound, though the pa is obscure. 

panu^ to sepai-ate. 

papa, a mother. This word is remarkable, for most languages 
possessing it or a similar one use it to denote, not mother, but father. 

jyapakiy the name of a tree, the Kochia scoparia. 

papaki, a broom. 

pape^ a fly. 

papUf to creep. 

papu^ to prosper. 

papurUf to bury. 

para, the belly. 

para, a moor, uncultivated ground. 

parara, an onomatope for being scattered about, e. g. boats on the 
waves, or leaves in the autumn breeze. 

pan, an alder-tree. 

pari, a needle, a pin. 

paru or paro, far, distant. 

paru, spring. Connected with the next ? 

pafu, to clear up, to clear away. Also to cultivate (?) 

jyaru, to stretch. 

paru, to stick. 


j)a8amu, to hold between two other tbiugs, e. g. between one's 
arm and one's body, or between a pair of pincers. 

pasi, beloved, dear. 

posit chopsticks. 

padf a ladder, a bridge. 

pasi, same meanings as pa, (4). But the syllable si remains unex- 
plained. Pazime, beginning, evidently belongs to the same gi'oap ; bat 
the syllables zinie are unexplained. 

pasira, a pillar. 

pasu or pasini, to run. 

pata, a loom, a flag. 

pata, a fin. 

pata, again. Appai'eutly a variant of vmta. 

pataru, to urge, to dun. Perhaps derived from the preceding. 

pati, a bee, a wasp. 

patisu, a lotus. 

jyato, a pigeon. 

patn, to finish. It is often used of a vessel concluding its voyage 
by coming into port. Possibly this was the original sense of the word. 

jtatu, first, earliest. 

patuka or waduka, only a little, trifling. 

paya, quick. 

payu, to grow, to lengthen. 

paza, a depression, an interval, a space. 
(paziy the name of a tree used for making bows. 
[pazu, a bow-notch. The existence of these two words would 
seem to indicate the former existence of a word pa, or of some word 
beginning with pa, meaning bow. 

pe, (be, rarely pi, hi, or mt), side, place, direction, neighborhood ; hence 
employed in almost endless special significations, such as the shore of the 
sea (pe tu nujni=i\ie waves breaking on the beach), out at sea (oki-be), 
the jyroic of a boat, a mountain district (yania-be), the top of any thing 
(U'pe, modern ue), the front, lit. edge-side of any thing, (ma-pe, modern 
vias), the evening, more lit. even- side (yupu-be), etc., etc. 

pe, a pot, a saucepan. Hence na-be, a pot for cooking food (na). 

pe, a clan. 

T«l. xTl.~34 


pe or puj a fold, a layer. 

pedatu, to separate. 

peru, to spin. 

pit suu, day, fire. It is uncertain whether pi meaniug fire is not 
a different word from pi meaning primarily sun and seoondarily day. In 
the meaniug of daytime there is also the form pini. But a comparison 
with yoru, night-time, shows the syllable f*u to be a suffix. The word 
kepu, to-day, is supposed by the native literati to stand for /ro, this, and 
pUf which would thus be an alternative form of ;;{', day, found also in 
kinopUj yesterday, the other syllables of which are obscure. 

pi, a weaver's shuttle. 

pi, ice. 

pi, a species oi conifer, the Thuya obtusa. 

]n, a conduit for water. 

pibaH, a lark. Probably a compound, but of what ? 

pibiku, to resound, to echo. Possibly a compound oipiku, to pall. 

pidari, left. 

pidi, the elbow. Oonf. piza, the knee. 

pidu or pidatu, to be wet. Hence pidi, mud. 

pikaru, to shine. 

piku, to pull, to draw. 

pima, an interval, — of space or time. Almost certainly a compound, 
as nm alone has the same signi 6 cation. 

2)imo, a string, a girdle. 

pina, the country, as opposed to the town. 

pipiragu, to smart. Hence pipiragi, holly. An onomatope ? 

pira, flat, level. Hence piraku, to open, for pira-aku, 

pire, a scarf, a veil, a banner. 

piripu, or piropu, to pick up. 

;>iro, broad; hence an arm's breadth, i. e.,afathom. Sameasptra,flat? 

pint, garlic. 

piru, a leech. 

pint, to dry (intrans.), hence to ebb. The corresponding transitivd 

is p08U, 

piru, to sneeze. 
pisa, long-lasting. 


pisagOf a gourd. 

pisi, the name of a plant, — the water-caltrop. 

pitapi, the brow, the forehead. 

pito, one, hence an individual, a person. 

pitit, a large box, a chest. 

piza, the knee. Conf. pidi, the elbow. 

pa, the top of anything, anything that sticks up or out, or that is 
en evidence, as an ear of rice, the top of a hedge, a love affair which 
has been bruited abroad, etc. 

po, a hundred. This term seems to be older than the more usual 
word momo, which it replaces in such oompoauds as i-po, five hundred ; 
ya»po, eight hundred. 

po, good and big. (But the interpretation is uncertain.) 

pOf or pi, fire. See pi (1). 

podo or pono, indistinct, vague, distant, a glimmering light, — as at 
early dawn. 

pogu, to carouse, hence to congratulate. 

poka, another place, elsewhere. Probably a compound, as ha 
alone means place. 

poko, a spear. 

pokoru, to be proud. 

pomu, to praise. 

porohu, to fall to pieces or into ruins. 

poru, to wish. 

pom, to dig, to carve. Hence pora, a hollow, a cave. 

pon, a star. The Japanese etymologists consider this word to be a 
compound oipo, fire, and iehi, stone. But is this likely ? There is no 
evidence to support their opinion. 

poeo, thin, slender. 

posu, to dry, See piru, to dry. 

poto, the vagina. 

potO'poto, almost. Connected with the next ? 

potori, neighbourhood. 

pototogisii, the cuckoo. The first three syllables are probably 
onomatopoetic. GLvt or gisi is a termination also found in kigieu or 
kigiii, the pheasant. Conf. also ugupisu, the nightingale. 


poyUf to bark. 

pUy a field. 

pu, to pass. 

2JU, to dwell. 

pudi, tbe wistaria-tree. 

puka, deep. Puku, to grow deep or dark (said of tbe nigbt), is tbe 
same word. 

puku, to blow. 

pukUj to tbatcb. 

pukumUf to contain, to enfold. 

pukuro, a bag. (From tbe preceding, or from tbe following ?) 

pukiirUy to swell. 

pimiti, to tread. 

pujin, a species of carp. 

puna or piinef a vessel of any description, — not only a sbip or boat, 
as in modern usage, but also a vat for liquor. 

piipwmu, to swell, — said of a bud about to burst. 

put-u, to fall, — said of rain, suow, bail, etc. 

purUf old. 

puru, to sbake, to tremble. 

puru, to toucb. 

piiru{mapn), to bebave. 

pusa, a falcon. 

^»*«-''"' I to obstruct. 

pussgu, f 

pus(apu)^ to suit, to agree. 

jDim, a join t, a kuot, — wbetber in tbe buman body or in any tbiug else. 

puaUf to lie down. 

pusuma, coverlet. (From tbe preceding ?) 

puta^ two. Formed from pUo, one, by means of vowel change^ 
Tbe numerals mUf six, and ya, eigbt, are derived iu like manner from 
mi, tbree, and i/o, four. 

puH, a deep pool or watery abyss. 

puto, great, good, sacred; beuce broad, stout, tbick. 

puye, a flute. 

puyu, winter. 



(This letter oaDDot oommeuce any really independent word.) 
ra or ro, a particle indicating vaguenees. Hence ra sometimes 

forms a sort of plural. 

rmii a verbal particle indicating appearance or probability. 

re, a suffix of uncertain meaning, found in such pronouns as are or 

xcare^ I ; nave, tliou ; hore, this ; kare^ that ; tare 1 who ? etc. The 

forms without re, such as a, wa, ko, ka, ta, etc., seem to be in all cases 

the older ones. 


sa, a hill, a pass. 

sa, narrow, small. 

ea, genuine ; hence often used as a kind of honorific and often 
merely expletive prefix. Another form is sane, 

sabu, to be old, hoar. 

sadamUf to settle, to decide. This word is not, as has been some- 
times asserted, drived from the Siuico- Japanese sata "^ U:. 

sade, a scoop, hence a hand-net. This word is not improbably a 
compound, of which the second member is te, the hand. 

saduku, to entrust, to give in charge. 

sagiy a heron, the Egretta candidissima. 

sag^i, to lower. 

Mka, a hill, whence aakasi, steep. Probably a compound of «a, 
narrow, and ka, a place, in allusion to the narrowness of the top of 
a pass or hill. 

saka, contrary, opposite to the right way. 

mka, cunning, wise. Perhaps identical with the preceding. 

saka or sake, rice- beer. 

sakapi, a frontier. Perhaps a compound of saka, hill, and apu, to 
meet, q. v. a range of hills forming the natural frontier where two 
districts meet. 

sakelni, to yell. 

saki, front, a protuberance. 

sapu, J- to hinder, to strike against. 


saku, to be happy, to succeed. The noun saki (also sati, and 
componnd satipapi, modern saiwai) means luck, success. 

Mku, to avoid. 

saku, to be parted, to rip open, to tear asunder ; hence to blossom. 

sakurUf the cherry tree. Perhaps derived from the preceding ^ord, 
as having been always considered in Japan the blossoming tree par 

sama, manner, fashion. 

samafyopu), to wander about. 

same, rain. See ama or anu, the sky, rain. 

mmUf cold. 

mns, see sa (8). 

sapa, many, much. 

h [t 

sape^ also. Apparently connected with «opu, to add. 
saptdurUf to twitter. 
sara, again. Same as mrat even ? 
sarasu, to expose to the action of air, light, or water. 
saru, an ape. 

mrUf to depart, to leave, to omit. 

sasa, an onomatope for whispering. Hence nasayakuy to whisper. 
9(MUf straight, direct. 
eaeu^ to pierce. 
9(uUj to close. 
sato^ a village. 

satOy quick of perception. Hence «atorii, to understand. 
eatu or sott, luck. 

saya^ an onomatope for a rustling sound. Hence sayoffu or nawagu^ 
to rustle, to make a noise. 
sawo^ a pole. 
saya^ a sheath, a scabbard. 

^ *].an onomatope for the rustling of leaves. Conf. eayagu, 

sayttf to be cold ; hence to be clear. 


sazakif a wron. 

set &D elder brother, a lover, a husband. In archaic times these 
ideas v^ere not clearly distinguished. Hence the fact of the same word 
being used for all three. 

se, a reach in, or the current of, a stream. 

seba or seniaf narrow, small. 

seku, to dam, to bar. 

semiy a cicada. Probably a Chinese word, for it is written with the 
Chinese chai*acter ^, which is itself pronounced sen, 

semu, to press upon, to harass. (Related to seba, narrow ?) 

siy the wind. It occurs iu such compounds as arasi, a rough wind, 
a tempest ; tumun, a whirlwind, etc., and in run and pigasi^ names of 

d, you. 

A, it. 

M, a particle having a slight separative force. 

n, a particle indicative of past time. Though used as the attribu- 
tive form corresponding to the conclusive particle ^, which has the 
same signification, it was probably at first a separate word, just as 
the various pai'ts of the English verb *< to be " are derived not from one 
root, but from three di£ferent roots. 

n, pure (?) — In the compound simidu, pure water. 

*i or sizi, thick, numerous. 

n6a, often. Probably connected with the preceding. Hence nma- 
rakUf some time. 

nba, a twig. 

nbi, a tunny-fish. 

nbomu, to close, to wither. 

sibuy dirty water ? a stain of mud ? The word has some such sense 
as this, but is obscure. It may be connected either with n6u, the 
juice or sap of a tree, or with nme, to stain, more probably with tb« 

gidarut to hang down. 

iidut quiet ; also poor. 

sidut beneath. Hence sidukii or tidumuy to sink. 

sige or nmt, dense, luxuriant. Said of vegetation. 


sifji, a woodcock. 
stgitrBj fiue rain. 

siko, rough, ugly, Boxneiimes brave. 
sikii, to resemble, to be as good as. Heuce nka^ thus. 
dku, to spread, to extend. 
sima, an island. 
«mo, hoar-frost. 
sinw^ below. 

si7nuj to soak in, to stain. 
si^nUf to shut. 

idmu, to fix on, to point out. Identical with the preceding? 
8i7Uif a difference in height, a grade, a gradation, a step. Hence in 
the later language, a quality, an article of commerce. 

' -^M to bend under a burden ; hence to grieve ; heuce to long 

' ^* I for. See sinu. 

sine, same as ina or ine, rice. 

smu, to falter and droop — ds a heart full of sadness ; to give way, 
hence to die. Sinapu, miupu or sinubUf to bend under a burden, to 
grieve, to long for, to love, and $inayu, to decay, are evidently from the 
same root. 

sinu or sino, bamboo-grass. 

sipUf last (adj.). 

sipif an acorn. 

uipo, salt, the brine of the sea. 

ifipu, to urge, to force. 

sira or siro, white. 

sire, silly. 

siri, behind, the rump. 

siro, an area, an enclosure. Hence, in the later language, a castle, 
also exchange, price : musiro, yasiro, etc., are compounds of this word. 

tiru, juice. 

siru, to construct, to know, to govern. This last meaning was 
probably derived at very early period by literal translation from the 
Chinese, where the same character ^ signifies both to know and to 


sisiy any large auimal which is hunted as game, — such as the boar 
and the deor. 

fsin, flesh. Probably identical with the preceding. 

sitaj the tongue. 

jrit^i, below, boneatb. CouL sidu, 

8U{apu)y to yearn after, to love. 

sitca, a wrinkle. 

siwe, an expletive somewhat resembling our phrase, well then ! 

so, hemp, a garment. 

so, ten. This seems to be older than the more usual term, to, ten, 
which it replaces in such compounds as vii-so^ thirty ; t-so, fifty, etc. 

so, that. 

so, gently. 

so or se, the back, behind. 

'soba, a kind of tree, supposed to be the modern kanami'tnochi, 
Photinia glabra. 

soko, also sokii, and soki, the bottom. 

soko, much. Hence soko-vaku, and soko-baku. 

soko-napUf to spoil. 

soku, to remove, to separate. 

soku, sogu, sosogu, susuyu, to pour, to purify by water, to clear. 

sojiiu, to dye. Conf. simu, to soak in, to stain. 

somu, to begin (intrans.). 

soji/apu), to provide, to complete. 

sopo, wet. 

sopo, vermilion (?). 

sopu, to be alongside of, to add. 

sora, the empty firmament ; hence the sky ; also emptiness, 

su, the extremity or lower part of anything. 

su, a mat or blind made of small bamboos. 

su, a saud-bauk. 

su, a nest, any small habitation made by an animal, e.g. a spider^s web. 

su, vinegar. 

suou or sumUf to control, to be chief. Hence sume^a, or sumerogif 


8uhu or suho, narrow, small. Couf. seba, 

sudakUj to swarm, — said of inseots. 

suga, believed to mean clear, pure. Conf. mmu (2). 

suga or siige, the name of a kind of rasb. 

siigi, the Cryptomeria japonica. Pi*obably a compound, gi being 
the nigori of ki, tree, and sumu or mgu meaning straight. 

sugu, to pass. 

mkif a spade. 

stikosi, a little. 

stiku, to help. 

sukuna, small. Conf. ntkon, a little. 

sukune, a title of nobility. 

sumif a corner. 

mmi, ink. Probably a secondary acceptation of the term sumi, 
charcoal, which does not happen to occur in the archaic texts. 

swmire, a violet. 

mmUf to dwell. 

sumu, to be clear, to be pure and limpid. 

sumu, sumi{yaka) or sugu, straight, straightway, speedy. 

sunapati^ namely, to wit. (Connected with the preceding ?) 

sune, the shin. 

supe or suhe, a way, a method. (From sum, to do, and pe, direction ?) 

sura, even (adv.), no less than. Same as sara, again ? 

su{ru), to do. 

suru, to rub. 

susahu, susamu, susugu or susumu, to advance or increase in degree, 
or in severity. 

mso, the lower border or hem of a garment. A compound of which 
the second part is so, garment ? 

susu, an onomatope for a rustling sound. 

susuki, the name of a species of perch, the Labrax japouicus. 

susuru, to sip. 

suwe, the end or extremity of anything. 

suwu or suyu, to set, to put. 

<iMtf, a small bell. 

suxume, a sparrow. 



ta, a field. — Not necessarily, as in modern parlance, a paddy-field. 

ta f who ? 

ta or te, the hand. — Very nnmerons compounds exist, e.g. ta-na- 
pira, the palm of the hand ; ta-mku, to save, lit. to hand-help ; ta-woru, 
to p!aok, lit. to hand-break ; fa-/rumi, a carpenter, lit. a hand-combiner, etc. 

tabif a time (nne fois). 

tabi or tapif a journey. 

taburu, to act funnily or absurdly. 

taday straight, direct ; hence only. 

tads, magwort. 

tadO'tado or tadu-tadu^ gropingly, uncertainly. Hence tadayopu^ 
to wonder. 

tadunu, to seek, to repair or resort to. 

tag{apu)j to di£fer. 

tagi or taki, rapids in a river ; hence a waterfall. 

taffirUf tagitUf to resound. 

tagupuy to accompany, to add. 

tdka^ a hawk. 

taka or take^ a bamboo. 

taka^ high. 

takaraf a treasure. 

take, manly vigor, courage. Hence takem^ a bandit. 

take, a mountain peak. 

takUf cloth made of paper mulberry bark (?). 

takUy to row or urge a boat on with every possible effort. — This* 
though not absolutely certain, is the interpretation given by the best 
native authorities. 

taku, to kindle, to light. 

taku or tagu, to tie, to bind up, — as hair. 

tama, a ball, a bead, a jewel. 

tama, the soul, the spirit. — Perhaps from the preceding. 

tama, chance, occasion. 

tamajni, to give. — Perhaps from tama, a jewel. Some forms of the 
word have b for m in the stem, as tabaru, to have given to one. 


tame, for the sake of ; in order. 

tami, a peasant. 

tamu, to go round. 

tamu, to be stagnant, to collect in one place. Probably connected 
^ith to7nUf to stop ? 

tana, a board to place things on, a shelf. 

tane, a seed. Also sane, 

tani, a valley. 

tanomu, to rely on, to trnst. 

tapa, a joke, nonsense. Hence tapapuru (colloq. tawamuni), to 

tape, cloth. 

tapi, a general name for several species of fish resembliog the 

tapu, to endnre, to sniTer. 

tapuru, to fall down, to die. 

tapum, to knock down, to kill. 

taputo, venerable. 

tai-i, a flagon, a jug. 

tan, a suffix apparently meaning person. It occurs in such com- 
pounds as mi-tan, three persons ; yo-tari, four persons ; Hcurtari ? how 
many persons? etc. Pito-ri, one person, and ptita-n, two persons, 
show this suffix in an apocopated form. 

tarn, to droop, to hang down. 

tani, to suffice. 

tan, joyful. 

tad'dasi, an onomatope for the rattling sound made by hail. 

tasimu, to grow luxuriantly. 

tata or tate, a shield. (From tatu, to set up ?) 

tatakii, to hitj to knock. 

tatamu, to fold, to pile up. — Hence tatami, a rug, later a mat. 

tatapu, to fulfil. 

tataru, to smite with a curse, to be revenged on. 

tati, a sword. 

tati, a pluralising particle, probably derived from the verb tatu, 
to stand. 


taH-matiy suddenly. Apparently an onomafcope. 

tatu or tadUf a crane (bird). 

tatu, a dragon. 

tatii, to stand np, bence to start on a jonmey ; also transitively to 
set up, to erect. 

tatii, to cut. 

tatu, to sbat. 

tawawa, tawaya, or tawoico, bending, weak. 

tayUy to slack, to relax. (Connected witb the preceding ?) 

tayu, to come to an end. ("Same as the preceding ?) 

teru, to shine. 

terUj to deal in, to sell. 

Hj the female breast, and the milk wbicb flows from it. 

ti, a kind of grass, — the Eulalia japonica. 

tif a thousand. 

ti or te, a road. Tbe modem mitt is this ti with the honorific 
prefi mi. 

tika, near. 

tikara, strength. 

tirUy to be scattered, to fall, — as blossoms flattering in the breeze. 

tisa, lettuce. 

titij a father. 

to, a door. — Hence probably ka-do, a gate, 

to, ten. 

to, sharp, quick. 

to, outside. 

to, that. — The adjective-pronoun that. Later the word to, like its 
English equivalent, became a conjunction. 

toga, a fault. — Heuce togamu, to find fault with. 

togu, to polish, to whet. 

togu, to accomplish. 

toki, time. — Perhaps toH, time ; toko, eternal ; and tvM or taku, 
the moon, are connected with each other. 

toko, or toki, lasting a long time, evergreen, eternal. 

toko, a sleeping-place, a bed. Identical with the next ? 

tokoro, a place. 


tokoro, the name of a creeping plaat, the Dioufcorea quinqueloba. 

toku or tukUf to light on, to arrive. * 

tokUf to loosen, to undo. 

tomo, the stern of a boat. 

tcfno, a party of people, a companion. 

tomod, scanty. — This seems to be the original sense, bat it is 
generally used by the earliest poets to signify enviable. 

tomom, to light. — Hence tomod-bi, a wick or candle. 

tomu, or todomUy to stop. 

tone, a government officer. — Mabachi derives this word from taneii, 
for to no morij a gate-keeper. 

toneri. See preceding word. 

tono, a palace. 

topoy distant. 

topu, to ask (after). 

topu or tobu, to fly. — ^Hence probably tub€uay wings. 

tora, a tiger. 

torif a bird. 

torn, to take. 

tote or tod, a year. — The Japanese literati derive this word from 
torn, to take, with reference to the taking or ingathering of the harvest. 

toton{opu), to be or to set in proper order, to adjast. 

toyo, plenty, lazuriauce, prosperity. 

toyo, an onomatope for noise. — Hence totfomu, to be noisy or 

tozi, a honsewife. 

tu, of. 

titorti, an"aaxiliary nnmeral" or '* classifier" (conf. one piecey^ 
two pUcey in Pi^jin-English), which is suffixed to the numerals proper, 
e.g. pitO'tu, one ; puta-tu, two ; yu-tu, five hundred ; fnomo-ti, a 
hundred, uho-ti, one form of the word five hundred. 

tu, a verbal particle which shows that the action is completely 
finished and done with. The Japanese commentators derive it by aphie- 
resis from patu, to finish. The gerund termination t^ is a form of this 
word tu, 

tu or to, a port, an anchorage. 


tiiba{ki)f the camellia- tree. 

tubara^ care, attentioD. — Said of ihonght bestowed on a subject. 
Native scholars coDsider tbis word to be a contraction of tumainrakaf 
clear, evident in every detail. Bat tbis is donbtfal, if only for tbe reason 
tbat tubara occurs in tbe earliest texts, wbereas tumahiraka does not. 

tubasa, wings. See topu^ to fly. 

tube, a jai*. 

tubuiiif to burst, to break. 

tubtisa, carefulness. Gonf. tubara. 

tud{opu)t to assemble, to crowd together. 

tuge, tbe boxwood tree. 

tudukUy to continue. 

tudund^ a drum. 

tudura, tbe name of a creeping plant. Supposed to be the 
Coculus thunbergi. 

tuga, tbe name of a tiee, the Abies tuga. 

tugu, to follow, to add, to supply. — Hence mi-tugij the (honourable) 
taxes. — Same as tudvku^ to continue ? 

tugUy to tell. 

tiLka^ a handle or hilt. Hence tukamu, to take hold of, to clutch. 

iiika, or tuki^ a mound, heuce a tomb. 

tukapUf to serve, to employ. Hence tukapif a messenger. 

tukasa^ a ruler. 

tuki, the name of a tree, probably the Zelkowa keaki. 

tuku or tuki, the moon. Gonf. toArt, time. 

tuku, to stick, to cling. 

ttiku, to pile up, — as earth; to pound, — as rice. 

tuku, to ram (with the horns), to thrust, to sting. (Identical with 
the preceding 9) 

tukUj to be finished, quenched. Hence tukum to exhaust, and 
tukasnif to be tired. 

tvkurUf to form, to make. 

tuma, the edge, or border of anything. 

tuma, minute, small. It occurs in such compounds as tumagi^ 
fire-wood ; tttmn-bara and tumahiraka^ minutely, dear and detailed. 
Possibly it is identical with the preceding word. 


twne^ the Dail, talon or hoof of any liviug creatai'e. 

tumif a sin, a crime. 

tumif a species of mulberry-tree. 

tumUf to Leap, to pack together. 

tumUi to pick, to pluck. 

tumuzi, a whirlwind. 

tura^ a rope. 

tmie, a constant habit, an invariable precedent, always. 

tunu or tuno^ a horn. 

tupt, a long time, at length. 

tura, a row, a line. 

tura^ unfeeling, unsympathetic. 

turn, to take as a companion. Hence ture, something occurring in 
connection with something else, the reason or cause of a thing. 

turu, to catch (fish), to angle. — Same as toi-u^ to take ? 

tui-u or tura, a string. 

tuingif a sabre. — Perhaps a compound signifying the wooden (ki) 
implement which is hung round the waist by means of a string (turn). 
But this seems hardly likely. 

ttUaj ivy. From the next ? 

tut{apu)t to be continuous, to hand along, to transmit. — The form 
tute also occurs. 

tiUi, the earth. 

tutOf a parcel. — From tut{apu), to transmit ? 

tutomUy to be diligent. 

tutu, a suffix expressing simultaneity. 

tvtumUf to enclose, to wrap up. — ^Hence tultmiy an embankment, 
a dyke. 

tutuzit the azalea-tree. 

tuwe^ a stick. 

tuyo, strong. 

tuyuy dew. 


u» a cormorant. 
u, a hare. 


II, a sbrub bearing a wbite blossom, — the Deaizia scabra. 

Uj tbe upper part, above. HeBce upa, upe, modern uye or iie. 

u, yes. Hence ube, an adverb of asseveration meaning it is natoral 

u, sad, dreary. 

Uf to get. 

jibara or ibara, a brambly bash. 

udakii, to roar, — said of the wild boar. 

mil, a family (name). . 

uxlura, a quail. 

tifiohuy to move. 

tu/upitu, the nightingale. 

Ilka, food. 

u/id, an ambush, spying. Hence uhami, a spy, and tikagapUt to 
pry into. 

uku, to receive. Hence probably ukepu^ to worship, to swear by. 

ukii, to float. 

uma, or ma, muma, a horse. The form nma is the most usual. 3/a 
seems to stand by apocope for ^una when the metre necessitates the 
retrenchment of a syllable. Nevertheless it can scarcely be doubted 
that the Japanese word is derived from the Chinese i% (^na), the animal 
itself having been introduced fi'om China or Korea apparently subsequent 
to the third century of the Christian era. It is a significant fact that the 
Ainos, who of course became acquainted with horses at a still later period 
and through intercourse with the Japanese, have adopted the Japanese 
word mna (pronounced by them wnma) to denote it. Similarly the 
Korean term is vial, also too like the Chinese to be considered 
independent of the latter. The case is throughout one of borrowing, not 
of coincidence. 

' nmad, good, honourable ; hence nice, pleasant. 

tune, a plum-tree. Probably from the Chinese 1^ met, the tree 
itself having almost certainly been introduced from China. 

tuni or ima, the sea. 

umu, to give birth to, to produce. 

umUj to spin. Possibly identical with the preceding. 

umu, to grow weary. 

Vol. ztL->36 


ujnUy to fill ap Avifcli earth. 

una or tine, the neck, the head, a ridge between furrows. 

um, (1) the back or hind part of anything, inside, the reverse ; hence 
the heart, the mind, divination of things nnseen, soothsaying. (2) 
Probably identical with the above is the sense of beach, sea-shore 
(sand of a bay, — not of any open place). From tira come such 
words as uranapu, to divine ; utagapti (for ura tagapu), to suspect, 

tire, the topmost twigs of a tree. 

ure, grief. Possibly from two. % 

uresif joyful. Possibly from ura, 

itm, or uro, silly. 

uru{pasi), delightful. Oonf. uru{popn), to moisten, to fertilise. 

ud, a bull, a cow. 

im, a master. The modern nmhi, properly n'tishiy is a contraction 
of 110 tishi, as Okuni-miski, the master of the great land (the name of a 
Shinto deity). 

usirOj behind, the back. 

U8U, to vanish. Hence U8i{napu), to lose. 

tisOf whistling. 

tmi, a mortar. 

iitakiy terrible, savage. 

utate, sorrow. 

tUi, inside. 

utOf unfamiliar, unfriendly. 

utu, to strike, to beat. 

^Itum* 1 ^^ remove. Also with initial i/, thus yiUuru, 

utii{tu), also icotiUu, actual, present, waking reality as opposed to 
dreams. Similarly iUu{8iki)f evident, utuiaipe), plainly, with single 

uwo, a fish. 

uwu, to be hungry. 

tiwu, to plant. 

iizi, a maggot. Conf. musit an insect. 

uzti, a head-dress. 


tea, something round, a circle, sarroondings, a wheel. Hence wada, 
a coil ; icadakamaru, to writhe. 

tva or tcare, I. Another form, used only by women, is warapa, 

wabu, to complain, to lament. 

waduka. See patuka, 

icadit{rapu), to be sick. 

icaka, young. Perhaps from wakni^ to spring forth. 

tcakif the arm-pit. 

icaku, to spring forth — as a fountain ; to boil (water). 

tca/ciiy to divide. Hence tcakai-u^ to be in a state of division, to be 

wakuraba, rarely, with difficulty. Evidently a compound, but of 

tcana, a snare, a pitfall. May not this be a contraction of tea ana, 
a circular hole ? 

icananaku, or tcononolcu, to tremble, to shudder. 

team, the name of a sea-monster, perhaps the crocodile. Some 
identify it with the shark. 

wara, straw. 

tcarabi, a kind of fern. 

waru, to split, to rive asunder. 

icasi, an eagle. 

rrasuru, to forget. 

wata, the sea. 

irata, cotton. 

watari. See nta^n, 

wataru, to cross (the water). 

trntasu, to put across. 

itawaku, to be in shreds. 

icaza, an action. Hence waza-papi, a calamity. 

tve ! an exclamatory particle. 

tcefju, the name of a kind of grass. 

wemu, to smile. 

ireim, to become intoxicated. 


wera-tcerdf an onomatope for joyoas smiles or laughter. 

weru, to make a hole, to cut into. 

m, a boai*. 

ar?', a well. 

icirUy to be iu, to dwell. See mi, 

mi/a, thanks, courtesy. 

wOf a man. 

wo, hemp ; hence a cord, string. 

wOf a hillock. Hence tvo-ka lit. a hillock-place, i. e., a hillock. 

ICO, a tail. 

wo, small. 

ivo! an inteijection corresponding to the English oh ! and occurring 
at the end of clauses. Its classical and modem use as a sign of the 
accusative case was the gradual development of later times. 

wodi, an old man. 

woko, foolish. 

tcoku, to beckoD. 

tcotnimi, a woman. 

tvomuna, an old woman. 

wono, an axe. 

wopu, to finish. 

wo7'oti, a serpent. 

ivot-u, to break. 

worn, to dwell, to be. Same as tou, q. v. 

wosi^ regrettable, precious. Hence ivodnm, to grudge. 

wosijm, to teach. 

tcoso, a lie, a falsehood ; also foolishness. The occurrence of tliis 
word is somewhat doubtful ; but the fact of its existence is rendered 
more than probable by the existence of the modern word tiso (for wiiso), 
having the same signification. 

worn, to eat, also to govern. Hence loosa, a chieftain ; whence 
again, also wosamu, to quell, to govern. 

woH, iDote, woto, there, the other or further side. 

tvotoko, a young man. 

wotame, a maiden. 

icoicom, probably to hang down. 


mCf to be io, to dwell. This original first eODJngation form, — mi, 
wi, we, etc., was already obsolescent in archaic times, being almost 
always replaced by tHm, foarth conjugation. Woru, a lengthened first 
conjugation form, is also to be referred to the simple mi. 

ya, a honse. Probably for wiya, from mi, to dwell. Hence 
probably yado, for ya-to, honse door, i. e., a dwelling, yadaru, to dwell ; 
ya-tii-ko, a slave, lit. a child of the house. 

ya, eight. 

ya, a particle of interrogation or donbt. 

yabuni, to break. 

yado, a dwelling. See ya, 

yaku, to burn. 

yama, a mountain, a hill, 

yami, total darkness. 

yamu, to cease. 

yamu, to be wounded, sick. 

yana, a weir. Conf. \canu, 

yanayi, or yayi, a willow-tree. Tbo termination gi probably means 
tree, as in so many other cases. 

yapa, smooth. 

yam, to send. 

yam, to tear. 

yam{sik%)j easy-going, pleasant. 

yam, easy, at ease. 

yasiinapu), to take care of, to feed. 

yasti, to grow thin. 

ya-ya, gradually. Probably an onomatope. 

ye, a branch — of a tree or of a river. 

ye, forced labour. Some plausibly derive it from the Chinese 
yeki or yakii tl. 

ye or yo, good. 

yemisi, the barbarian aborigines of Japan. 

yeni, to choose. 


yo, life, ago, a geueratiou, beuce tbe world. 

f/o, night. Hence yo-in, (also yu-pu) lit. night-day, i. e., evening. 

2/0, four. 

yo ! ob I 

yohUy to call. (Derived from tbe preceding ?) 

yodo, a slaggish place in a stream, an almost stagnant carrent. 

yodUf to climb. 

yokOf athwart, crosswise. 

yoku^ to set aside, to avert, to escape. 

yomi, yonw, Hades. Gonf. yami, total darkness. 

yomuy to count. Probably identical with yolm, to call. . 

yoro(du), a myriad. 

yorokobUf to rejoice. Conf. ye (8). 

yorosi, good. Conf. y« (8). 

yoru, to approach, to lean on, to rely on. Hence the pai'ticle 
yon, meaning owing to, since, from. 

yosif manner, facts, circumstances. 

yoso{pu), to deck, to attire. 

yosori, dependence, reliance. (Connected with yaru, to rely ?) 

yom, to bring together, to collect. Conf. yoiii. 

yowUf weak. 

f/te, from. Connected with ^om ? 

yu, a bow. It is probably this word which we have in the 
compoand ma-yu or via-yo, eyebrow, literally eye-bow. F«mi, a bow, 
is an alternative form. 

yUf hot water. 

yuka, a floor. 

yukif snow. 

yuku, to go. 

yuine, a dream. It is also written yome, and may possibly be a 
compound of yo^ night, and me, the eyes. 

yumUf to shun, to avoid. 

yupu, wool. 

t/ttptt, evening, Perhaps from yo-pi, lit. night-day. 

yupu, to. tie. 

yura, or ytmij loose, pliable, unstable. 


yurif also yu and yo^ after. It seems ancertain whether this is an 
independent word, or only a variant of yori, since, from, owing to, 
derived from yoru, to rely. 

yuri, a lily. 

yurusu, to slacken hold of, to allow. 

yiUa^ plenty. 

yut{apu), to move or float slowly ahout, to wave or rock. 

yuwe, or yowe, the reason owing to which anything happens. 

yuyusi, nnlacky, awful, — e. g. the abode of a deity. 

zi, a verbal saffix signifying improbability, especially improbability 
in the future. 

zo, an emphatic particle. 
zuj a negative suffix. 

m)\ 4 189C 


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Printed at The " Hakubun$ha," No. i, ShichQme, Gin2a, T5ky5. 



Salt Manufacture in Japan. By A. E. Wileman i. 

Indo-Chinese Tones. By E. H. Parker 77. 

The Particle Ne. By W. G. Aston 87. 

"/a Review of Mr. Satow's Monograph on The jfesuU Mission 

Press in Japan^ 1591 — i6io. By B. H. Chamberlain gi. 

KThe Gobunsho or Ofumi of Rennyo ShOnin. By James Troup. . • zoi. 
'tThe Theory of Japanese Flower Arrangements. By Josiah 

Conder i. 

A Grave-Stone in Batavia to the Memory of a Japanese Christian 

of the XVII Century. By Rev. A. F. King 97. 

The Japanese Legal Seal. By R. Masujima 102. 

Minutes of Meetings v. 

Report of Council xi. 

Abstract of a Lecture on Sanitation in Japan. By W. K. Burton. xvi. 
Abstract of a Lecture on the Hygienic Aspects of Japanese 

Dwelling- Houses. By Dr. J.N. Seymour , xvii. 

List of Members xxii. 



Tokyo, October loth, 1888. 

A General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the 
Nobles' School, Toranomon, Tokyo, on Wednesday, loth October, 
1888, at 4 p.m. The Rev. James L. Amerman, D.D., occupied the 

The names of the following new members were announced : H.E. 
Don Pedro de Carrfere, Spanish Charge d * Affaires ; Mr. G. Jamieson, 
H.B.M.'s Judge at Yokohama; Mr. E. W. Clement, Chiba; Rev. George 
Eaves; Rev. C. W. Green, Hakodate; Rev. E. S. Booth, Mr. F. 
Trevithick, and Rev. J. C. C. Newton, resident; and Rev. Thomas 
Marshall, St. Louis, U.S.A., nonresident. 

It was announced that Mr. James Troup, H.B.M.'s Consul at Yoko- 
hama, had been unanimously requested by the Council to become Vice- 
President, and had accepted the office. 

The lecturer for the afternoon. Professor W. K. Burton, of the Im- 
perial University, then addressed the meeting, illustrating his Lecture 
on Sanitation with diagrams and models. 

Tokyo, November 14th, 1888. 

A Genera] Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held on 
Wednesday, November 14th, 1888, in the rooms of the Geographical 
Society of Japan, NishikonyachO, Tokyo. The President, the Rev, 
Dr. Amerman, occupied the chair. 

The minutes of the last meeting, having been published in the Japan 
Mail, were taken as read. 

The Corresponding Secretary announced that M. Burty, of Paris, 
one of the most valued foreign members of the Society, had written 
asking for information concerning tattooing, and also concerning the 
marks used by the printers and editors of engravings. He suggested 
that some resident member of the Society should take up this subject, 
which, in Europe, has long received its share of attention,— nletails to 
be gleaned chiefly from merchants and experts. 


The President, in announcing the resignation of his predecessor, 
Mr. W. G. Aston, whose state of health necessitated his leaving the 
country, expressed what must have been the regrets of all members of 
the Society in losing the active services of one whose name is familiar 
to every student of Japanese. He had reason to believe, however, that 
Mr. Aston would continue to take a warm interest in matters pertaining 
to the Society, and to make, should health permit, other valuable con- 
tributions to the Society's Transactions. It was his further duty to read 
the following extract from the Minutes of the last meeting of Council : 
— '* To fill the vacant office of President, the senior Vice-President, Dr. 
Amerman, was elected unanimously. Dr. Divers was also unanimously 
elected to fill the Vice-Presidentship vacated by Dr. Amerman. A 
ballot for the vacancy in the Council caused by Dr. Divers ' election 
resulted in the election of Major-General Palmer, R.E.'* 

In the absence of the proposer, the discussion of Dr. Divers * proposed 
addition to the Society's rule relating to the election of members was 
postponed to the next general meeting. 

Mr. A. E. Wileman, of the British Consular Service, then presented 
his paper on •* Salt Manufacture in Japan." 

The President, having expressed the indebtedness of the Society to 
Mr. Wileman for his very valuable contribution to the Transactions, 
declared the meeting adjourned. 

Tokyo, December 12th, 1888. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the . 
Geographical Society's Rooms, Nishi-Konya-ch5, TGky5, on Wednes- 
day, December 12th, 1888, at 4 p.m. Rev. Dr. Amerman, President, 
occupied the chair. 

The minutes of last meeting, having been published in the Japan 
Mailf were taken as read. 

The Corresponding Secretary announced the election of Messers. J.E. 
de Becker and R. Kirby as members of the Society ; also the removal of 
the Society's stock of Transactions to a godown belonging to the British 
Legation, which Mr. Trench had kindly put at their disposal ; and the 
publication of the Catalogue of the Society's Library, copies of which 
would be obtained on application to any of the Council. 

After a short discussion, the following addition to Rule V. in the 
Society's Rules was put to the vote and passed unanimously : — *' It shall 
be open to any member joining the Society after the 30th June in any 
year, to postpone his active membership until the first of January in the 
following year, or to pay his subscription for the current year, receiving 
in the latter case the volume of the Society's Transactions containing 
papers read previously to the jotb June." 


A paper on ** Ne " by Mr. W. G. Astoni was then read by Mr. 

A paper by Mr. E. H. Parker on " Indo-Chinese Tones " was present- 
ed with a few explanatory remarks by the Rev. J. Summers, but, because 
of its very technical character, was not read. 

The President, after expressing the thanks of the Society to the 
authors of the papers presented, declared the meeting adjourned. 

Tokyo, January i6th, 1889. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held in the 
rooms of the Geographical Society of TOkyO, Nishi-Konya-cho, Tokyo, 
on January i6th, i88g. The Rev. Dr. Amerman,. President, occupied 
the chair. 

The minutes of last meeting, having been published in the Japan Mail, 
were taken as read. 

The election of F. T. Piggott, Esq., and T. G. Carson, Esq., as mem> 
bers of the Society was announced. 

The President then called on Mr. Chamberlain to read his Review of 
Mr. £. M. Satow's ** Monograph on the Jesuit Mission Press in Japan 
from 1 591 to 1610." 

Dr. Seymour then gave a lecture on " The Hygienic Aspects of 
Japanese Dwelling Houses." 

After the discussion, the President, having conveyed the thanks of the 
Society to Mr. Chamberlain for his paper and to Dr. Seymour for his 
lecture, declared the meeting adjourned. 

Tokyo, February 20th, 1889. 

A general meeting was held in the rooms of the Geographical Society, 
Tokyo, on Wednesday, 20th February, 1889, at 4 p.m. 

The President, Rev. Dr. Amerman, occupied the chair. 

The Minutes of last meeting, having been published in the Japan 
Mail, were taken as read. 

The election of Mr. F. Dietz, Yokohama, as an ordinary member, and 
of Mr. M. Tomkinson, Mayor of Kidderminster, as a life-member, was 

Mr. Troup then read a paper on " The Gobunsho or Ofumi of Ren- 
nyo ShOnin." 

The President, after thanking the author for his valuable communi- 
cation, declared the meeting adjourned. 

( Viii ) 

Tokyo, March 13th, 1889. 

Mr. Conder's paper on "The Theory of Japanese Flower Arrange- 
ments " was illustrated by numerous drawings, which were hung round 
the room for the inspection of the ladies and gentlemen who attended 
the meeting. 

After the reading of the paper. Captain Brinkley said that he 
considered this paper of Mr. Conder's one of the most interesting as 
well as the most valuable ever contributed to the Society's Transac- 
tions. The Flower System of Japan was perhaps the only branch of 
her art in which few, if any, traces of foreign origin could be disco- 
vered. They knew that Japan owed much to China, and perhaps to 
Korea also, in respect of art industries, though the exact extent of 
her debt remained to be determined. She herself habitually ac- 
knowledged that she had borrowed from Korea ; but foreign students of 
her art were at a loss to discover adequate cause for this acknowledge- 
ment. The specimens of Korean art preserved with greatest care 
by Japanese dilettanti certainly did not deserve to be classed with 
the exquisite objects usually regarded as t3rpical of Japanese artistic 
genius. The former were rude, homely affairs, generally misshapen, 
always betraying technical incompetence, and never relieved by any 
really graceful or artistic feature. Yet the Japanese treasured these 
unattractive specimens, and pointed to them as prototypes of their 
own incomparably more gifted achievements. By the Koreans, on 
the other hand, a different standard was set up. Squalid, unenter- 
prising, and in many respects degraded as the people of the peninsula 
were to-day, there could be no doubt that at one time they had 
stood on a very much higher plane of civilization. Since the open- 
ing of their country to foreign intercourse, we had learned that, five 
or six hundred years ago, they were second only to China in some 
important branches of art industry, and that the men of that era 
manufactured and used articles of great technical excellence. Several 
of these articles had been seen by, or had come into the possession 
of, foreign amateurs. They showed that, whatever Japan had really 
learned from the neighbouring kingdom in past centuries, she cer- 
tainly had not learned to appreciate what the Koreans accounted their 
own master-pieces. Even if she had, however, she would have acquir- 
ed nothing of her Flower System, for of that there was not the most 
rudimentary trace in the whole field of Korean art, so far as we know* 
From China, on the other hand, she had undoubtedly obtained both 
instruction and inspiration. The germs of many of her most charming 
conceptions might be traced to the Middle Kingdom, though it had 
remained for her to develop them into the beautiful forms familiar to 
modern collectors. Yet, even while making this admission, it was 
necessary to qualify it by observing that Japan's debt to China was 
chiefly of a technical character. China's principal title to fame lay 


in technical excellence. The Chinese artist-artisan had always loved 
to set himself apparently impossible tasks of manual dexterity and 
skilled experience. He possessed none of the light, graceful elements 
of Japanese artistic genius. Mr. Conder had laid bare the very root 
of the matter when he said that linear beauty was the Japanese ideal* 
In the Occident, linear beauty was not unappreciated, though our per- 
ception of it ranked second to our love of colour. But in China colour 
was everything. Just as the Japanese called the cherry the king of 
flowers, not more for the sake of its blossom *8 delicate tinge than for 
its graceful sweep of branch and beauty of contour, while the Chinese 
gave the first place to the peony, a blaze of grand colour on a 
shapeless, mean-looking^ plant, so where the Chinese keramist revelled 
in wonderful monochromatic, or rich polychromatic glazes, the Japan- 
ese would be found decorating sober surfaces with sketches that ap- 
pealed to the poetic rather than the decorative instinct. It was 
scarcely to be expected, therefore, that the origin of the Japanese 
Flower System should be found in China. And, indeed, looking 
thorough the numerous sketches placed by Mr. Conder in t]ie hands of 
the meeting, only one distinctly Chinese element could be traced. That 
was the well known hanakago, or flower-basket, which figured so 
largely in the decorative art of the two empires. It was an interesting 
object, the hana-kago. Two hundred and fifty years ago, when the 
Japanese were first beginning to manufacture enamelled porcelain in 
Hizen, the Dutch merchants, who then had a factory in the island 
of Hirado, found that the new ware was not sufficiently brilliant for 
purposes of exportation. They explained this defect to the Japanese, 
and these, apparently just as ready then as they are now to adopt 
a suggestion, submitted several designs for the approval of the Dutch. 
Among the designs thus submitted, the head of the factory, Wagenar, 
is said to have chosen the hatia-kago and a certain grouping of peonies. 
Thenceforth the hana-kago figured largely on exported porcelains, and 
soon made its appearance upon the faience of Delft also. Mr. Conder 
had told them that, when the Flower System was first inaugurated in the 
days of the Regent Yoshimasa, this particular form of kago was 
recommended as a graceful and suitable vase for arranging blossoms, 
and that considerable numbers of the kago were imported for the 
purpose. Had the Chinese, then, designed it ? There was difficulty 
in believing so, for the shape of the kago strongly suggested a Grecian 
origin. That it had been known and used in China for a long time 
was, however, certain. He had seen a painting by a Chinese artist of the 
Yuan Dynasty — circ. A.D. 1350 — representing a girl carrying in her hand 
the conventional hana-kago. At all events, whether the hana-kago was a 
purely Chinese conception, or whether its provenance had been Grecian, it 
was the only distinct affinity between China and Japan in respect of the 
Flower System. Mr. Conder had implied that the origin of the Flower 

( X ) 

System was religious, — ^that it belonged to a class of arts developed nnder 
Buddhistic influences. Yoshimasa, its founder, who lived at the close of 
the fifteenth century, had had recourse to priestly aid in all his artistic 
efforts. In establishing the Cha-no-yu cult, with which his name would 
always be associated, he had derived instruction and direction from the 
priest Shukd. But if Buddhism gave this beautiful Floral System to 
Japan, why did it not do as much for the countries where it had previ- 
ously flourished as a national creed, China, Korea, Ceylon, and India ? 
Why had the religious influence tended in such a direction in Japan 
alone ? The point seemed of great interest, since we were dealing with 
what appeared to be an essentially Japanese branch of Japanese art, and 
he hoped that Mr. Conder would tell the meeting whether his researches 
had incidentally thrown any light on the real origin of the System. 

Mr. Conder, in reply, stated that, as his knowledge of the subject 
was derived from books — comparatively modern books — alone, he could 
not venture on an authoritative answer to the question of origin raised 
by Captain Brinkley. Many indications, however, seemed to confirm 
the opinion ^that Buddhism was the originator of the floral art in Japan. 
The idea at the root of it seems to have been the preservation of plant 
life, an idea which the Buddhist reverence for animal life would natur- 
ally lead on to. It is also to be observed that the more ancient, that 
is the stifler and more crowded, arrangement of Japanese bouquets, still 
obtains in many Buddhist temples. With regard to the kago^ or flower- 
baskets, all he could say was that, not only was their origin ascribed by 
the Japanese themselves to China, but that a Chinaman is said actually 
to have come over to Japan for the express purpose of instructing the 
Japanese in the art of making such baskets. 

The Chairman remarked that, in any case, so great a civilising agent 
as Buddhism might be the prime motor or starting-point for many such 
arts as that of the arrangement of flowers, even if it had not actually 
suggested the details. Religion was associated with almost every act of 
social life. So, as we had just learnt from the author of the paper, was the 
arrangement of flowers. It was not to be credited that the first should 
not have aflected the second. The history of the influence exercised in 
Europe by Christianity on the arts teaches us that this is what to expect. 
In closing the meeting, the Chairman thanked the author in the name of 
the Society for his learned and interesting paper, which would, he felt 
sure, prove to be one of the most valuable contributions ever made to the 
Society's ** Transactions.*' The meeting then adjourned. 

Tokyo, June igth, 1889. 
The annual meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan ^as held on 
Wednesday, June igth, 1889, in the Theological Hall, Tsukiji, the Rev. 
Dr. Amerman, President, in the chair. 

( xt ) 

The minutes of last meetiog» having been published in the yapan 
Mailf were taken as read. 

In the absence of the Corresponding Secretary, the Recording Secre- 
tary intimated the election of Messrs T. Wassilief, Lazenby Liberty, 
Charles Holme, F.L.S., and Viscount Akimoto as members of the 

The Council's Report for the past session was then presented, as 
follows : — 

Repokt of the Council for thb Session, 
October, z888 — June, i88g. 

Once more the Council of your Society comes before you to render an 
account of its stewardship, and is happy to be able to report that the 
Society's affairs are in a satisfactory condition, as evidenced by the 
Treasurer's statement (Appendix C), showing a clear balance of $750 on 
the credit side. Seven general meetings of the Society have been held 
during the Session which now closes, and at these meetings one lecture 
was given and eight papers read, — papers of which the list given in Ap- 
pendix A will serve to show that they treat of a remarkable variety of 
subjects, some belonging to the field of the student and the specialist, 
others (as Mr. Wileman's paper on *• Salt Manufacture in Japan ") in- 
troducing us to a knowledge of more practical matters having relation 
to the commercial concerns of the country whose institutions and whose 
thoughts, as expressed in literature and art, it is the object of the Asiatic 
Society to elucidate. More especially to be noticed, as breaking new 
ground, is the translation of that medisval Buddhist Scripture, the *' Go- 
bunsho," by our late Vice-President, Mr. Troup, and — turning, from 
the austere to the graceful — Mr. Conder's elaborately illustrated paper 
on " Flower Arrangement," a Japanese art which has no parallel in the 
West. The first part of Vol. XVII. of the "Transactions" is already 
published. The second part, consisting of Mr. Conder's paper and of 
those read to-day, is in the printer's hands, and will be issued during the 
summer recess. We have also been occupied in reprinting some of the 
earlier volumes, for which there is a steady demand by non-members, 
complete sets of the Society's "Transactions" being frequently pur- 
chased by tourists. Vol. V., Part 2; Vol. VI., Part i ; and Vol. VII., 
Parts I and 2 have thus been reprinted during the current year. During 
the coming session a certain portion of the Society's income must be 
devoted to the same object. 

Twenty new members have joined the Society since October last. On 
the other hand, there have been a few resignations, and one most lamen- 
table loss to the Society by death. We allude to His Excellency, Mori 
Arinori, Minister of Education, formerly the representative of the Im- 
perial Japanese Government at Washington, and later in London, who 
perished by the assassin's hand at the very moment when his country- 


men were celebrating the granting of the new Constitution on the nth 
February of this year. 

During the past year the Library Catalogue has been completed and 
printed. The books and manuscripts are still deposited in a room lent 
by the authorities at the Gakushuin. 

Among the new exchanges received during the year are the Transac- 
tions of the Oriental Society of Germany from the date at which our 
Society commenced, and the Transactions of the Anthropological Socie- 
ty of Paris for the same period. The Presentations were Revista do 
Observatorio of the Imperial Observatory of Rio de Janeiro; Catalogue 
of the Museum of Rio de Janeiro ; Annual of the observatory of Takuba- 
ya, Mexico ; Moths of India, 4 parts, by the Indian Government ; the 
Zoology of Victoria, 16 parts, with plates by F. McCoy, presented by 
the Government of Melbourne ; three brochures on New Guinea, &c., by 
H.H. Prince Roland Bonaparte ; and an attempt towards an Interna- 
tional Language, by Dr. Esperanto, presented by the translator, Henry 
Phillips, Esq., Jun. 

The Report having been adopted, the President called on the Rev. 
A. F. King to read his paper on '^A Gravestone in Batavia to the 
Memory of a Japanese Christian of the seventeenth Century." 

The President, having expressed the thanks of the Society to Mr. 
King for his interesting note, called upon Mr. Masujima to read his 
paper '* On the yitsuin or Japanese Legal Seal." 

After some questions had been asked by the members present, and 
answered by Mr. Masujima, the President conveyed to the author the 
thanks of the Society for his very valuable paper. 

The meeting then proceeded to elect the Officers and members of 
Council for the coming Session with the following result : — 
President — Rev. Dr. Amerman. 

Vice-Presidents — Dr. E. Divers, F.R.S. and G. Jaraieson, Esq. 
Corresponding Secretary — B. H. Chamberlain, Esq. 
Recording Secretaries— Dr. C. G. Knott, F.R.S.E. and W. J. S. 

Shand, Esq. 
Treasurer— J. M. Dixon, Esq., F.R.S.E. 
Librarian — Rev. J. Summers. 

Councillors : 
Rev. Dr. Cochran. W. Dening, Esq. 

Rev. Dr. Eby. J. H. Gubbins, Esq. 

J. KanO, Esq. R. J. Kirby, Esq. 

Rev. Dr. Macdonald. R. Masujima, Esq. 

Major-General Palmer. Rev. W. Spinner. 

Appendix A, 


A Lecture on *' Saniution ** with special reference to Japan^by ProC 
W. K. Burton. 

" Salt Manufacture in Japan," by A. E. Wileman, Esq. 

*' Indo-Chinese Tones," by E. H. Parker, Esq. 

"The Particle JVf," by W. G. Aston, Esq. 

" A Review of Mr. Satow's Monograph on Tke yesuit Mission Press 
in yapan, 1591 — 16 10, by B. H. Chamberlain, Esq. 

" The Gobunsho or Ofumi, of Rennyo Sh6nin," by James Troup, Esq. 

" The Theory of Japanese Flower Arrangement,*' by Josiah Conder, 

" A Grave-stone in Batavia to the Memory of a Japanese Christian of 
the XVII. Century," by Rev. A. F. King. 

*' The Japanese Legal Seal," by R. Masujima, Esq. 

Appendix B, 
List of Exchanges. 

Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia ; Proceedings. 

Academy of Sciences of Finland (Acta Societatis Scientiarum Finnicae). 

Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India ; Journal. 

American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal. 

American Chemical Journal. 

American Journal of Philology. 

American Geographical Society, New York; Bulletin and Journal. 

American Oriental Society, New Haven ; Journal. 

.American Philological Association., Boston ; Transactions. 

American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia ; Proceedings* 

Annalen des K. K. Natur Hist. Hofmuseum, Wien. 

Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 

Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien ; Mittheilungen. 

Asiatic Society of Bengal ; Journal and Proceedings. 

Australian Museum, Sydney. 

Bataviaasch Genootschap ; Notulen. 

Bataviaasch Genootschap ; Tidjschrift. 

Bataviaasch Genootschap ; Verhandelingen. 

Boston Society of Natural History ; Proceedings. 

Bureau of Ethnology, Annual Reports, Washington. 

Bureau of Education, Circulars of Information, Washington. 

California Academy of Sciences. 

China Review ; Hongkong. • 

Chinese Recorder ; Shanghai. 


Cochinchine Francaise, ExcuniooB et Reconnaisances, Saigon« 

Cosmos ; di Guido Cora, Turin. 

Canadian Institute, Toronto ; Proceedings and Reports. 

Geographical Survey of India ; Records. 

Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada. 

Handels Museum, Wien. 

Harvard University, Museum of Comparative Zoology ; Bulletin. 

Imperial Russian Geographical Society ; Bulletin and Reports. 

Imperial Society of the Friends of Natural Science (Moscow): Section 

of Anthropology and Ethnography, Transactions. 
Japan Weekly Mail, Yokohama. 
Johns Hopkins University Publications, Baltimore. 
Journal Asiatique, Paris. 
Kaiserliche Leopoldinische Carolinische Deutsche Akademie der Natur- 

forscher ; Verhandlungen, Nova Acta. 
Mittheilungen des Deutschen Gesellschaft fur Natur-und V&lkerkunde 

Ostasiens, Tokyo. 
Mittheilungen des Vereins fur Erdkunde zu Leipzig. 
Mittheilungen des Ornithologische Vereins in Wien. 
Mus^e Guimet, Lyons, Annales et R^vue, etc 
Museum of Comparative Zoology, Cambridge, Mass. 
Numismatic and Antiquarian Society, Philadelphia. 
Oesterreichsche Monatsschrift fiir den Orient. 
Observatorio Astronomico Nacional de Takubaya, Annario Mexico. 
Ornithologischer Verein in Wien. 
Ofversigt af Finskap Societen. 

Observatoire de Zi ka-wei ; Bulletin des Observations. 
Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain ; Journal, etc. 
Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay Branch ; Journal. 
Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch ; Journal and Proceedings. 
Royal Asiatic Society, China Branch ; Journal. 
Royal Asiatic Society, Straits Branch ; Journal. 
Royal Dublin Society, Scientific Transactions. 
Royal Geographical Society ; Proceedings. 
Royal Society, London ; Proceedings. 
Royal Society, New South Wales. 
Royal Society of Tasmania. 
Royal Society of Queensland. 
Scottish Geographical Magazine. 
Seismological Society of Japan ; Transactions. 
Smithsonian Institute, Washington D. C. ; Reports, etc. 
Sociedad Geografia de Madrid ; Boletin. 
Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Boletin, Lisbon. 
Soci^t^ Acad^mique Indo-Chinoise, Saigon. 
Soci^t£ de Geographic ; Bulletin et Compte Rendu des Stances, Paris. 


Soci^tj des J^tudes Japonaises, Chinoises, etc., Saigon. 

Soci^t€ d'Anthropologie de Paris; Bulletins et M^moires. 

Soci^t^ d'Ethnographie, Bulletin, Paris. 

Soci^t^ Neuchateloise de Geographic, Bulletin, Neuchatel. 

Society des Etudes Indo-Cbinoises de Saigon ; Bulletin, Saigon. 

Sydney, Council of Education, Report, Sydney. 

United States Geological Survey. 

Zeitschrift der Deutscben morgenlandiscbe Gesellschaft, Halle. 

Appendix C. 

The Asiatic Society in Account with J. M. Dixon. 


To Printing Expenses at the Hakubunsba 9383*35 

To Printing Expenses with R. Meiklejobn & Co. 172.28 

To Illustrations of Paper 60.18 

To Library Expenses 60.00 

To Rent of Rooms 8.00 

To Current Postal Expenses 57.13 

To Balance in Hand 977*37 

Total »i,9i8.3i 


By Balance from last year 9458.96 

By Sale of Transactions 440-35 

By Subscriptions of resident Members 690.00 

By Subscriptions of non-resident Members 42.00 

By Subscriptions of Life Members 192.00 

By Entrance Fees 95.00 

Total Ii ,9 18*3 1 

C. D. West, \ a^^u^^^ 
J. N.Seymour, p"^*^®"- 

17th June, 1889. 
x8tb June.^-Casb since received — 

By Subscriptions $26.00 

Liabilities since discharged — 

To Messrs. R. Meiklejobn & Co. for printing Vol. 

XVL, Part HL, etc »i83.ia 

To Illustrations of Mr. Conder^s paper 54*40 

Leaving an actual clear balance of $765-85 on June 19th, 1889. 

J. M. Dixon. 




ON ** Sanitation." 

Tokyo, October loth, 1888. 

The subject of '* Sanitation,'* he said, was a very wide one, and one 
that could by no means be fully treated of in one lecture ; moreover, he 
was only able to consider it from one point of view, namely that of an 
engineer. He would, therefore confine himself to certain branches of 
the subject. 

He considered that the greatest mistake that was made in looking at 
the question of the sanitation of such a town as Tokyo, lay in consider- 
ing that the actual ordure was the whole of the sewage or even the 
greater part of it. As a matter of fact, the ordure, in European cities, 
and probably in Japanese also, formed only a small fraction of the 
sewage, or decomposing matter that had to be got rid of, — ^scarcely the 
most offensive part, and certainly the most easily dealt with. There 
were a dozen ways of getting rid of the ordure alone. The manner at 
present employed was wrong only in detail, not in principle ; but to get 
rid of the 15 or 16 gallons per head of population, that there will be, 
even in all Japanese towns, when there is a new water-supply, along 
with all the filth that it carries with it, is a problem easy in no large 
city, particularly difficult in the case of TokyO. It can, however, be 
done, but not, the writer considered, by any other method than that of 
the construction of a complete set of sewers on the principle now always 
adopted in Europe. That is to say, on the principle of having sewers 
no larger than is just necessary, laid with great ease, in straight lines 
between manholes, and with ample ventilation. 

The question of disposal was also a difficult one, and the lecturer 
hoped before long, to see experiments made to discover if it would not 
be possible to apply the liquid sewage to rice-fields in the form of 
irrigation. Even if the sewage were not actually beneficial, as long as 
it did no actual harm, the problem of disposal would be solved. At 
present the liquid sewage stagnated in ditches, or leaked from them into 
the ground, which it contaminated, and from which the wells were, in 
turn, contaminated. 

The lecturer remarked that the refinement in sewerage would call 
for a refinement in house-drainage. As long as there was no effici- 
ent sewerage system, there was no need for a carefully worked out 
house-drainage system; but good sewers called for a good house- 
drainage system, because, if the house-drainage system was so defective 

( xvii ) 

that the sewage remained in deposit long enough to reach the sewers 
already in a state of decomposition, the benefit of the well-constructed 
sewers was greatly lost. 

A house-drainage system of the most modern description was describ- 
ed by the aid of models and diagrams. The lecturer said that the 
objects to be borne in mind in designing such a system could almost be 
summed up in three words, — ** self-cleansing, disconnection, and acces- 
sibility.*' He ended by saying that he hoped to see, before long, a 
system carried out in this city, whereby the liquid sewage, which is now 
not only wasted, but is disposed of in such a manner that it may almost 
be said that TokyO rests on a dung-heap, may be carried rapidly out of 
the town and be applied to the land, where, even if it does not do any 
great good to the growing crops, it will be harmlessly disposed of. 

In answer to a question, the lecturer stated that he did not anticipate 
the possibility of draining TGkyO, without resorting to pumping to 
enable the sewage to be carried by gravity to the land, and that, al- 
though properly constructed open channels might be looked on as 
sewers with the very greatest possible amount of ventilation, he con- 
sidered that, on account of various reasons, covered channels, ventilated 
at intervals, were preferable. 

Dr. Divers, whilst agreeing in the main with all that the lecturer 
had said, thought that the differences in the manner of life of the 
Japanese and of Europeans were so great that it was scarcely possible 
to argue that, because the larger portion of the solid material of sewage 
in European towns was other than ordure, the same was the case here. 
He thought that the lecturer had overestimated both the dangers likely 
to arise from the ** liquid sewage,'* and the use that it might be to the 
land. Still he admitted that a sewerage system was a necessity in such 
a town as Tokyo. 


Hygienic Aspects of Japanese 

Tokyo, January i6th, 1889. 
A slight acquaintance with Japanese houses, such as many foreigners 
are content with, is apt to lead one to the conclusion that they are good 
to look on and not to live in, and that the advice of Lord Bacon, to " let 
use be preferred before uniformity, except where both may be had,'* 
merits special attention in this country. Before venturing to criticise 
Japanese dwellings, however, we should first form definite conclusions 
as to those essential qualities which make a house a healthy and desira- 
ble habitation. Thus, there is the question of site ; of protection against 
excessive heat, cold, and moisture ; of ventilation and sewage removal ; 

( xviu ) 

and, generally, the question of the purity of the air. To have absolutely 
pure air in an occupied room is impossible — respiration, fires, lights, 
etc., being necessary pollutions ; but evidently the impurity should not be 
so great as to be perceptible, either as closeness or bad smell, to a person 
entering from the fresh outside air. It has been estimated that a person 
must be supplied with about 3,000 cubic feet of fresh air per hour. In 
a room of 600 cubic feet — the minimum allowance for the English sol- 
dier — the air must be renewed 5 times every hour. But to ventilate 
such small rooms without causing draughts is very difficult. In a 
Japanese room, say 8 feet in height, one mat represents about 150 cubic 
feet ; so that no one should be contented with less than four mats. At 
night time, when the room is used for sleeping in, the doors and win- 
dows are all closed, and there is no chimney to act as a ventilating shaft. 
That such a room is habitable at all is due to its airiness if not draught- 
iness. The shoji and karakami never fit close ; the very paper of the 
shoji, even if not torn, is quite pervious to air ; between the plaster walls 
and posts considerable crevices exist ; the flooring below the mats is 
badly constructed ; and so on. It is only because of the extreme airiness 
of a Japanese room that the hibachi or charcoal brazier can be tolerated ; 
for the sole merits of the Japanese heating apparatus are its simplicity 
and great convenience. In winter, when it is especially needed, a 
Japanese puts on very warm clothing in the house, and keeps his feet 
warm by sitting on them. Thus a small hibachi suffices. If foreign 
habits were adopted, and the temperature raised to what we consider 
comfortable, the hibachi from its size would certainly become injurious, 
giving off more noxious carbonic oxide than even the draughtiness of a 
Japanese house could sufficiently neutralise. Of the foreign methods of 
heating a room, which are now being introduced into Japan, the open 
fire- place is generally considered to be the most healthy. The heating is 
by radiation through the air, and the products of combustion are carried 
up the chimney, which also serves as a ventilator. The objections to the 
fireplace, namely, that it is insufficient for a large room, and that it pro- 
duces little heat for a large consumption of fuel, are not of serious im- 
port when small rooms are considered. With stoves, again, in which the 
room is heated by convection, the air becoming hot as it flows past the 
surface, the air becomes dry and oppressive, and there is great difficulty in 
maintaining an equable temperature. There are slow combustion stoves 
free from this defect ; but the merits of the inferior and usual sorts are 
not manifestly greater than those of the hibachi. Then there are small 
kerosene stoves exposed now for sale. These are small and handy, and 
would probably be superior to the hibachi. In the day-time the heat of 
the sun may be greatly utilised ; and the substitution of glass for paper in 
the shdji^ or the setting up of extra glass shoji'yxx&i inside the amado, is 
very effective in heating a room in the colder mouths. The direct rays 
of the strong summer sun can be kept out altogether by means of a 


narrow projecting ledge, or may be broken by the shade of deciduous 
trees. The lighting of a Japanese room is thoroughly suited to Japan- 
ese modes of life, but of course is not so well adopted to foreign uses, 
such as sitting on chairs, and writing or reading at high tables. The 
necessity for these and other heavy pieces of furniture in a foreign house 
springs originally from the need of having a clean place to sit on or 
sleep on. But in a Japanese house, the whole floor is elevated, clean, 
dry, and comparatively soft. Whether we derive more comfort from 
our sofas and chairs than the Japanese do from their mats, must be a 
matter of mere conjecture. The objections usually urged against sleep- 
ing on the floor are prevalence of cold draughts, accumulation there of 
carbonic acid gas because of its great density, and the up-flow of noxious 
vapours from the ground. The third objection can hold good only on 
the ground floor ; the second is purely theoretical and has not been 
proved to be generally valid ; while of the first it may be said that 
draughts do not enter below the kara-kami as they do below a European 
door. The inflammability of a Japanese house is a serious drawback. 
This can be obviated by building in brick or stone. For shops this 
might be done ; but to substitute brick or stone walls for the pillars and 
shoji of a dwelling house would be to deprive it of its characteristic 
airiness, and, unless chimneys were at the same time added, would 
render it stufl'y and ill ventilated. I conclude, then, that a Japanese 
house is on the whole admirably suited to Japanese life. It is small in 
cost, beautiful in appearance, and may be very healthy. Its chief 
defects can be easily remedied. The boarding of the floor should be 
made more close- fltting ; ventilating panels should always be inserted 
in the amado ; a really good stove might be introduced with advantage ;* 
the ceilings should be made higher, and more attention paid to 
space; and the drainage should be well looked to. The general 
character of the house does not need alteration. But if a foreigner, in 
using it, retains his foreign habits, he has no right to condemn it. If he 
clothes himself lightly, sits on a chair, and makes a large fire in a hibackit 
he has no right to find fault with the house because he suffers from 
headache or cold feet. If he uses a high table, he must not condemn 
the lighting ; and if he cumbers the room with furniture, he is not justi- 
fied in decr3dng the want of space. The Japanese, too, have need of 
great caution in introducing foreign features into their houses. The ad- 
visability of any contemplated change should be well pondered. Before 
discarding the old, they should assure themselves of its inferiority ; before 
adopting the new, they should satisfy themselves as to its superiority or 
adaptability. They should *' prove all things, and hold fast that which 
is good.'* 

Dr. Baelz said : — I am very glad to hear Dr. Seymour express 
such a favourable opinion of Japanese houses, for I myself have long 
bad the same opinion. Some ten years ago I lectured on the subject, 

( XX ) 

and came to the conclusion that a Japanese house is, in this country, 
to be preferred to a foreign house. There would indeed be great 
danger in adopting a foreign-built house built into the ground, instead 
of the Japanese house, the great advantage of which is that it is built 
over the ground. We have an example of the bad effects of such solidly 
built houses in the poor health of those Japanese who live in godowns. 
If there were a complete and thorough drainage system, I should of 
course prefer a more solid style of building ; but in the present circum- 
stances everything tells in favour of the Japanese house. Thus there 
is distinctly more illness amongst foreigners living in stone or brick 
than amongst persons, both foreign and Japanese, living in wood or 
frame houses. The prime cause of this is the excessive humidity of 
the atmosphere, which penetrates the pores of the brick or stone, and 
remains there. On very moist days the walls get wet, and are only 
half dried when they get wet through and through again. The presence 
of shrubs or trees close to a brick house makes bad worse. Every such 
bouse should be as much exposed to the sun as possible. I have known 
cases in which removal to a frame house at once brought recovery and 
health. If we could only invent some means of keeping the pores of 
the bricks free of moisture and of letting air pass freely through, it 
would be a great thing .... The great airiness of a Japanese 
house is its safeguard. The kibachi could not be used in a foreign- 
built house as it is in a Japanese one ; and the great overcrowding in 
Japanese houses does not seem to lead to the ills we should expect. 
It is quite common to find 4 students living on 6 mats ; and I have 
come across cases in which there was not even a mat apiece to the in- 
habitants of a house. A very striking fact, which speaks well for the 
general healthiness of a Japanese house, is the remarkably small in- 
fant mortality. This is a fact which is not generally known — indeed 
the very opposite has often been stated as the truth : but there is no 
doubt that Japan can show the smallest infant mortality on record. 
As regards the introduction of stoves into Japanese houses, there is 
one kind which I should like to see in more general use. It is made of 
pumice, and is quite free from the bad features of most iron stoves. 
Its beat is soft and genial. The room may be made quite comfortable, 
and yet the stove itself is never too hot ; you may sit upon it without 
discomfort . . . The Japanese no doubt is very clean in everything 
in which he has been brought up to be clean ; but not in everything ac- 
cording to the foreigner's standard. It is notorious how difficult it is to 
train a new servant to keep a foreign house clean. Then the tatami of 
a Japanese house look very nice and clean ; but lift up the edge of one 
and look beneath. It is just terrible ! But here again we have the safe- 
guard in the pure air that is always entering the house. To a busy, 
industrious life, the Japanese house is not well-suited. Industries can- 
not thrive, and wealth cannot accumulate, if there is a constant dread 

( xxi ) 

of being burnt out. There are other distinct drawbacks,— for example, 
the necessity of taking off the boots on entering a house ; but these 
drawbacks are not so bad as many foreigners would make them out 
to be, or as some Japanese seem to think. 


HONORARY Mbmbbrs. 

Alcock» Sir Rutherford, k.c.b., Athenaeum Club, London. 

Arthur, W. Rear- Admiral, c/o Messrs. Hallett & Co., Trafalgar Square. 

Aston, W. G., M.A., Villa Malbosc, Grasse, Alpes Maritimes, France. 
Day, Prof. Geo. E., Yale College, New Haven, Conn., U. S. A. 
Edkins, Rev. Joseph, d.d., Shanghai. 
Franks, A. W., British Museum, London. 
Nordenskjold, Baron A., Stockholm. 
Rein, Prof. J. J., Bonn-am- Rhein, Germany. 
Satow, Ernest M., c.m.g., Montevideo. 
Syle, Rev. E. W., d.d., Surbiton, Surrey, England. 
Wade, Sir Thomas F., k.c.b., Athenaeum Club, London. 
Whitney, Prof. W. D., New Haven, Conn., U. S. A. 

Life Members. 
Anderson, f.r.c.s., W., St. Thomas' Hospital, London. 
Bisset, P.L.S., c/o Messrs. A. J. Macpherson & Co., 5 East India Avenue, 

London, E. C. 
Brown, Captain A. R., Clevelands-Parkston, Dorset, England. 
Burty, Ph., 11 bis, Boulevard des Batignolles, Paris. 
Carson, T. G., Bamfield, Coleraine, Ireland. 
Cooper, B.A., LL.B., C. J., Bromwich Grange, Worcester, England. 
Dillon, E., 13 Upper Phillimore Gardens, Kensington, London, S. W. 
Dixon, M.A., Rev. William Gray.Warrnambool, Victoria, Australia. 
Fearing, D., Newport, Rhode Island, U. S. A. 
Flowers, Marcus, National Union Club, Albemarle Street, London, W. 

Gowland, W., 12 Wilmslow Road, Rusholme, Manchester, England. 
Hall, Frank, Elmira, Chemung Co., New York. 
Holme, C, f.l.s., London. 

Kinch, Edward, Agricultural College, Cirendester, England. 
Liberty, Lazenby, London, England. 
Lyman, Benjamin Smith, State Geological Survey Office, Philadelphia, 

Pa., U. S. A. 
Maclagan, Robert, 9 Cadogan Place, Bclgrave Square, London. 

( xxiii ) 

Marshall, Rev. T. St. Louis, U. S. A. 

Napier, H. M., Glasgow, Scotland. 

Olcott, Colonel Henry S., Adyar, Madras, India. 

O'Neill, John, Trafalgar House, Faversham, Kent, England. 

Parker, E. H., British Consulate, Shanghai. 

Tompkinson, M., Franche Hall, near Kidderminster, England. 

Ordinary Members. 

Akimoto, Viscount, TokyO. 

Amerman, d.d.. Rev. James. L., 19 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Andrews, Rev. Walter, Hakodate. 

Arrivet, J. B., Koishikawa, Kanatomi-cho, Tokyo. 

Atkinson, B.8C., R. W., Cardiff, Wales. 

Baelz, M.D., £., Imperial University, TokyO. 

Baker, Colgate, Kobe. 

Batchelor, Rev. J., Hakodate. 

Bickersteth, Right Reverend Bishop, 11 Sakai-chO, Shiba, TokyO. 

Bigelow. Dr. W. S., 6 Kaga Yashiki, HongO, TokyO. 

Bonar, H. A. C, British Legation, Tokyo. 

Booth, Rev. E. S., 178 Bluff, Yokohama. 

Brandram, Rev. J. B., Kumamoto. 

Branns, Prof. Dr. D., Halle University, Germany. 

Brinkley, r.a., Capt. Frank, Nagata-chO, TokyO. 

Brown, Jr., Matthew, 6 Yokohama. 

Burton, W. K., Imperial University, TokyO* 

Carrere y Lembeye, Don Pedro de, Spanish Legation, Tokyo. 

Center, Alex., 4-A Yokohama. 

Chamberlain, B. H., 19 Daimachi, Akasaka, Tokyo. 

Clarke-Tbornhill, T. B., British Legation, TokyO. 

Clement, E. W., Mito. 

Cochran, d.d., Rev. G., 13 Higashi Toriizaka-machi, Azabu, Tokyo. 

Cocking, S., 55 Yokohama. 

Conder, J., 13, Nishi Kon-yacho, KyObashi, Tokyo. 

Cruickshank, W. J., 35 Yokohama. 

Dautremer, J., French Legation, Tokyo. 

De Becker, J. E., 142 Bluff, Yokohama. 

Dening, Walter, 15 Masago-cho, HongO, TOkyO. . 

Dietz, F., 70 Yokohama. 

Divers, m.d., f.r.s., Edward, Imperial University, Tokyo. 

Dixon, M.A., F.R.S.E., James Main, 85 MiyOgadani, Koishikawa, Tokyo. 

Du Bois, Dr. Francis, c/o Brown, Shipley & Co., London. 

Duer, Yeend, Shanghai. 

Eaves, Rev. Geo., x8 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

( xxiv ) 

Eby, D.D., Rev. C. S., i8 Kasumi-cbO, Azabu, Tokyo. 

Ewing, B. sc, F.R.S., J. A., University College, Dundee, Scotland. 

Fardel, C. L., Victoria School, Yokohama. 

Favre-Brandt, J., 145 Bluff, Yokohama. 

Fenollosa, Prof. E., 6 Kaga Yashiki, HongO, Tokyo. 

Eraser, J. A., 143 Yokohama. 

Gardiner, J. McD., 40 Tsukiji, TokyO. 

Gay, A. O., 2 Yokohama. 

Georgeson, m. sc, C. C, Komaba, Tokyo. 

Giussani, C, go-B Yokohama. 

Glover, T. B., 53 Shiba Sannai, TokyO. 

Goodrich, J. K., 2 Yokohama. 

Green, James, xi8 Concession, Kobe. 

Green, Rev. C. W., Hakodate. 

Greene, Rev. Dr. D. C, Kyoto. 

Gregory, G. E., i Hikawa-cho, Akasaka, TokyO. 

Gribble, Henry, 66 Pine Street, New York. 

Griffiths, £. A., British Legation, TOkyO. 

Gring, Rev- Ambrose D., c/o Danifel Gring, Lancaster, Pcnn., U. S. A. 

Groom, A. H., 35 Yokohama. 

Gubbins, J. H., British Legation, TokyO. 

Hall, J. C, H.B.M.'s Consulate, Shanghai. 

Hannen, N, J., Judge, H.B.M.'s Consulate, Yokohama. 

Hardie, Rev. A., Gakushiiin, TokyO. 

Hattori, IchizO, Educational Department, Tokyo. 

Hausknecht, Dr. E., Imperial University, TokyO. 

Hellyer, T. W., 210 Yokohama. 

Hering, Dr. O., 28 Hirakawa-chO, 5 chOme, KOjimachi, TokyO. 

Hepburn, m.d., ll.d,, J. C, 245 Bluff, Yokohama. 

Hinton, C. H., Victoria School, Yokohama. 

Hubbard, Hon. R. B., U. S. Legation, TokyO. 

Hunt, H. J., 62 Concession, Kobe. 

Irwin, R. W., 5 KiridOshi, Sakae-chO, Shiba, TokyO. 

Isawa, S., Educational Department, Tokyo. 

James, F. S., 142 Yokohama. 

James, Capt. J. M., 416 Minami Bamba, Shinagawa, Tokyo. 

Jamieson, G., H.B.M.*a Consulate, Yokohama. 

Jaudon, Peyton, 2 Sannen-chO, TokyO. 

Kanda, Naibu, Imperial University, TOkyO. 

KanO, J. I FujimichO, i chOme, KOjimachi, TokyO. 

Keil, O., 12 Yokohama. 

Kenny, W., British Consulate, Yokohama. 

Kirby, J. R., 8 T«ukiji. TokyO. 

Kirkwood, M., NakanachO, Azabu, Tokyo. 

Knott,, F.R.S.B., Cargill G., Imperial University, Tokyo. 

( XXV ) 

Knox, Rev. Dr. G. W., 27 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Lambert, E. B., KyOto. 

Larcom, A., c/o Foreign Office, London. 

Lay, A. H., British Legation, TOkyO. 

Lindsay, Rev. Thomas, Cambridge, England. 

Lloyd, Rev. A„ KeiOgijiku, Mita, TokyO. 

Longford, J. H., British Consulate, Kobe. 

Lowell, Percival, 40 Water St., Boston, Mass., U. S. A. 

Macdonald, Dr. D., 5 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Macnab, A. J., NishikObai-chO, Surugadai, TokyO. 

MacNair, Rev. T. M., Meijigakuin, Shirokane, TokyO. 

Malan, Rev. C. S., West Cliff Hall, Bournemouth, England. 

Marshall, Prof. D. H., Queen's College, Kingston, Canada. 

Masujima, R., 55 Zaimoku-chO, Azabu, Tokyo. 

Mayet, P., 12 Yamashiro-chO, KyObashi, Tokyo. 

McCauley, Rev. James, 15 SankOzaka, Shirokane, Tokyo. 

Meik, C. S., Hokkaido-cho, Sapporo, Yezo. 

Michaelis, Dr. G., 11 Sanai-zaka, Ichigaya, TOkyO. 

Miller, Rev. E. Rothesay, Morioka, Iwate-ken. 

Milne, f.o.s., f.r.s., John, Imperial University, TokyO. 

Morse, W. H., 178 Yokohama. 

Munter, Captain, Shanghai. 

Nakamura, Prof. M., 11 Edogawacho, Koishikawa, Tokyo. 

Newton, Rev. J.C.C, TokyO. 

Odium, E., Coburg, Ontario, Canada, 

Palmer, Maj. Gen. H. S, R.B., 41 Imai-chO, Azabu, Tokyo. 

Piggott, F. T., 2 Ichibei-machi, Azabu, TOkyO. 

Phinkett, k.c.b.. Sir Francis c/o Foreign Office, London. 

Pole, Rev. G. H., 9 Concession, Osaka. 

Quin, J. J, British Consulate, Nagasaki. 

SanjO, K., SannenchO, TokyO. 

Satow F. A., 7 Nagata-cho, Tokyo. 

Scriba, Dr. J., Imperial University, Tokyo. 

Seymour, m.d., J. N., 15 MasagochO, HongO, Tokyo. 

Shand, W. J. S., 49 Yokohama. 

Shaw, Ven. Archdeacon, 13 ligura, Roku-chOme, Tokyo. 

Smith, C. C, Singapore. 

Soper, Rev. Julius, 15 Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Spencer, Rev. J. O., Aoyama, TokyO. 

Spinner, Rev. W., Z2 Suzuki-chO, Surugadai, Tokyo. 

Stone, W. H., 28 Katamachi, ligura, Azabu, Tokyo. 

Storrs, C. B., Orange, New Jersey, U. S. A. 

Summers, Rev. James, 33-a, Tsukiji, Tokyo. 

Takaki, Dr., zo NishikonyachO, KyObashi, TOkyO. 

Thomas, T., 49 Yokohama. 


Thompson, A. W.» i8 Tsukijt, TokyO. 

Thompson, Lady Mary, Cliff End House, Scarborough, England. 

Trench, Hon. P. Le Poer, c/o Foreign Office, London. 

Trevithick, F. H., Shimbashi Station, TokyO. 

Troup, James, 19 Gordondale Road, Aberdeen, Scotland. 

Tsuda, Sen, Shimbori, Azabu, Tokyo. 

Vail, Rev. Milton S., Minami-machi, Aoyama, TokyO. 

Van der Heyden, m.d., W., General Hospital, Yokohama. 

Van der Pot, J. J., Netherlands Minister, i Shiba, Kiridoshi, Tokyd. 

Waddell, Rev. Hugh, 26 Ichibeimachi, NichOme, Tokyo. 

Wagener, Dr. G., 18 Suzuki-chO, Surugadai, Tokyo. 

Walford, A. B., zo Yokohama. 

Walsh, T., Kobe. 

Walter, W. B., i Yokohama. 

Warren, Rev. C. F., Osaka. 

Wassilief, T., Imperial Russian Legation, TokyO. 

Watanabe, h.b., H., Imperial University, Tokyo. 

Watson, £. B., 46 Yokohama. 

West, M.A., C.E., Charles Dickinson, Imperial University, Tokyo. 

Whitney, m.d., Willis Norton, U. S. Legation, Tokyo. 

White, Rev. W. J., g-A Tsukiji, TOkyO. 

Whittington, Rev. Robert, Azabu, TOkyO. 

Wileman, A. £., British Consulate, Yokohama. 

Wilson, Horace, Mechanics' Institute, San Francisco. 

Wilson, J. A., Hakodate. 

Winstanley, A., 50 Yokohama. 

Woolley, W. A., Salisbury Club, St. James' Square, London. 

Wright, Rev. Wm. Ball, Dublin, Irdand. 

Wyckoff, M. N., 41 Shimo Takanawa-chO, Tokyo. 

Yatabe, b. sc, R., Imperial University, TokyO. 


,f.r<D co,^ 


FEB 18 1890 ; ZZT/rg 







Salt Manufacture in Japan. By A. E. Wileman z 

Indo-Chinese Tones. By E. H. Parker 67 

The Particle Ue. By W. G. Aston 87 

A Review of Mr. Satow's Monograph on "The Jesuit Mission Press in Japan, 

X591— 1610.". By B. H. Chamberlain 91 

The Gobunaho or Ofumi, of Rennyo ShSnin. By James Troup loi 

Yokohama, Shanghai, Hongkong & Singapore : Kelly & Walsh. L'd. 

Tokyo. — The Hakubunsha. — Z. P. Maruya & Co. L'd. 

London : Trubner & Co. — Paris : Ernest Leroux. 

Leipzig & Berlin : K. F. Koehler*s Antiquarium. 

>(; APRII«, 1889. 



The Hakubunsha, Printers, No. 1, Shichome, Ginza, Kybhashi-ku, Tokyo. 






By a. E. Wileman. 

{Read i^h November, 1888). 

The first question which naturally arises when consider- 
ing the subject which heads this paper is, from what source 
do the Japanese derive their supplies of salt ? 

In England and other European salt producing countries, 
tKere are, as is generally known, three sources of supply 
available, namely : — 

1. Brine springs. 

2. Rock Salt Mines. 

3. Sea Water. 

In Japan, however, the two former are conspicuous only 
by their absence, and cannot be regarded as instrumental 
to any extent in contributing to the wants of the thirty eight 
millions of population inhabiting it. Their requirements 
in this respect are met by the evaporation of sea water in 
Bup°r*^* °^ the numerous salt gardens, or salterns, scattered 
along the coast, which provide a means of liveli* 
hood for many thousands of labourers. 

The Salt Industry in Japan, therefore, is confined ex- 
clusively to the littoral, offering, in this feature, a striking 
contrast with the same industry in England where large inland 
districts, notably in Cheshire and Worcestershire, are 
monopolised by Salt Works established for the extraction 
of Salt from the extensive salt mines and brine springs 
existing there. From these two latter sources the purest 
salt known in commerce is obtained, and it is all the more 
a matter for regret that they do not occur in Japan to a 


sufficiently large extent to render the working of them 
remunerative. The only allusion that I have been able to 
find referring to Rock Salt Mines in this country is con- 
tained in a volume of Government statistics for last year, 
where mention is made of a small mine situated in the 
province of Iwashiro. From this an average annual yield 
of some twenty koku (=59.260 cwts) is obtained so that it 
is, evidently, only on a very small scale. 

In view of the fact that inland resources for the manu- 
facture of salt in Japan are of so scanty a nature, it is 
certainly a matter for congratulation that it has, at any 
rate, an inexhaustible supply of material available in the 
sea surrounding its coast line on all sides. Nature has 
here made ample amends for her shortcomings in othej 

A glance at the following figures contained in the 
Government statistics previously referred to, which, • I 
may mention, are compiled under the supervision of the 
Statistical Bureau, will give some idea of the enormous 
development of the Japanese coasts, thus offering a 
large scope for the prosecution of salt manufacturing 

Lineal Area in Ri= 

English Miles. 

CoMt Line of Honshu . 


. 4,880 

Shikoku . 

.. ■ ... 451 

• 1,127 




Hokkaido or Yezo 

583 - 

• 1.457 








38 . 











Ogasawara or Bonin 

s ... 60 

. ■ 150 

Chijiitia or Kuriles 

613 .. 

• 1.532 

Various Islands 


. 17.586 

Total . 

12,250 ri = 

30,635 miles 


From the preceding figures the interesting fact is gathered 
that the total lineal area of the Japanese coasts is 12,250 
ri, equivalent to 30,635 miles. 

It should not be assumed that the whole of this extensive 
coast line is suitable for salt making, as many circumstances 
concur to render a large proportion of it useless for this 
purpose ; such as, for example, the mountainous conforma- 
tion of the shore which would obviously offer a natural 
obstacle to the laying out of salt fields, or, again, unfavour- 
able climatic conditions which would defeat all attempts at 
a profitable manufacture. For the latter reason the whole 
coast line of the most northern parts of Japan, namely the 
Hokkaido (or Yezo) and the Kurile Islands, amounting to 
1,196 ri, or 2,989 miles, may be eliminated from the pre- 
ceding list as being totally unfit for the site of salt 
gardens, owing to the rigorous climate which distinguishes 
this part of the country during many months in the year. 

Salt making, therefore, does not extend beyond the limits 
of the island of Honshu, and Aomori situated in its nor- 
thern extremity may be taken as the terminal point of the 
industry in the North. Travelling southwards from here, salt 
producing districts are met with in greater numbers, until 
they reach their culminating point in the South-western 
provinces of the Island of Honshu, in what may be termed 
the Worcestershire and Cheshire of Japan— the 
in^cc"n?re"ifJ^®^^^ Endcn,— Or Salt Fields of the Ten Pro- 
J?P*^'^'^*"^'*'*vinces. Here is situated the true focus of the 
industry' and in this region it was that, many 
centuries ago, the manufacture of salt, by very much the 
same method now employed, had its origin, according to 
tradition in the district of Ako, in the province of Harima. 

The names of these Ten Provinces, which are justly cele- 
brated throughout the country for the large area of their salt 
fields and for their capacity of production, are as follows : — 
The most easterly province, Harima, is 
jjjP°*{.*j°° p^°[ situated just outside the limits of the Seta 
™*!*"*^'^"' Uchi, or Inland Sea, on the shores of which all 

names. ' ' 

the other nine provinces lie. 


Next in order, running down the coast come Bizen, 
Bichu, BingOy Aki, Suwo and Nagato. These six pro- 
vinces, together with Harima and one more inland 
province Mimasaka, compose one of the eight large circuits 
into which Japan is divided, namely, the SanyOdO or 
Mountain Front Circuit. 

, Another name applied to this circuit, together with the 
contiguous one of the Sanindd, is Chugoku or the Central 

There now remain three more provinces to complete the 
half score. These are lyo, Sanuki and Awa, situated in 
the Island of Shikoku. They form part of the Nankaidd 
or Southern Sea Circuit. 

The representatives of the salt industry in 
thf *T^"* Pro- *^^®® "^^^ Provinces were one of the first, 
vinccs. amongst all the other industries in Japan, to 

organise a guild for the furtherance of their 
common interests. This guild, which was established 
on a firm basis for the first time some thirteen years 
ago, although existing previous to that in a more or 
less disorganised condition, is called the Jisshu Enden 
Kumiai Kwai, or the Salt Guild of the Ten Provinces. 
The regulations which have been framed for its guidance 
will be found given in extenso further on in this report, 
and there will be some remarks to offer upon them in 
connection with complications which have lately arisen 
amongst the members from the various provinces com- 
posing it. 

By Article 33 of these regulations the Ten 

th?*Guiw' °' Provinces are divided into nine districts, each 

under the control of a district office, and these, 

in their turn, are supervised by a Central Office chosen out 

of their number. 

The names of these nine districts are as follows : — 

1. Kami Nadame District. Office situated at Innami, 
Province of Harima. 

2. AkO District. Office situated at Kariya Machi, Pro- 
vince of Harima. 


3. Ry6-Bi District. Office situated in the town of Aji 
no Mura, province of Bizen. Ry6-Bi is the name given to 
the two provinces of Bizen and Bichu of which the district 
is composed. 

4. Ge-Bi District. Office situated in Onomichi, province 
of Bingo. This district comprises the two provinces of 
Bingo and Aki. 

5. Bd-Cho District. Office situated in Mitajiri, province 
of Suwo. This district is composed of the two provinces 
of Suwo and Nagato. 

6. Awa District. Office situated in Kurosaki, Province 
of Awa. 

7. To- San District. Office situated at Marugame near 
Takamatsu, province of Sanuki. To-San signifies Eastern 

8. Sei-San District or Western Sanuki District. Office 
situated in Sakaide. 

9. lyo District. Office situated in Imabaru, province 
of lyo. 

All the District Offices alluded to above are prominent 
salt manufacturing towns or villages, with the exception of 

The Central Office of the Guild having jurisdiction over 
the remaining eight District Offices is in Marugame, the 
district town for Eastern Sanuki. There are no salt fields 
in Marugame, it having been selected as the head-quarters 
of the Guild on account of its central position. 

It is now desirable to offer some remarks upon the area 
and yield of the thirty eight maritime provinces not in- 
cluded in the jurisdiction of the Salt Guild, after which the 
same course will be adopted as regards the area and output 
of the Ten Provinces. By this means a comparison may 
be drawn as to their respective superiority. 

According to the latest Government Statistics 

Produc?ion*"of ^^'^^"^ upon this subject the area and com- 

^Vii!SSf"out? P"^^^ y^^^^ ^^ those provinces without the 

Ini" odw.***" P*^^ of the Guild was, for the year 1885, as 

follows : 


Table No. i. 







Chiba ..., 

Ibaraki . 







Ishikawa ... 
Shimane ... 


Fukuoka ... 



Miyazaki ... 






Echigo & Sado 
Kadzusa and 




Owari and Mi- 


TotOmi and Su- 


Iwaki and Riku- 


Iwaki (Part of) 
Rikuzen and 





Wakasa, Echi- 


Kaga, Noto 




Chikuzen, Bu- 


Buzen, Bungo. 




Osumi, Satsuma 







































♦ Note. One *o*m= i-of i ton. 


t I cho or 10 ^a;i=: 2.4307204 acres. 


Area and pro- 

From the preceding figures it appears that 
dtice*of*38 pro^ the thirty eight maritime provinces, not included 

vinces outside • xu t* i - -r* j tr • • r 

Guild. m the Jisshu Enden Kumiai, possess an area of 

2,743 chdf or 6,722 acres of ground devoted to 
the purposes of salt manufacture, which yielded 1,071,581 
koku or 158,753 tons of salt. 

As regards the Ten Provinces the following table, based 
upon returns issued by the nine district offices of the Guild, 
will enable a fairly accurate idea of their productive capa- 
city to be formed. The same year, namely, 1885, has been 
selected in order that a comparison may be drawn between 
the two tables. 

A Table of the amount of salt manufactured 
Table No. a. ^^^ ^^ ^j^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^j^ ^^j ^^ j^ ^j^^ /j.^^ Provinces 

of the SanindO and Nankaido Circuits for the year 1885 : — 





Kami Nadame... 










Bizen, Bichu... 

Bingo, Aki 

Suwo, Nagato. 




Eastern Sanuki. 


Western Sanuki. 

Sanuki 1 






5,237,463 koku 

The above table gives a total for the Ten Pro- 

ducrof'h^Fe^n^^"^^^ of 4,140 cho, OV 10,146 acrCS, which pro- 
provinces, duced 5,237,463 kokUf or 775,920 tons. On 
comparing Tables No : i and 2, and deducting the lesser 
total of the former from that of the latter table, thus : — 

Area Yield 

• cho acres koku tons 

Ten Provinces. 4,140 = 10,146. 5,237,463=775,920. 

Thirty eight pro-| 2,743= 6,722. 1,071,581 = 158,7 53. 

vinces outside Guild.) 1,397= 3>424- 4,165,882 = 617,167. 

♦ I fAo =3 2.4507204 acres, 
t I koku=i -i of one toi^ 


We are thus enabled to arrive at the balance in favour of 
the Ten Provinces, which is, in area, an excess of 1,397 <:/ro, 
or 3,424 acres and in yield, of 4,165,882 kokuj or 617,167 
tons. Adding together the same figures, there are obtained 
the aggregate totals of 6,883 ^^^^1 or 16,868 acres, and 
6,309,044 koku, or 934,673 tons, which represent the area 
and yield to be credited to the forty-eight salt manufactur- 
ing provinces of the couutry. 

The superiority of the Ten Provinces is, ac- 
thf "?eir*iJo^ cording to the foregoing returns, very marked, 
and their right to the foremost rank is conclu- 
sively established by their preponderance both in area and 
production. It should not be forgotten, however, that the 
figures for the Ten Provinces are taken from statistics 
for the year 1885, it being necessary, in order to en- 
sure accuracy, to compare the same year as was selected 
for the 38 provinces. Since 1885 * large increase has 
occurred in the production of the Guild provinces, the 
total amount for last year reaching the considerable 
figure of 6,051,703 kokUf or 896,549 tons, as against 
5,237,463 koku, or 775,920 tons for the former year. 
This would make the grand total for the whole country 
7,123,284 kokuy or 1,055,302 tons, (instead of 6,309,044 
koku or 934,673 tons). As, however, it has not been 
assumed that any increase has taken place in the produc- 
tion of the provinces outside the Guild during the last two 
years, this amount of 7,123,284 koku, or 1,055,302 tons 
might be safely augmented by a further addition of 500,000 
kokuy or 74,074 tons, thus more correctly representing the 
Total pro- total production of the country by 7,623,284 

duction of the . , - ▼ « « * • « 

country. koku^ OT 1,129,376 tons. I should mention that 

the Government Statistics for the year 1885 also contained 
figures relating to the Ten Provinces, but it seemed prefer- 
able to exclude them as they were evidently not so accurate 
as the returns issued from the District offices of the Guild. 
Great difficulty is experienced in getting the salt makers to 
give exact returns of the area of their fields, and, for this 
reason, a liberal margin for under-estimation of the area in 


the Government Statistics should probably be allowed. 
There is a land tax of 2^% on the assessed value of all salt 
gardens levied by the Government, and the owners, being ih 
a constant state of apprehension lest some fresh tax should 
be imposed^ are consequently often tempted to give ficti- 
tions returns. At all events, although allowing ample 
margin for error, the pre-eminence of the Guild provinces is 
admitted by all to be indisputable. 

The reason for their superiority is easily traceable. It 
Kes, chiefly, if not altogether, in the exceptionally favour- 
able climate which characterizes the region of the Inland 
Sea, which is better adapted for the prosecution of salt 
manufacturing operations than any other part of the 

It will be noted that in Table i the maximum of pro- 
duction in those provinces outside the jurisdiction of the 
Jisshu Enden Kumiai, is reached in Ishikawa Prefecture, 
provinces of Kaga and Noto, which produced 213,198 
koku or 31,585 tons. After this rank Aichi Prefecture, 
provinces of Owari and Mikawa, with 145,454 koku^ or 
21,549 tpns; Gita Prefecture, provinces of Bungo and 
Bu^en, with 114,435 koku, or 16,953 tons; all being over 
100,000 koku or 14,815 tons. But, in no case, is the 
maximum production of Table 2 attained, (viz : District 
of B6-Ch6, Suwo and Nagato), 985,784 koku, or 146,042 
totis ; nor does the maximum of Table i, (Ishikawa, 
213,198 koku or 31,585 tons), anything like correspond 
with the minimum of Table 2, (Eastern Sanuki District, 
286,302 koku, or 42,415 tons). The minimum of pro- 
duction in the whole country occurs in the three most 
Northern Prefectures of Honshu, viz : Yamagata, province 
of Uzen, 731 koku or 108 tons, Aomori, province of Mutsu, 
1492 koku, or 221 tons, and Akita, province of Ugo, i486 
koku or 220 tons ; a striking proof of the unsuitability of the 
northern parts for the manufacture of salt, due doubtless to 
the want of a good climate. If we arrange the nine Districts 
in their order of merit as regards area, they rank as 
follows : — 


1. B0-Ch5. (Suwo and Nagato.) has 20.J9 per cent of the total area. 

2. Ge-Bi. (Bingo and Aki.) 

3. Awa. (Awa.) 

4. RyO-Bi. (Bizen, Bichu.) 

5. AkO. (Harima.)| 

6. Kami Nadame. (Harima.)! 

7. lyo. 

8. Eastern Sanuki. . , . | 

9. Wersten Sanuki. ^ ^"" ^'M 

As regards production also they retain relatively the 
same places, the only difference being that Awa ranks sixth 
instead of third, and that the positions of Eastern and 
Western Sanuki are reversed. 


(( ii l( It 


(t <t (( t( 


(t tl tl t« 


Ii tt tt il 


II II II 11 


l< l< <l 11 


II II II il 



I. Bo-ChO. 

District has 18.80 

per cent 

of the tot 

2. Ge-Bi. 





II II 1 

3. RyO-Bi. 





II 11 1 

4. AkO. 





•1 It 1 

5. Kami Nadame. 





II II 1 

6. Awa. 






7. lyo. 





(1 11 1 

8. Western Sanuki. 





II II 1 

9. Eastern Sanuki. 





II II i< 

The nine Districts of the yield are merely arbitrary divi- 
sions made to suit convenience, three of them being com- 
posed of two provinces each, two of one province each, and 
four of half a province each. If, however, we ignore these 
divisions and select the provinces only for comparison, the 
first and second places must be assigned to Harima and 
Sanuki, as being by far the most prolific in production and 
extensive in area ; by this they regain the superiority appar- 
ently lost if divided into the districts of Kaminadame and 
Ak6, and Eastern and Western Sanuki ; Suwo and Nagato 
which head the list of districts under the name of B6-Ch6 
being relegated to the third place. 

The average yield of salt from an ordinary 
of^slu pw^gan sized field of i chdj 5 tarij or about 3I acres, 
ranges from 2000 koku (=291 tons) to 2500 
koku (=370 tons) for gardens of good quality, and some- 
times reaches as high as 3000 to 3500 kokuy (444 to 518 



tons), in gardens situated in a particularly favourable loca- 
lity, or enjoying an exceptionally good climate. From bad 
gardens not more than 1500 kokuy (222 tons) can be obtained, 
if indeed as much as that even. It is very difficult to count 
upon an unvarying yield two seasons following, as the 
weather exerts a very powerful influence upon the produc- 
tive capacity of the fields, sometimes causing it to fluctuate 
to a considerable extent. This point will be all the more 
readily understood when the system, on which the evapora- 
tion of the salt water in the gardens is conducted, has been 

Taking the standard of i cko 5 tan (3! acres), 
per^giJSen*for in order to arrive at an approximate estimate of 
!Snce^*^° ^'**' the yield per garden in the Ten Provinces, the 
following average is struck for 1885 and 1887. 

1887 1885 

Ako per field of i chd 5 tan, 3000 koku 2081 koku. 
Ryd-Bi " " " 

Ge-Bi ** ** * 

iyo " " * 

Kaminadame ** ** *' 

Sanuki, East and West. " *' 
BdchO »* " *' 

Awa " " '* 

Last year, 1887, the average increased in every district, 
except Awa, where it remained exactly stationary. 

Operations on the salt fields of the Ten Pre- 
saft making. °' vinces are supposed to commence on the ist 

April, and the season lasts for six months until 
the end of September. The manufacture of salt after this 
date is prohibited by the Guild regulations and any breach 
of them involves the penalty of a fine. In special cases, 
however, permission is granted to work beyond the limit 

above specified on the following system. All 
of Ba*t gaStcM? the gardens in each district are divided into ten 

classes according to their productive capacity. 
Those which produce most abundantly form a group by 























themselves and are termed unclassified fields. Against 
these the rule restricting operations to a term of six months 
is rigidly enforced. There are therefore two well defined groups 
of salt gardens, viz. unclassified and classified ; the former 
contain the best and the latter the worst gardens in regular 
gradation of ten classes. To those which belong to these 
ten classes the privilege of extending their operations 
beyond the 30th September is accorded, fifteen days extra 
grace being allowed to each class on a descending scale ; so 
that a garden ranged under class 10 would, by virtue of its 
inferior productive capacity, be entitled to 150 days grace 
over and above the proper limit' of six months. In the 
same category are included gardens which have been newly 
made, or which, owing to damage incurred from storms, 
have been interrupted in their manufacturing operations. 
Isolated gardens, situated at a distance from the bulk of the 
rest in any particular locality, and those which do not attain 
the standard dimension of i cho 5 tan (=3f acres) are also 
very frequently incorporated in these ten classes as a com- 
pensation for the various disadvantages they labour under. 
It is usual at one of the annual meetings of the Guild to 
decide what gardens shall be exempted from the obligation 
of fibandoning work on the expiration of the six months* 
period, the right to such a favour being generally advanced 
by the representative of the district to which such gardens 
may belong. 

Last year, 1887, the number of Classified and Unclassified 
fields in each province was as follows : — 






Bizen and Bichu 


186 . 

Bingo and Aki 



Suwo and Nagato 











... 328 

Total 1,695 fields. 900 fields. 


The system of a six months' manufacture was 
or sd^months' introduced by Tanaka TOroku over one hundred 

manufacture. - . 1 • 1 « 

years ago. It is termed m the vernacular 
" Sampachi Ho," or third to eighth month system, as by 
the calendar in use at that period the third month of the 
year fell in April and the eighth month in September. 
With the adoption of the foreign calendar, however, this 
phrase naturally lost its strict significance, but is now em* 
ployed to denote the six months* manufacture from April 
to September. It has, as representing a system, been pro- 
vocative of great strife amongst the members of the salt 
Guild, which has been for some time past divided into two 
great parties, namely, the adherents of Sampachi H6 and 
its antagonists; but I shall not detail the merits of this 
quarrel just now, reserving it for fuller explanation under the 
heading of the history of the " Jisshu Enden Kumiai Kwai.'* 
The process employed in this country for the 
manufkoure.^ extraction of salt by the evaporation of sea watet 

is of a most interesting and novel character. 
Before describing it at length, however, it will be of advan- 
tage to enumerate the chief methods which obtain in other 
countries. They are : — 

I. Evaporation of sea water in an ordinary 

Methods used « r r 1 

in foreign coun- pan by means ot tuel. 

tries and to be ,-, i.- c ^ • 

found in japan. 2. Evaporation of sea water in open reservoirs 
exposed to the air and to the action of the sun and wind. 

3. Evaporation of concentrated brine in pans by means 
of fuel. 

For obtaining this concentrated brine the following ex- 
pedients may be resorted to : — 

A. Evaporation of sea water in open reservoirs. 

B. Evaporation by the Graduation Process. 

C. Evaporation by subterranean warmth, viz : by steam 
or hot water issuing out of the earth. 

D. Evaporation of sea water in sand and subsequent 
leaching of the same. 

E. Exposure of sea water to the action of any freezing 
agency whereby a strong concentrated solution is obtained. 


The method mentioned in No. i is not practised in Japan, 
as it entails the use of a large quantity of cheap fuel, which 
must be purchaseable at a very low figure indeed to render 
manufacture profitable. 

No. 2 is the usual method in vogue in Europe, viz: 
in the salt gardens of France, Italy and Spain, border- 
ing on the Mediterranean Coast, where the climate is 
hot and dry in the summer, a most essential condition 
for sucessfully working it. It is extremely doubtful 
whether this system of evaporation is adaptable to Japan, 
even in such a region as that surrounding the Inland Sea 
which presents the most favourable conditions for an ex- 
periment in this direction. The climate is a great deal too 
humid in the summer months in this locality or indeed in 
any other district of Japan. An exception, however, should 
be made as regards the Bon in Islands which have lately 
been selected as the site of a salt garden conducted on these 
principles. It has been started under the auspices of the 
Department of Agriculture and Commerce, and in view of 
the tropical nature of the climate which prevails in these 
islands, lying as they do in a more southern latitude, the 
undertaking ought to have encouraging results. 

No. 3 A. This method is used in certain places in 
Japan. It differs from the method mentioned in No. 2 in 
the following way ; namely, the brine obtained by it is 
subjected to artificial heat in order to reduce it to salt, 
whilst the sea water contained in the open reservoirs of 
No. 2 method undergoes no secondary treatment, but is 
at once evaporated into salt by the solar rays. 

III. B. is the system adopted in Germany at the brine 
springs of Schonebeck and Salzhausen. The only place 
where evaporation is carried on in Japan on the graduation 
principle is, as far as is ascertainable, on the coast of 
Kadzusa. The works there are on a very small scale and 
the yield is comparatively trifling, amounting to some 500 
kokuy or 74 tons annually. 

III. C. is a most original and unique method employed 
in Aomori prefecture in the extreme north of Honshu. This 


is probably about the only place where such a mode of 
manufacture exists. Concentrated brine obtained from a salt 
field in the customary manner is put into two iron pans, 
each half a tsubo large, (about 2 square yards) both of which 
float on the surface of a boiling spring. The brine is then 
gradually reduced to salt by the natural heat of the water in 
which the pans float. 

III. D. is the ordinary method which obtains in Japan. 

III. E. is employed in Russia, Sweden, Siberia and other 
northern countries, where the climate is too cold to admit of 
natural evaporation by the solar rays. The sea water is 
frozen in reservoirs from which a strong saline lye is ob- 
tained which is boiled down to salt. It does not seem, 
however, that this process ever occurs in Japan. 

To recapitulate, the only usual way by which evaporation 
of salt is effected in Japan is to boil down in pans highly 
concentrated brine gained by the treatment of sand charged 
with salt crystals. The process, it appears, is not 
altogether unknown in Europe and in former days 
operations were carried on in a somewhat similar manner in 
France. It has, however, been long since abandoned in 
that country in favour of more suitable expedients, as it was 
of too clumsy a nature to exist for long. In Japan it has 
existed almost from time immemorial, but the rapid 
progress, which has already done so much to change 
the aspect of affairs here, will doubtless introduce some 
welcome modifications into a system that, to say the least 
of it, is distinctly inefficient. 

I will now proceed to describe the situation and construc- 
tion of a salt garden, and the various stages of manufacture 
through which the salt passes before it reaches the hands of 
the consumer. 

The site selected for laying out a garden is 
Sait*GMden^ * naturally in as close proximity to the sea as 
possible. It is generally surrounded on three 
sides by strong sea walls or dykes to resist the encroachment 
of the sea. These are built very solidly with a view to offer- 
ing a stout resistance to the wind and waves, as most of the 


gardens, more particularly in the south, are annually exposed 
to great danger from the violent typhoons which so often 
devastate the coasts of Japan, especially in the region of the 
Inland Sea. For this reason, also out of motives of econo* 
my, the gardens are very often conterminous, being placed 
in one long row and protected by one long dyke, instead of 
having separate ones for each garden. This effects a great 
saving in expense as these walls are one of the most costly 
items to be considered when a new garden has to be con- 
sturcted. The surface of the garden should neither be too 
high above nor too low beneath the main level of the sea 
but, if possible, about 3 feet under high watermark. At 
high tide it is therefore flooded and at ebb remains dry. 
Diagram of Salt fhe annexed diagram will serve to illustrate 

Garden. " 

the shape and position generally assumed 
although, of course, other modifications of them both 
are very often to be found. In the side facing the sea 
a sluice gate is contrived, (vide Diagram i, A), which 
permits of the easy ingress and egress of the tide, and 
which is connected with a collecting pond, B, by a pipe 
leading from the gate. The principal object of this pond is 
to prevent the sea entering with too great a force into the 
ditches, DD. From the pond the water enters into these 
ditches by another pipe and circulates round the garden and 
between the sand beds marked CC ; thus in the diagram there 
are five sand beds divided by their intervening six ditches 
DD, and two long ditches from 2 J to 3 feet wide running 
down the field on each side. The sand beds are usually 
five in number, varying, however, with the dimensions of 
field. They generally measure 120 A?^« (= 720 feet) by 6 J 
ken (=39 feet) wide. They are about one foot above the 
level of the field, and it is on their surfaces that the process 
of the evaporation of sea water takes place. The length of 
the six parallel ditches naturally corresponds with that of 
the sand beds ; their width is about 2 feet and their depth 
from 12 to 14 inches. 

The salt fields in the south show but little variation in 
their dimensions, being for the most part constructed on 





one uniform scale, namely, i cko 5 tan (or 3J acres). Those 
in the vicinity of Yokohama, Kawasaki and Tokyo, show 
a tendency to exceed this, being often as large as 5 cho 
(= 12J acres). The standard size of i cko 5 tan is selected 
out of regard for the facility with which it can be worked. 

The sand beds are usually puddled with a bottom layer 
of coarse large grained sand, mixed with clay, (the coarser 
the sand the better), in order to prevent the sea water, which 
soaks into them from the ditches, filtering away into the 
lower stratum of soil. On the top of the bottom layer is 
placed another layer of fine sand. In some localities as 
many as three layers of sand are superposed, but the upper* 
most one must always consist of a fine grained sand, as 
this is the best adapted for the process of evaporation which 
takes place in the upper layer. The thickness of the layers 
varies, being for the upper one from i^ to 2 inches and for 
the others from four to six inches. Every year, before the 
commencement of operations in the spring, some 200,000 
kin (= 2381 cwts) of fine sand is spread over the surface, 
in order to compensate for the wear arid tear caused by con- 
tinually working the upper layer, as not only does it 
gradually dwindle away owing to its sand falling into 
and filling up the ditches, but it also becomes viscous 
and loses its permeability. It is, therefore, highly important 
that it should be replenished to enable the water penetrat- 
ing, from the ditches to mount to the surface of the field 
easily, diminution of its efficacy meaning a corresponding 
loss in the amount of concentrated brine obtained by the 
process to be presently described. Notwithstanding the 
amount of sand annually placed on the field, no very per- 
ceptible elevation of the upper layer is to be remarked, 
as a good deal of sand, is in the course of time, is either 
trodden down by the feet of the workmen into the lower 
layers, or is carried away by the water in the ditches 
when they are emptied into the sea. The lower layers, 
therefore, in time, attain to a thickness of seven or eight 
inches, when the field is entirely dug up and the thickness 
of the various layers properly re-adjusted. After the lapse 


of a good many years it is found necessary to renovate 
all the sand in the field. 

The way in which the evaporation of the sea 
Oie^Seid*^^" °° water conducted into the ditches takes place on 
the surface of the field is thus ; at high tide the 
sea is admitted by the sluice and comes pouring into the 
ditches with a considerable pressure, and slowly, but surely, 
percolates into the bottom layers of coarse sand ; from here 
it is gradually drawn by capillary attraction to the surface 
of the sand beds, where, exposed to the action of sun and 
wind, the sodium chloride contained in solution is rapidly 
deposited in the shape of glittering salt crystals, which make 
the field to be quite white with efSorescence and shine like 
80 many diamonds in the sunlight. 

The ditches are never filled at random, as various circum* 
stances concur to render it necessary to regulate the height 
of the water admitted into them. In hot and dry weather 
good gardens generally have their ditches filled up to the 
margins of the sand beds, as evaporation proceeds rapidly 
and a good supply of water is needed. In bad gardens 
which have a clayey and non -porous soil the same practise 
is observed. In the latter case the water is absorbed and 
conveyed to the surface with much less facility. In cold or 
cloudy weather when the process of evaporation is much 
retarded, the ditches are only left half or three quarters full. 
Great care has to be taken that the surface of the field does 
not become too dr>', as this indicates that the water is not 
rising with sufficient rapidity to meet the demands made 
upon it by evaporation. Undue dr>'ness is very apt to occur 
when the upper layer of fine sand does not possess the re- 
quisite porosity, or during exceedingly hot and dry weather. 
In such cases it is necessary to resort to some expedient 
for keeping a continuous upward pressure of water to the 
surface. This is effected by sprinkling water at* intervals, 
which aids the evaporation considerably. When the field 
first begins to show signs of salt crystals and assumes a 
light colour, this is the time to commence the sprinkling 
operation. It helps the field to maintain a dark surface 

Figure i. 

Rake for raking sand, 

Moveable teeth of rake. 

Figure 2. 

Board used for levelling sand 
after it has been raked. 

fT \ 

Figure 3. 

Manga used 
pushing the sand 


which is best suited for absorbing the rays of the sun, thus 
accelerating evaporation. The process of watering the surface 
requires great care and skill, as it is most essential that the 
water should be evenly and uniformly distributed over it 
and that it should not be dashed in streams on any one 
particular spot, so as to tear up the delicate upper layer 
into cavities. For this reason, the workmen, instead of 
throwing the water out of buckets, use a long-handled 
ladle from which the water is thrown obliquely with a dex- 
terous jerk, scattering itself evenly over the surface in fine 
spray ; by this means each part of the ground is properly 
moistened and does not receive an undue share of water. 
It requires a good deal of practice and also some muscular 
strength to arrive at a correct manipulation of this ladle. 
Another method employed for watering the sand is to fill 
finely meshed straw baskets with water. These are slung 
on to the shoulders of a workman and the water trickles 
out as he runs along the field. 

As a further aid to maintaining a uniform evaporation 
the surfaces of the sand flats are frequently raked by the 
workmen with bamboo rakes, (See Figure i), and, after 
that, again smoothed down by means of a heavy beam of 
wood drawn over them (see Figure 2.). 

After the sand of the upper layer has been raked and 
re-raked, sprinkled and re-sprinkled several times in the 
course of the morning, and when it is considered that 
evaporation has sufficiently well advanced, the sand is 
pushed together into transverse ridges along the whole 
length of each sand bed. This is done with the tool shown 
in Figure 3, which is termed a ** Manga.'* The sand now 
lies ready for further treatment, highly impregnated with 
sodium chloride, and also, as may be expected, with other 
impurities. The first stage of operations must he considered 
as ending at this point. 

The next task is to collect the impregnated' sand 

Procei*^**^"^ in baskets, which are carried by workmen to the 

** leaching tubs," or, as they are termed in the 

vernacular, Nui ; they are of square shape, constructed either 


of plastic clay or of wooden boards, and supported at some 
little distance from the ground on wooden props. The 
bottom consists of a bamboo grating covered with a strip of 
coarse straw matting, which acts as a filter for the sea water 
poured on to the sand contained in the Nui. The leaching 
tubs are generally divided into two equal divisions by wooden 
partitions, sand being cast in both alike. They are situated 
at intervals of 13 to 20 paces from each other in the centre 
of the sand flats where they are easily got at — see Diagram 
I, £., The numbers assigned to each sandflat vary with 
the locality. In Mitajiri, (province of Suwo), there are 18, 
and in Sakaide, (Sanuki), only 15 on each sandflat, giving, 
for the former place, a total of 90, and, for the latter, a total 
of 75 to a field of 1 cho 5 tan (=3i acres). When the Nui 
have been filled with the necessary amount of sand, which 
generally takes place about two or three o'clock in the 
afternoon, water ladled out of the adjacent ditches is 
poured on to the sand in bucketsfull. This gradually filter- 
ing through the sand into a receptacle below carries away 
with it most of the saline particles adhering to the sand, 
finally assuming the properties of a highly concentrated 
brine. As many as three separate lots of water are poured 
into each leaching tub at intervals of an hour or so. The 
bulk of the salt crystals are absorbed by the first lot poured 
in and the brine resulting from it is the most concentrated, 
the second and third treatment of the sand giving a more 
diluted liquid. The brine obtained from the third pouring 
is generally reserved until next day when it is added to the 
water poured in first and gains additional concentration. 

When the filtering operation is concluded, the sand is, 
on the following morning, taken out of the leaching tabs 
and cast down in a h6ap by the side to dry ; after which it 
is re-spread over the surface of the field to continue the 
evaporating process. This is done with the rake and 
board previously alluded to. 

Various plans are adopted for allowing the sand 
field? *and^*d *^ ^^P^^ time to'dry thoroughly before re-spreading 
ingofsand. j^^ sqq^ as, for example, only working One half, 


or one third of the field every day, or the whole of the 
field every, alternate day. By this means the sand gets a 
rest and does not so rapidly deteriorate in quality as would, 
otherwise, be the case if the whole surface of the field were 
worked every day. 

From the leaching tubs the brine flows through a subter- 
ranean pipe to the Numai, a well plastered with clay which 

serves to collect the brine for final transfer 

^ (Sec Diagram to the Tame-ike or Reservoir House in close 

Reservoir proximity. The Reservoir consists of a large 

oblong cavity thoroughly plastered inside with 
clay to prevent percolation of the brine into the subsoil, 
the whole being covered over with a thatched roof for protec- 
tion against the weather. It is generally situated, together 
with the rest of the buildings, such as the Boiling House, 
Store Houses for salt and coal, etcetera, on ground slightly 
elevated above the surface of the field. Being on a higher 
level, therefore, than the Numai or Draw Well alluded to 

above, it is necessary, when transferring the brine 
N? *,*^'*"* from the latter, to'use the contrivance figured at 

F of Diagram No. i . This consists of a bucket 
affixed to the end of a long bamboo pole which is hoisted 
up and down by a lever working on a pivot fixed in another 
pole. By this the bucket is lifted to the edge of the reservoir 
and its contents emptied. 

In the saltfields situated in the vicinity of 
Lcachingpro- Yokohama a somewhat different method of 

cess in Northern ' 

fieida. leaching the sand is practised, termed " Zaru- 

tori or Basket-taking." Instead of leaching tubs a number 
of portable baskets of a conical shape are used for holding 
the sand. Beneath the baskets are placed small tubs, for 
catching the concentrated brine as it falls. The contents 
of these are then emptied into large buckets by the work- 
men, who carry them to the **Tori-dzuka," or cisterns, of 
which there are six or seven scattered over the field. The 
**Tori-dzuka" is a wooden scaffolding of about ten feet high 
built over one of the ditches to save space. On the top 
of it a couple of buckets are fixed which do duty as a small 


cistern for the reception of the brine poured in. From the 
" Tori-dzuka " the brine is conducted by underground pipes 
to the reservoir. The top of the cistern is reached by 
means of two narrow planks one on each side of the 
scaffolding, and it is a task not devoid of some little 
danger for the workmen to climb up them in windy 
weather, encumbered as they are with heavy buckets. 
Sometimes the " Tori-dzuka " are constucted of a mound 
of earth five or six feet high, on the top of which a large 
bucket is embedded. This plan, however, is objectionable 
as valuable space is lost which the use of scaffolding 
obviates. The leaching of sand with baskets is a much 
more tedious operation than it is with leaching tubs in the 
south. It is also a method requiring much more practice 
and dexterity to arrive at a proper manipulation of the sand, 
and it is by no means easy work for a novice to acquire 
the necessary degree of skill. The sand must not be thrown 
into the baskets at random, but has to be first kneaded into 
the conical shape of the basket, with a hollow in the centre, 
into which the water is carefully poured over a small straw 
pad called a " Sumashi.'* This is in order to break the 
force of the stream and to ensure regularity of filtration. 

With the concentration of the brine the second 
seSnd ^8*a**e of ^^^S^ ^^ ^alt manufacture may be said to have 
process. been brought to a conclusion, and now artificial 

heat must be utilised in order to reduce the brine 
to salt. The first step towards this end is attained by 
pouring the brine into a large iron cauldron situated 
in the Boiling House, it being conducted thither by a pipe 
leading from the Reservoir. The brine is then gently 
warmed in this cauldron, not^ however, to the point 
of saturation, namely the point at which the salt precipitates, 
but only to such an extent as will prepare it for yielding its 
salt easily when boiled in the Boiling Pan. 

The Boiling Pan is of very peculiar construction 
Boiling Pan. and is One of the most noteworthy objects 

amongst the salt makers* paraphernalia. The 
bottom of the pan consists of blocks of stone, usually 


granite, of from 3 to 4 inches square and one inch thick, or 
else of small flat pebbles of a similar size, which 
of BcS£SpiSi° are firmly cemented together. The mode of 
construction is thus. The stones are laid upon 
a ground composed of a number of long boards. Th^ in- 
terstices between the stones, as well as their surfaces, are 
plentifully daubed over with a cement made out of clay and 
brine, mixed with sand or the ash of burnt pine leaves ; 
after this the edges of the pan are made in the same way. 
When the shape of the pan is completed the bottom is 
covered with a number of brushwood faggots which are set 
fire to on the top of the stones and cement ; this hardens 
and roasts the pan making it impervious to leakage ; in- 
deed so hardened does it become that it will bear the 
weight of a man with ease. After the roasting operation 
is over the wooden boards are withdrawn from underneath 
and the pan is placed upon four clay walls at about two or 
three feet from the ground, in order to provide a space for 
the fuel which is to heat it. Further support is also given 
to the pan by a series of hooks ranged along the bottom in 
parallel lines, to which ropes, coiled round a number of joists 
overhead, are fastened ; this contrivance prevents the pan 
warping in the centre and makes it a tolerably solid structure. 
On first boiling down brine the salt obtained is invariably 
of a dirty brown colour and is not sold for domestic purposes, 
but is employed as a fertiliser for rice or arable land. Great 
care has to be taken when the pan is first used that the bot- 
tom is moderately warmed before the brine is poured in as 
it will, otherwise, be softened. The dimensions of the stone 
pan range from 8 feekby 10 feet to 10 feet by 13 feet. 

Another subject worthy of consideration is the mode by 
which the pan is heated. In the ground beneath the pan 
a deep trench is dug which lies parallel with both long sides 
of the pan, being situated at equal distances from each of 
them and coinciding with the centre of the pan above. 
Over this trench a curved bridge, or arch, made of red clay, 
xises connecting each long side of the pan. On the top 
this arch is somewhat fiat and about two feet broad, the 


trench lying directly under this part of it. In each side 
of the arch just where they slope down to the sides of the 
pan there are cut several long narrow slits, which give it 
when seen sideways the appearance of a bridge. On each 
long side of the pan the bridge is about two feet under the 
bottom of the pan, in the centre it is about i foot 6 inches 
. under. In the middle of one short wall supporting the pan 
is constructed the door by which the fuel is thrown in, 8 in- 
ches wide by 13 inches high. The coals are thrown in by 
this aperture, which is always open, on to the top of the 
bridge, and roll to both sides of the hollow over which the 
pan is built. The air then enters through this aperture, 
passing through the trench beneath the bridge and through 
the slits of the same to the burning coals which lie in the 
hollows on both sides of the pan. The ashes from the coals 
fall through the slits into the trench below which is the 
ashpit. The slits, therefore, take the place of a gridiron 
and admit the necessary quantity 'of air for the combustion 
of the coals, whilst the opening in the side of the pan has 
the same effect as a fire door constantly remaining open in 
a pan heated on European principles would have. 

It is clear that with such an arrangement as this where 
the coals only give out their heat by radiation, that the heat 
can only be utilised to a comparatively small extent. Then 
again, the sides of the pan must, evidently, receive more 
heat than the centre, owing to the coals rolling off the 
bridge to each side. 

The accompanying diagrams will enable the 
DiaRram No.a structure of the pan to be more fully understood 

Boiling Pan. '^ '' 

and will elucidate any points not sufficiently 

Figure i is a perpendicular section and Figure 2 repre- 
sents the pan viewed from above. A.A. is the pan resting 
on the four clay walls B.B. and supported by ropes C.C. 
attached to six joists D.D. connecting with the hooks, E£. 
in the bottom of the pan. These joists are in their turn 
supported by four wooden pillars F.F. at each corner ; G.G. 
are the stoke holes and H is the fire door; I, in the 


perpendicular section is the ash pit^ and the dotted 
lines K.K. are the bridge, from the top of which, L, the 
coals roll into the hollows M.M. at both sides of the pan. 
NN. are the slits in the side of the bridge through which the 
ashes drop into the ash pit I ; P is the caldron for the pre- 
paratory heating of the brine and it forms part of the flue 
0.0. which leads the smoke into the chimney at R. The 
caldron is heated by the flames which pass into the 
flue 0.0. 

The fuel used for heating the pan usually 
^"** consists of coal obtained from various mines in 

the southern provinces, such as Chikuzen, Suwo and 
Shodzushima. Miike coal is also employed, but only mixed 
with other coals. In many districts dried fir branches or 
bamboo leaves are used, more especially in the northern 
salt fields where coal is not procurable at a sufliciently low 
rate to render the use of it remunerative. 

In some localities the stone pans are gradually being 
ousted by iron pans, heated on the same principles alluded 
above, and they give much more satisfactory results. It 
is greatly to be hoped that this reform will be adopted 
everywhere, as not only is a purer salt obtainable from the 
iron pans, but they also economise coal to a greater extent, 
and a larger volume of brine can be evaporated in them 
owing to their superior capability for conducting heat. 
With the stone pans it is very different ; they conduct heat 
with less facility, and this naturally involves the consump- 
tion of a larger amount of coal, which, in most cases, 
constitutes the heaviest item in the daily working expenses 
of a salt fleld. The waste of coal which occurs with stone 
pans is due to the necessity of maintaining a very high 
temperature when boiling, in order to prevent them leaking, 
a temperature, indeed much above that really required to 
boil the brine. 

The operations which take place after the brine has been 
warmed in the caldron, previously referred to, and has 
been transferred to the pan are simple enough, the only 
thing that is now left to do being to skim oil the scum 


forming on the surface of the brine, in order that evaporation 
may not be impeded ; an occasional stir is also given with 
a stick to prevent the rapidly precipitating salt from burning. 
After a couple of hours' boiling the brine is reduced to a 
pulpy mass of salt crytals, no liquor, or very little remain- 
ing in the pan. The salt is then raked to the sides of the 
pan by the workmen in attendance and discharged into 
conical wicker baskets. These are placed for a time over 
small buckets in order to allow the mothers or bitterns 
contained in the salt to drain away. After this the salt is 
emptied out of the baskets on to the floor, where it remains 
for three days or so drying in the high temperature of the 
boiling house. The bitterns exuding from it whilst it lies 
here after a time form quite a thick incrustation of impure 
matter, consisting chiefly of sulphates, such as for example 
magnesium sulphate &c. I may here remark that it would 
perhaps be better to explain for the benefit of those who 
may be ignorant of the term * 'Bitterns'* or " Mothers," 
what it really implies, as reference will be made to it in the 
course of further observations: It is technically defined 
as the name given to the liquor obtained when sea water is 
evaporated into salt (sodium chloride). It possesses a very 
bitter and acrid taste, whence the derivation of the term, 
due to the Magnesium salts present in solution, which are 
Magnesium Sulphate. Potassium Sulphate and Sodium 
Sulphate Bromides are also contained in it. 

The practise obtains amongst a good majority of the salt 
manufacturers in this country of mixing these bitterns, 
which have dripped from the salt, with the next supply of 
fresh brine to be evaporated. It is however very unwise to 
to do this, as it only increases the volume of impure 
salts already contained in the brine and exercises a percep- 
tibly prejudicial effect on the purity of the salt produced. . 
One of the great disadvantages attending the 
Pan Scale ^gg of the stone pan is that a thick deposit of 
sulphate of lime, or gypsum, gradually forms on its sides and 
bottom, interfering materially with its power of conducting 
heat. At first, when the pan is new, it is not considered 


altogether undesirable for the pan scale, as it is technically 
termed in Europe, to form, as it gives the pan additional 
strength ; but, later orf, when it attains to a thickness of 
half an inch, it considerably retards the evaporation of the 
brine and by diminishing the heat, owing to its lack of 
conductive power, necessitates the use of extra fuel. For 
this reason, therefore, it is found more economical to break 
up the pan and to build a new one after the lapse of 30 to 
35 days, general experience having proved that the expense 
and loss of time involved in rebuilding it is more than com* 
pensated by the saving effected in fuel. In a season of six 
months it is the custom to construct as many as t^'O new 
pans and in some cases, as many as three, the maximum 
period they last being 40 days at the very utmost. 

Several expedients are resorted to for diminish- 

p^iTscaie" **' ^"^ *^^ P^" ®*^^'^ *® much as possible and 
frequently with success. 
One consists in adding to the brine contained in the 
boiling pan the lees obtained from the manufacture of Tdfu 
or Bean Curd. This bean curd is made by treating a large 
white bean called the *' Daizu," or scientifically, Soja His- 
ptda, with water and then boiling it. The liquor exuding 
from these beans when squeezed in a cloth, is what is used 
for putting into the brine. For a boiling of two koku 
(=40 gallons) of brine, two shd (=3 quarts) is the regulation 
quantity. What action this TOfu has on the brine, or what 
chemical decomposition takes place, it is difficult to ascer- 
tain, but its efficacy may, probably, be due to the presence of 
some alkali. At any rate it is stated that by this method 
the formation of pan scale is visibly diminished. Another 
property the T6fu liquor is reputed to possess is that of 
imparting a more agreeable taste to the salt and of lessening 
its acridity, also of rendering the salt whiter and purer. The 
latter effect ascribed to it is however open to much doubt. 
The liquor obtained by boiling two species of edible sea 
weed, viz, Wakame (Alaria Pinnatifida) and Arame (Capea 
Elongata) is also applied to the same purposes as Tofu 


The salt garden which has been described in the preced- 
ing pages is known to the salt makers by the term of Iri- 
Hama or " Entering Field," due to the fact that the sea 
water enters into them by ditches. 

There, is however, another kind of salt garden to be 
found occasionally on the coast, which, in contradistinction 
to the foregoing, is called Age-Hama, or " Raised Garden," 
owing to its surface being some considerable height above 
the level of the sea. It is neither provided with a sluice gate 
or with ditches of any description whatever, the sea water 
to be evaporated being drawn from the sea in buckets and 
sprinkled broadcast by the labourers over the surface of the 
field. The manual labour involved by this must be great, 
and on this account the Iri-Hama are decidedly more 
advntageous with their series of ditches which bring in the 
water without any trouble. An Age-Hama is of very simple 
construction, consisting merely of a large regular space of 
ground which is covered with a layer of fine sand super- 
posed to the depth of two inches over a clayey bottom. Its 
level above the sea is naturally a matter of not much impor- 
tance. A curious fact is that although the Age-Hama is 
regarded with disfavour and is of comparatively rare occur- 
rence, presumably owing to the extra amount of labour it 
entails, yet it is known to produce a yield of salt 30 per cent 
in excess of that obtained from the average quality Iri-hama. 
For this superiority two reasons may be assigned. 

Firstly, the larger surface of ground available, owing to 
the absence of the many ditches contained in the Iri-Hama, 
and also of the space gained by the practise of placing the 
leaching tubs on the outskirts of the field, instead of in the 
centre as in each Iri-Hama sand flat 

Secondly. The evaporation of the water sprinkled over 
its surface proceeds more rapidly than in the case of the 
Iri-Hama, where the water is not immediately exposed to 
the influence of the sun, but has to wait until it is drawn 
to the surface by capillary attraction before it can be 

Further proof of the superior productive power possessed 


by an Age-Hama may be found in the different scale on 
which salt gardens belonging to these two classes were 
formerly taxed. Prior to the Revolution in 1868, a tax of 
thirteen momme or nine setit five rin (=3^ was leviable 
on one tan of Age-Hama ground (=39 poles), whilst the 
tax on the same area of Iri-Hama ground was assessed at 
eight momme or five setit four rin {zd). The Age-Hama 
fields are generally worked by small farmers, who cannot 
afford to launch into the expense of constructing an Iri-Hama, 
and who take advantage of the lulls in their agricultural 
pursuits to do a little salt making by which an honest penny 
may be turned. Amongst other localities where they are to 
be found, the Niigata coast, (province of Echigo), is one. 
They were, it appears, the first to be adopted in this country, 
the present system of Iri-Hama being evolved from them, 
owing to the inconvenience occasioned by having to carry 
up the water to the field in buckets. With the use of a 
pump they should, however, be easily worked, and, if they 
are so much more productive than Iri-Hama, the scheme 
is certainly worthy of consideration. 

From the nature of the evaporation process 

Climate. continually going on in the various layers of 
sand composing the sand flats it is evident that a good 
yield of salt is dependent upon atmospheric phenomena 
seconded in a minor degree by quality of soil, &c. A 
salt field situated in a locality enjoying a good climate 
but of indifferent soil may produce a good crop and gene- 
rally does, whilst, on the other hand, one surrounded 
by unfavourable climatic conditions but made of good 
soil, may not yield so plentifully as the former. An 
example in point may be quoted in the case of Sakaide, 
(province of Sanuki), and Ako, (province of Harima). 
In the former district the climate is by far the best but 
the quality of the fields themselves is inferior to that 
of the Ako fields, yet, in Sakaide, the highest range of 
production attained by any salt field in the country is to be 
met with, viz : 3600 koku:^^-^-^ tons. 

To sum up the chief natural forces exerting their 


influence on the productive power of a field we find that 
this depends upon : — 

!• Influence of the season. 

2. Strength of the solar rays and temperature of the air. 

3. Absence of cloudy weather and rain. 

4. Strength and direction, of wind. 

5. Temperature of the sand beds and sea water. 

6. Smoothness of the sand surface, viz: whether it is 
raked perfectly smooth or is uneven. 

7. Colour of the upper surface, whether bright or opaque. 
In the latter case the sun's rays are attracted more 

The most determined enemies which the salt maker has 
to contend with are cloudy weather and rain ; the former 
reduces crystallisation to a minimum and the latter, the 
most disastrous of the two in its effects, stops all operations 
very often for days together. It is customary, when rain 
falls steadily for the whole day, to flood the field several 
inches deep with sea water, in order to prevent the rain 
water penetrating into the already salt-impregnated soil, as 
if it did, evaporation would be much impeded when opera- 
tions were resumed at the approach of fine weather. Un- 
fortunately for the salt makers, the summer rainy seasou 
in Japan happens to coincide in most places with what 
ought to be the most favourable months for them, viz : June 
and July, and, in this respect, the climatic conditions under 
which the fields are worked diff*er very much from those 
prevalent in the Mediterranean salt fields of Europe. 

The following divisions, into which the coasts 
viSoM**of the ^^ Honshu, Shikoku and Kyushu may be divided, 
coMt. yf{\] gQ far xo show, as far as volume of rainfall 

and its distribution in the various seasons of the 
year are concerned, what parts of Japan may be expected 
to possess the best climate. 

I. The coasts of Kuyshu, (with the exception of the part 
lying on the Inland Sea), and the south coasts of the 
Island of Shikoku to Shiwomisaki in the province of 
Kii. The summer here is very rainy, in fact, probably, 


the rainfall is greater than in any other part of the 
country. Rainy season from April to August. 

2. The coast from Shiwomisaki in Kii to the mojuth of 
the Tonegawa. 

In this region two rainy periods occur, one at the begin- 
ning and the other at the end of summer, viz : in May and 
June, and in September and October. It has a midsummer 
free from rain, and winter the same. 

3. From the mouth of the Tonegawa to the north point 
of the main island, Honshu. A rainy period in Sep- 
tember and probably one in June. Both periods, how- 
ever, are far less distinctly defined than those of No. 2. 

4. From the north point of Honshu to the province of 
Noto. The rainy season comes in the beginning of 

5. From Noto to the Province of Nagato. Unknown, 
probably like No. 4. 

6. The coast of ChOshu to the province of Harima and 
probably the north coast of Kyushu. Two rainy sea- 
sons from April to July and during September. 

7. The north coast of Shikoku and the coast of Wakaya- 
ma Prefecture. Two rainy seasons, April to June and 
September to October. This region is the most free 
from rain on the Japanese coasts. 

The source from which the interesting facts, detailed 
above have been drawn, is a report issued by the Noshomu 
Sh6 or Department of Agriculture and Commerce, in 1884. 

Of all these seven divisions the climate of the north coast 
of Shikoku and the coast of Wakayama present, it is here 
said, the most favourable conditions for the manufacture of 
salt. This was proved by a series of meteorological obser- 
tions made at various stations on the coast, viz: Naga- 
saki, Hiroshima, Wakayama, T6ky0, Nobiru and Niigata, 
when the results that were arrived at were, that, in compari- 
son with the other stations, the region in the neighbourhood 
of Wakayama and the north coast of Shikoku was superior 
in every respect, both as regards highest temperature, dryest 
air, number of rainy and cloudy days, and volume of rain- 


fall. These observations were made during the five months 
from May to September. The next best was Hiroshima, 
Which may be taken as representative of the climate be- 
tween Nagato and Harima. The worst was Nagasaki. 
The reason assigned for the good climate prevailing in the 
north coast of Shikoku is that the moist sea winds, which 
come from the south, give up their moisture in the form of 
rain when they strike the mountain chain piercing Shikoku 
from East to We^, and, by the time they reach the north 
coast of Shikoku, blow warm and dry. 

A consequence of the more favourable climatic 
j.^wmtcrManu. position of the Salt fields on this part of the 
coast, namely, in Sanuki and lyo, is that salt 
making can be continued here the whole year through, 
which is the case in very few other places, with the excep- 
tion of Saita (or Muya) in Awa. Whilst, however, owing 
to the more unfavourable climate of Saita, situated as it is 
in the rainest division of the seven before mentioned, any 
attempt to manufacture in the winter months is invariably 
accompanied by pecuniary loss to the owners of the fields, 
in Sanuki and lyo, (especially as regards Sakaide in Sanu- 
ki), a small profit sufficient to justify winter operations is 
always made. The following comparison of the out-turn 
per working month in some of the chief manufacturing 
centres of the Ten Provinces will throw further light on the 
subject of climate and productiveness. 

Nosaki, in Bizen 269 koku s= ^o tons 

Katamoto, in Sanuki. 
Sakaide, in Sanuki. ... 
Onofnichi, in Bingo.... 
Mitajiri, in Suwo. 

Akd, in Harima 

Muya, or Saita, in Awa. 

From the above it will be observed that the three fore- 
most places are occupied by Nosaki, Katamoto and Sa- 
kaide, the two latter situated in the most favourable 
climatic region. No : 7. Nosaki, in the province of Bizen, 


= 36 


= 35 


= 33 


= 32t 


= 32 


= 22 


and situated in region No. 6, seems also to share the 
favourable climate of Sanuki, as it heads the list ; this is 
probably owing to its close proximity to the north coast of 
Shikoku. The preceding figures also show that the oldest 
established salt centres of AkO and Mitajiri yield some 20 
koku (=3 tons) less salt than the average monthly produc- 
tion in Sakaide, notwithstanding that the average of the 
latter is lowered by its diminished yield in the winter 
months. Muya, or Saita, has the lowest figure, and this is 
not surprising when we come to consider that it lies just 
outside the favourable climatic zone of No. 7, and within 
the most rainy one, No. i. The salt industry, it seems, is 
rather on the wane in Saita, and winter work, which is only 
continued out of regard for the many labourers employed, 
brings no profit. Sanuki, especially Sakaide, has of late 
years made great progress and it is highly probable that 
this province, together with the adjacent coast of Wakaya- 
ma Prefecture, is destined to become the leading salt pro- 
ducing district of the whole country. So far the industry 
does not seem to have attained very large proportions in 
Wakayama, according to the statistics quoted on pages 
89, where the area of its fields are given at 67 cho (=164 
acres) and produce 18,045 koku ( = 1673 tons), but attention 
is being gradually directed to this locality now, as it seems 
to offer every chance of success. 

It may well be imagined that Sanuki, being in a position 
to disregard the prohibition which unprofitable manufac- 
ture imposes upon winter work in most of the other provin- 
ces, is a bitter opponent of any scheme such as that of 
Sampachi-H6, by which operations are restricted to the six 
most favourable months in the year. 

On the other hand the majority of the remaining nine 
provinces are as resolutely bent, through motives of jeal- 
ousy and fear of the growing prosperity of their neigh- 
bour in Shikoku, on forcing upon it the adoption of the 
principles they advocate. They hold that the chief 
remedy available, by which the depression prevailing in 
the salt trade can be ameliorated, is to curtail the output 


in all the provinces under the jurisdiction of the Guild 
and thus enhance prices. 

Sanuki, however, refuses to acknowledge the applicability 
of this absurd theory, which, if enforced against it, would 
nullify all the natural advantages it enjoys by virtue of its 
superior climate. 

One argument advanced by the partisans of the six 
months* system is, that, inasmuch as no profit is gained by 
winter work in the nine provinces, none can be made in 
Sanuki worth the trouble of working for, but this is refuted 
in a pamphlet entitled the <' Sanuki Complication in the 
Guild of the Ten Provinces," which has been published by 
Mr. Inouye Jintaro, a well known salt manufacturer of Ta- 
kamatsu, in Eastern Sanuki. Some interesting details 
concerning the working expenses of a salt field are contain- 
ed in this pamphlet and are valuable for forming a rough 
estimate of the profits made, which are but small. 

The size of the garden is the" usual one of i cho 5 tan 
( = 3| acres). It is situated in Kohama, near Takamatsu. 
The value at which it is assessed for taxation is 45 yen per 
tan,^^' equivalent at the Government rate of 3s. 2d, (which 
has been taken as the standard for exchange in all calcula- 
tion throughout this report), to £j. 2.6. The assessed value 
of the whole field of 15 tan is Sj^yen, or £ 107. 7.6. The 
actual working surface of the field is arrived at by subtract- 
ing the area of ground occupied by the various buildings, 
leaching tubs and ditches. It amounts to very nearly two 
tan, leaving thirteen tan, or about 3 acres, available for 
evaporating purposes. Sand is collected for leaching in 75 
tubs, 15 of which are assigned to each of the five sand fiats 
composing the field. 

P>om these 13 tan, 500 bags of salt weighing S to 2 sho 
each ( = .52 of one koku, or i Z bushels, one koku = 2. 96 
cwts.) were produced in the course of the year. 

He divides the year into the four seasons and shows the 
approximate results obtained during each, in the following 
manner : — 

* I ton =39 square poles. 


Spring season. February i to April 30. As the profits 
to be made during this season are but small) the staff of 
workmen is reduced as much as possible and the work done 
by the inmates of the salt maker's house. In estimating 
the working expenses, however, the inmates are treated as 
hired labourers and their wages added in accordingly. 
Every five days there are obtained from each leaching tub 
1.08 koku of brine (one /ro/ru = 39.37 imperial gallons), 75 
tubs giving 81 koku of brine (=3220^ gallons), which pro- 
duce at the end of five days 35 ^ koku (=5 ^ tons), total out- 
put from the whole field. The market price of this was 45 
sen ( = 15. 5^.) per kohi^ or 23 sen. 4 tin per bag, giving a 
total o{ yen 15.91 sen^ value of salt, (£ 2, 10. 5). 

From this amount the working expenses for five days 
must be deducted, as follows : — 

Wages of seven labourers 





Wages of two stokers for boiling pan. 


Arame or Seaweed 

.. 4. 



Straw bags 

Straw ropes for same 

Packing the salt in bags 

Boat hire 





Salt agent's commission , 



Coal agent's commission . 



Total. Yen 10. 17. 01 
( = £1. 12. 2). 

On deducting j/^n 10. 17 sen. 01 tin from the value of the. 
salt,7^» I5'9i ^^^» ^ profit of j^^n 5. 73 sen. 09 n« ( = 185. ^d.) 
remains for the five days. 

Summer season. May i to July 31. Up till now the field 
has been worked by the inmates of the house, but, as the 
season becomes more favourable, the staff of labourers must 
be increased from seven to ten persons. Every four days 
there are obtained from each leaching tub 1.404 koku of brine, 
from 75 tubs 108 koku of brine, (=4294 gallons), producing 
at the end of four days 55} koku of salt (=8 ^ tons). 




























The market price of this was yen 25. 08 sen, 01 W«» 
(=;f4. 19. 5). The expenses to be deducted are: — 

Wages of ten labourers. 
Wages of two stokers. 



Straw bags. 

Straw cords. 

Packing. ... 

Boat hire. ... 

Salt agent's commission. 

Coal agent's commission 

Total, ven 12. 96. 02 
• (=£3- i-o). 

On deducting ^^« 12. 96 sen, 02 rin from yen 25. 08 sen, 01 
n«, value of the salt, a balance oi yen 12. 11. 09. remains, 
{=£ I. 18. 5). 

Autumn season. August to October 30. The staff of 
workmen is unchanged as the weather still continues 

Every four days there are obtained from each leaching 

tub ... ... ... 1.26 koku of brine 

75 tubs 94i „ „ „ (=3757 gallons) 

from which are produced 46^ koku (=6| tons) of salt. 

The market price of this is yen 21. oj.sen 07 rin (=;f 3.6.9). 

The daily expenses are: — 

yen, sen, rin. 

Wages of ten labourers 





Wages of two stokers ... 







Straw bags 

Ropes for same 


Boat hire 




Salt agent's commission 



Coal agent's commission 






II. 77. 


Cost of 
Produce, production. Profit. 


£3- i-o 












On deducting j'c;w ii. 77 s^n. 01 rin ixom yen 21.07.07,3 
profit oi yen gyen. ^o sen, 06 ri// remains, (=;fi'9»6). 

Winter season. November i to January 31. Every five 
days the items are the same in every respect as during the 
spring season. 

To recapitulate : — 

Every 4 days in Summer. 
,, 4 „ ,, Autumn. 
>f 5 n »» Spring and Win- 
ter, respectively. 

By these figures proof is furnished that winter work in 
Sanuki does not bring loss. 

Let us now see what the profits on the whole year's 
manufacture amounted to. 

On an average there were 220 days out of the 365 on 
which salt was made, as allowance has to be made for idle 
days due to rainy weather and other causes. 

During this period 2,600 kokn of salt ( = 385 tons) were 
turned out, the value of which, at the market 
I koku-Toe ^^^^ ruling on the spot, namely, 45 sen per koku 
1,170 yen = (=15. 5^^.), was i,ijoye7J, From this must be sub- 
tracted the sum oiyen 673.40 sen (=;f 106. 12.5), 
which represents the average total for daily expenses during 
220 days, and also a further sum of yen 326.00 ( — 51.12.4) 
must be deducted for expenditure on account of annual 
repairs to the field, etcetera, as below. 

Dredging sand out of ditches 

Re-arranging sand beds, and new sand 
Repairs to Boiling-house and other buildings ... 
Rebuilding stone pan, 5 times @ 4. yen 
Repairing and replacing metal and wooden tools 
Rent of Salt Garden for one year 
















Interest on guarantee deposit of Jioo with 
landlord, @ iSo/o ... = iS.oo 

Interest on other sums „ ... = 7.00= 25. 00 

326. 00 
Add daily expenses 673. 40 

Total to be deducted yen 999. 40 


The following figures now result : — 

2,600 kokti of salt (=385 tons), at the market rate of 
45 sen ( = 15. 5^.) per koku^ fetch i^iyo yen (=£185.5.9), 
on which a profit of yen 170.60 sen ( — £'27.0.3) is made. 
The cost of production being yen 999.40 sen (=;f 158.4.9), 
that of recovering one koku of salt was a little over 38 
sen (=:i5. 2^d,), 

This, however, is working on the assumption that the 
garden is leased by the owner to a tenant, yen 170.60 
(=£"27.0.3) being the profit gained by the latter. Pre- 
suming that it is worked by the owner, himself, which 
is more often the case, we get, after deducting rent {yen 
23 4 =£37.1.0) and interest on deposit etc., {yen 25 = 
£3.19.2), both of which items must naturally be elimi- 
nated from the owner's expenses, the following figures : — 

The cost of making 2,600 koku was yen 763.44 sen 
{=£120.7.7), profit, yen 406.56 sen (=£64.7.5) and the 
cost of recovering one koku of salt was 29 sen ( = 11 
pence). Thus the owner made a profit of 16 sen ( = 6(/.) 
per koku and the tenant of 7 sen (=2Jt<f.) per koku. 
The taxes payable by the owner on the field, namely, 
yen 23.04 sen (=£3.i3.o), have also been included in his 
expenses, but do not form an item of those of the tenant. 
If the interest on the original outlay of capital required 
by the owner for the purchase, or construction, of his 
field were reckoned in, which has not been done, his pro- 
fit would probably be something like that of the lessee and 
the cost of recovering one koku of salt about 38 sen (=15. 
2^rf.), which is rather below the average. 


The average cost of production, according to 

of1»ScUon'^ Statistics issued from the Central Office of the 

Guild, is 44 sen (:=nearly is. ^d,) per koku for 

last year, the minimum being reached in the District of 

AkO, with 37 sen ( = 15. 4^.) per koku. 

The usual rate of rent throughout the coun- 

fiew^* °^ **'' ^^y ^^^ ^ ®^^* ^^^^ °^ ^^® standard dimensions 
ranges from 200 yen (=£31.13.4) to 300 j'^n 
(=£47.10.0) per annum, varying according to position and 
productive capacity. Construction is a very costl}' under- 
taking, involving an outlay of from 3,000 tp 
BtruSing^ "Sit" 4»ooo;'^'* (=^475 ^o £633.6.8); for this reason, 
field. and owing to the depression at present prevail- 

ing in the trade, not many new fields are made 
nowadays, people being content to rent or purchase them. 
Besides this, it must not be forgotten that several years of 
laborious toil are required to render a newly made field 
remunerative, as the soil does not, for at least two years, 
become thoroughly seasoned for the purposes to which it 
is applied, and sometimes five or six years elapse before its 
real capabilities are discovered. 

A few notes are necessary in order to explain some of 
the items appearing amongst the working expenses pre- 
viously alluded to. 

Labourers. In Winter and Spring seven persons are 
employed, five men and two women or children. Two 
men receive ii sen (=4.18 pence) per day of twelve hours 
and have the heaviest part of the work to do. 

The other five labourers are employed for 
(3^.42). half a day, or six hours, at 9 sen each for the 

(arf.28). three men and six sen each for the two women, 

or children, as the case may be. 

In Summer and Autumn the staff is increased 
{^.70). to ten. Five men at 15 sen per diem of 12 
hours and five others for half a day, three of 
whom receive 9 sen and two 6 sen each. 

Coals. Various kinds of coals are used which are mixed 
together in order to keep the heat at an even temperature ; 


the prices for the same ranging from 6 sen 

(iftmsrijiba.) per kin for coal from Motoyama, in Nagato, to 

(3rf.(H). g sen per kin for Chikuzen coal. Some dexterity 

and practice is required in stoking, the chief 

test of competence lying in the maintenance of a normal 

heat at the cost of a small amount of coal. 

Stokers for boiling pan. Two of these are em- 
(W.65.) ployed permanently on a fixed scale of wages, 17 

sen per day each, and they are on duty alter- 
nately, day and night, as salt is drawn from the pan every 
two hours, giving 12 boilings in 24 hours. 

Arame or seaweed. This is for the purpose of preventing 
pan scale as specified before, the seaweed being boiled down 
and the decoction resulting smeared over the pan previous 
to pouring in the brine. 

Packing of the salt in straw bags. This requires extra 
labour, for which outside assistance is specially obtained 
at intervals. 

Boat hire. This is for transferring the bags of salt to 
the large salt junks lying in the oiling and which cannot 
approach close to shore. 

Salt agent's commission. The custom prevailing in 
the salt trade is for all transactions relating to purchase or 
sale to be negotiated by an agent or middleman. By 
Government regulation a tax termed the ** Eigyo-Zei," or 
Occupation Tax, is imposed on all trades and occupations, 
from which, however, the salt former is exempted out of 
regard for the fact that he is already handicapped by a 
Land Tax of 2^ per cent on the assessed value of his land. 
To counterbalance this he is only allowed to negotiate for 
the sale of his salt through the' medium of the salt middle- 
men who are liable to the Occupation Tax. If he is desirous 
of making his own arrangements for the disposal of his 
produce he must first be duly licensed to- do so through 
payment of this tax. This accounts for the two items 
charged to commissions paid to the salt and coal agents, 
the system being the same in the case of the 
field"" °°*** latter. In addition to the Land Tax, or Chi-zei, 


which belongs to the class of taxes called 
Koku-zei, or National Taxes, by which the National Trea- 
sury is replenished, the salt manufacturer is affected by 
two others, namely, ChihO-zei or Local taxes and Kyogi-Hi 
Or Municipal Rates. The former are levied by the Local 
Prefectural Office, or Kenchd, in each Prefecture, acting 
under the authority of the Prefectural Assembly, which 
regulates annually, the amount leviable for defraying the 
expenditure of the Prefecture. The latter are regulated by 
the District Assembly and are devoted to purely H>cal ob- 
jects, such aa the maintenance of roads, etc. The burden 
of taxation is therefore by no means light, although it pro- 
bably compares favourably with that of British India, where 
the salt industry is one of the g^-eat government monopolies 
and where the imposts on salt constitute one of the main 
sources of the. public revenue. The land tax of the field 
(£2<i3-s)> previously under discussion is yen i6. 86 sen^ 5 
nn, which is 2J^ per cent on the assessed value 
of 15 tally viz, yen 675 at ^sy^^ per^aw. The 
(i»«.w.> Local Taxes and Municipal Rates are yen 6.16 
(£3.13.0). sen 5 rin^ giving a total taxation of yen 23.04. 
The taxes levied in Japan on the salt industry are also 
less severe than those of China where salt likewise forms 
a monopoly of the Government. In the latter^ country the 
amount leviable per one koku is about ^^n 1.41, 
(4*- 5W whilst the tax payable by 2,600 koku here would 
jonc yen^ys, not be much more than .0009 of sl yen per koku 
under the Japanese system of taxation. Were 
(£584.5.0). the Chinese system enforced in Japan a tax ofyen 
(to»3»5). 3,690,96 would be due on the total of 2,600 koku. 
It may be easily imagined from this that the ^rice 
of Chteese salt must necessarily be exceedingly high, and 
this is indeed the case, the average rate there 
AiioV^ *^ being II to 12 yen per koku as against 70 sen 
(«.ajrf.) per koku in Tokyo. The justice of taxing a 
commodity of such vital importance to the very 
poorest member of society, even on the most reduced scale,<to grave* question, and^ low as the price of salt is 


in Japan compared with that in China, this should aiford 
food for reflection to those salt makers in this country who 
are bent on fostering high prices by curtailing output. 

Another item to be noticed is the guarantee 
(£15.16.8). deposit of yen 100, left with the owner of the 

field. This is handed over by the lessee on 
entering into possession of the field and is held by the 
owner until tenancy expires. This sum is supposed to 
guarantee the landlord against omissions on the part of the 
tenant to pay his rent. The rate of interest, viz., 18 per 
cent, appears rather high in estimating the loss contingent 
on locked up capital. The interest on other sums referred 
to is that on money expended on the food supplies which 
are purchased at the comn^encement of the year for the 
household, and also for the labourers, who very often receive 
rations of rice in part payment of their wages. 

Building of the Pan. It will be observed that the 

boiling pan was built five times at a cost of 
(las. M.) four y^^^ 2L consequence of the length of the 

season. Some delay is caused in boiling opera- 
tions as four days are required for each construction. 

The following notes obtained from Mr. Hira- 
sahfieWs*'*'" numa, the owner of two large salt fields in the 

vicinity of Kanagawa, where I have spent some 
time in watching the various stages of salt manufacture, 
will give additional information as regards productiveness 
and working expenses, and a comparison may also be made 
roughly with the Kohama field. The largest of the two 
above mentioned has been selected for this purpose. 

The dimensions are 5 chd or 50 tan (=12-]^ acres) ; of this 
four tan (nearly one acre) are monopolised by the ditches 
and Toridzuka, for definition of which see Page M#and 
the usable surface amounts to (11^ acres) 46 tan. The 
field is divided into 14 divisions, 3,360 feet long by 270 
feet broad. The width of the 15 ditches is 2 feet 5 inches 
each and thickness of sand layers one foot, the upper 
layer being one inch thick. Half the field is worked every 
day On the same principles of evaporation etc. as described 


on Pages iSfdtf*. The aystein of leaching is that termed 
Zaru-tori, or " basket taking," described on Page ^^ By 
this is effected a great saving in space which would other- 
wise be occupied by the leaching tubs used in the south* 
The sand' is spread out to the field at five in the morning 
and leached in the baskets at one o'clock. In each basket 
is placed 6 t6 of sand (=24 bushels), on to which 6 td of 
sea water (=240 gallons) is poured, yielding 2 id of con- 
centrated brine (=80 gallons). On one sand flat there are 
60 baskets from which are obtained 2x60 = 120 to 
(=4,800 gallons), or 12 koku of brine, and, as there are 7 
flats in use every day the daily production is 840 to or 84 
koku (=ig,2oo gallons), which are conveyed in buckets to 
the " Toridzuka " and from thence by pipes to the re- 

Labourers. The labourers employed on this field are 
chiefly convicts from the Government prison, but a few 
other men, skilled labourers, are permanently employed. 
In all, there are 23 men who work from five in the morn- 
ing to five in the evening, the wages being distributed as 
follows : — 

Class I. Consisting of permanent workmen, not convicts, 
25 sen per day (=9^.)* 

Class 2. Two stokers, 25 sen per 12 hours each and 
board and lodging. 

Class 3. The convicts, who receive a daily wage of 8 
sen («=3i.04), which is increased to 12 sen as they gradu- 
ally grow proficient in their duties. ' 

Each sand fiat is worked' by three men, giving a total of 
21 men for field work. 

Boiling pan. This is not constructed of stone and clay 
but is a good substantial iron pan heated on the principles 
previously described. It measures 18 feet long by 12 broad 
and three inches deep, having a holding capacity of 1 1 koku 
(= 4400 gallons) The brine is boiled five times in 24 hours 
in quantities of 9 ^e>A», in alL 45 koku (=10,000 gallons) 
of brine, from which 15 koku (=25 tons, or i of the brine) 
of salt, are produced daily* Boiling operations continue on 

r.44 . WILSBUkV ^r^ BALT JfAHinrASTUBS. 

. an average for 350 days in the year alth^Mglb the stokers 
are engaged for the whole year. Brine is obtained from 
the field during 220 days, as evaporation is also carried 
on occasionally in the winter as in the Kohama field. The 
great difference between the two is, however, that the 
owner of the Kanagawa field is not subject to the regu- 
lations of the Guild and is therefore not restricted to the 
six months' limit imposed on the southern fields. Last year 
the Kohama field must have worked beyond the specified 
period in open defiance of the Guild regulations • unless 
special permission was granted to do otherwise. 

The brine produced in 220 days amounts, at the rate of 
84 koku per day, to 18,480 koku (=739,200 gallons,) out 
of which i should have been taken as salt, as 15 koku of 
salt were obtained daily. Qne third equals 6,160 koku 
(=913 tons) of salt, but, making allowances for waste of 
brine through various causes, such as leakage from pipes 
and buckets, constant evaporation whilst in the reservoir, 
etcetera, the actual average quantity of salt produced an- 
nually is about 5,500 koku (=815 tons), reaching in the most 
favourable season to as much as 6000 koku (= 889 tons). 

The expenses incurred for last year are as follows : — 

yen, sen. 
Wages of labourers for 220 days, 21 men.. 693. 00 
•• *• stokers, 2 men, 365 days.. .. 182. 50 
iDried bamboo branches for fuel, @ 80 sen per 

boiling, @ 5 boilings ==4 yen, 365 days . . 146a 00 

Repairs to tools, field, building etc x8o. 00 

Land tax and local taxes etc. .. . . 75* 00 

Total, yen 2590. 50 (=;f4io. 3- 3-) 

The market price in Yokohama for salt was 70 sen {= 
2/2J) per koku, which for 5500 koku gives yen 3,850 (=;f 
6og. II. 8). The amount of profit cleared was, therefore, 
yen 3850 minus ^'^w 2590.50, or yen 1,259! (=;f I99* 8. 5), 
from a field of 50 tan or 5 cho. 

In order to make a rough comparison of the Kanagawa 
field with the Kohama field, i cho '5 tan must be taken as 
the basis of calculation and ^ of the above figures taken 

. wi&nuii «— wbT MAiwrACTuiai. ; 45 

as representing the results which would be obtained from 
I cho 5 tan area of the Kanagawa field. 

The total produce would be therefore ^ of 5,500 koku 
= 1650 koku (=245 tons)y value at 70 sen per koku = 
yen 1,155 (=£182.17.6), cost of production ^^^^n 775.15 

(s=:;f 122.14.8) for the whole, or nearly 47 sen per 
nortSS*^°«nd koku. The clear profit remaining is yen 377.85 
fiew. *" ^=£59.16.6). Comparing the two fields in a 

table we have : — 

TyAS«*^K?„ Value Market Cost of 5^£2°^ «,,.» 

koku. yen. sen per koku. yen sen. sen. yen sen 

Kohama 2600 Z170 45 763.44 38 406.56 

Kanagawa 1650 1155 70 777*i5 47 377»85 

All the items therefore are in favour of the Kohama field, 
both as regards yield from the same area of ground, cost oj 
production and profit, and this notwithstanding that the 
owner of the Kanagawa field enjoys greater facilities for 
transport of his produce, which accounts for the absence in 
&is expenses of such items as packing, straw bags or com- 
missions. Probably, if the interest on capital laid out on the 
field were reckoned in, his profits would be further reduced. 
The superiority both in yield and everything else which 
distinguishes the Kohama field is owing to climatic advan- 
tages and the character of its soil, the climate in this neigh- 
bourhood being distinctly more unfavourable for salt manu- 
facturing operations. The discrepancy observable in the 
market value of the two places is easily accounted for by 
the fact that Kanagawa salt is valued at the wholesale 
market rate ruling in Yokohama last year, the standard for 
regulating prices in the northern provinces being naturally 
based upon the prices which southern salts fetch in the 
northern markets, after charges for freight etc. have been 

One good quality that the Kanagawa salt possesses is that 
it is, for Japanese salt, remarkal^y pure and free from bitterns, 
mainly owing to three reasons. 

Firstly ; that the pan is heated for five hours instead of 
fortwo,.itbeinga well recognised £act that rapid boiling 


gives small crystals imperfectly formed, but that with gradual 
heating the crystals are larger and less liable to impurity 
owing to their more perfect shape. 

Secondly ; the proprietor not only rigidly adheres to the 
rule of not returning the bitterns to the pan after each 
boiling, but also carefully filters the brine through a bed of 
ashes preparatory to boiling. He also places the baskets 
of newly made salt on the surface of a layer of ashes, which 
possessing great powers of suction draw out the bitterns 

Thirdly he employs an iron pan, which is by far the best. 

Salt made on the Japanese system must neces^* 
sarily be expected to contain a large proportion j J^JJf®"* '^ 
of impurities, especially when the sources of its Jap*n«*« fi*it. 
supply are considered, but such impurities are needlessly 
aggravated by this custom prevailing in so many places of 
returning the bitterns to the pan, thus further augmenting 
the already large amount of foreign salts contained in the 
brine. In Europe it is very rare that such a course ib 
adopted^ as the bitterns are utilised in other ways, such as 
for instance in manufacturing sodium sulphate, which is in- 
valuable for making glass. 

Many cases also occur in which the bitterns are even 
mixed with the freshly made salt in order to increase its 
weight, the excuse which is offered for resorting to this device 
being that the lower classes of Japanese, especially in the 
interior, prefer an article well charged with them as the 
flavour is more acrid. The taste for such salt prevails, too, 
amongst fishermen who cure their fish by dipping them into 
brine, and they assert that a salt full of bitterns is much 
more d&cacious than a purer quality would be. 

Of all the salts contained in Sodium Chloride of Magne- 
sium, Chloride is that which has the greatest influence upon 
the quality of the produce, both on account of its deliquescence 
. in the air and its highly saline taste. For while pure Chloride 
of Sodium never attracts moisture from the air, it is well 
known how rapidly ordinaiy salt becomes damp in wet 
.weather, . ^md the more Magnesium Chloride it contains th« 


more speedy such action of liquefaction becomes. This 
fact is very observable in most of the Japanese salt that one 
sees exposed in the stalls of the retail dealer, where owing to 
its impurity, small buckets are often placed beneath the salt 
to catch the bitterns which exude from it. By reason of 
this, Japanese salt, it is calculated, does not contain more 
than 77 to 80% of Sodium Chloride, the remaining 
percentage consisting of such impurities as Magnesium 
Sulphate, Magnesium Chloride and water, etc. 

Until recently the erroneous view has found favour amongst 
the salt makers of this country that they have no interest 
in producing a pure article, as such is not in request amongst 
the lower classes. It stands to reason, however, that it is 
to their advantage to do all in their power to improve quality, 
both from a moral and financial standpoint, and by so doing 
the loss in weight which occurs, and which often serves as 
a pretext to the retail dealer for raising his prices, would, 
no doubt, be obviated in some measure. By fostering a 
taste for a purer quality amongst the country people, this 
pretext would be no longer available and greater regularity 
of prices and increased consumption would be stimulated. 
This result can only be attained by the introduction of 
several important improvements in the process of manu- 
facture as it now stands ; amongst which the adoption of 
iron pans and a better mode of heating are the chief 
desiderata. The iron pans, however, are expensive and it 
will be some time before they replace the old fashioned stone 
pan, as the majority of the salt makers are only just able to 
support themselves on the slender profits made in their 

The wholesale market rate* for southern salts 
rat«*^****^ in Tokyo is, of course, subject to fluctuation like 
all other commodities, the present price ruling 
being on an average 70 sen (=25. i^d .) per koku^ or perhaps 
80 sen (=52s./6j£f.) for best qualities. In 1879 and 1880 
prices went as high as yen 1.20 (=45. i^.) per^o^M, and 
the dealers are anxious to see business as brisk as this once 
more. The Ten Provinces being the centre of productibn, 

prices advance in proportion as the extreme limit of local 
transport is reached. In the most remote provinces, such 
as the Hokkaido and other northern parts, prices rule at 
something like 90 sen (=2s. lo^^.) to i yen (=35. 2rf.) 
per koku, sometimes even yen 1.30, when supplies are short 
owing to the salt boats being detained south through stress 
of weather. 

The varieties most sought after are Hon-Saita, 
^Varieties of Shin-Saita, Katamoto, Ak5 and Gyotoku salts. 

Hon-Saita is the name applied to all salt 
manufactured in Awa. It is the name by which the twelve 
small villages forming the township of Saita, or Muya, in 
that province are known. 

Shin-Saita, (or New Saita), salt includes most of the 
varieties manufactured in Bizen, Bichu, Bingo, Suwo and 
Nagato and has obtained this name to distmguish it from 
Hon-Saita or ** Real Saita salt." 

Katamoto salt is a production of Sanuki. It chiefly finds 
a market, together with most other salts of that province, 
in Osaka. 

Ako salt from Harima has the reputation of being the 
most suitable for pickling and curing purposes, such as fish, 
daikon and other vegetables. It is also largely used in 
making Shoyu and Miso and considerable quantities are 
sent annually to the Hokkaido fish-curers. The demand for 
Ako salt, as well as for all other varieties to be employed in the 
manufacture of Shoyu and Miso^ two of the most important 
articles of Japanese diet, can be by no means light, as at 
least one fifth of the ingredients entering into the composition 
of these two sauces consists of salt. 

Gyotoku salt. This comes from a tract of salt fields in 
the vicinity of Tokyd where an area of some 25 acres is 
under cultivation. 

The chief local markets are Tokyo, Osaka, 

kcti?*** "*"' Shimonoseki, Yokkaichi, Niigata, Aomori and 

Hakodate; Kyushu is supplied from its own 

fields* The salt is transported to these places in junks of 

300 to 500 koku burthen, and from thence is distiibuted by 


pack-horses or hand-carta through the interior. The salt 
junks are the property of the master, or Sendo, as be is called. 
He purchases his cargo from the middleman acting on be- 
half of the manufacturer in the south and conveys it to its 
destination at his own risk. There it changes hands once 
more, as he sells the cargo to another salt agent who passes 
it on to the wholesale dealers. 

A curious custom prevailing in the trade, and 
of bSw.^*^*^ ' which is recognised by the master of the ship, 

middleman and wholesale dealer alike, is that the 
bales in which the salt is packed are never expected to tally 
with the weight they are supposed to represent when first 
despatched from the manufacturer. This is mainly owing to 
the fact that the crews of the salt junks are allowed to help 
themselves to a certain proportion of the contents whilst the 
bales are in transitu, with the full knowledge of the master, 
who, as a set off against this, takes good care to fix their 
wages on a low scale when first engaging them. The 
salt abstracted from the bales is, therefore, to be regarded 
in the light of a legitimate perquisite sanctioned by trade 
usage rather than as stolen goods. 

The bales are made out of coarse straw mat- 
Packing. ^-j^g woven from barley or rice halms and are 

secured by four or five stout straw ropes. They 
range in weight from 5 to 2 shd (=1^ bushels) for the larg- 
est, to 3 ^0 5 sho (=f of a bushel) for the smallest. 

A bale of 5 ^0 2 sho shows some discrepancy 
waste. * " ' * * in weight by the time it reaches the hands of the 

Tokyo dealer, being reduced by the pilferings of 
the crew and by the draining away of impurities to very 
nearly 5 ^0, (— i J bushels), which is the margin of loss al- 
lowed for by the dealer in this case, and so on in proportion 
to the size of the bale. If the margin fixed upon is exceeded 
the bale is rejected. 

In a Japanese household salt is not set upon the table at 
meal time, a custom which seems rather peculiar to an 
Englishman who is wont to regard it as a necessary acce&; 
sory to a properly laid table. Instead of appearing, as we 

50 wtL&iiAM -» dALT UAsrvVkWinx. 

are accustomed to see it, in the never absent salt-cellar, it is 
always put into all food before it is cooked, or consumed in 
a diluted form in Shoyu and Miso, the two most indispen- 
sable accompaniments of a Japanese repast. On rare occa- 
sions, such as fdte days, a specially prepared salt called Yaki- 

shio, or Baked Salt, is sometimes served up in a 
Aa« u\kifd*of saucer, when it is eaten with Sekihan and Azuki, 
Attki^^ Tred ^^ Ydkishio is to be found the nearest approach 
beans) and rice, ^q jh^ quality of Ordinary English table salt. It 

consists merely of salt roasted in a pan over the 
fire by which the bitterns are evaporated, thus making it of 
a whiter colour. It is sold in small boxes of 2^ to 5 sen 
each in price (=rii/. to 2d.) and usually has the figure of 
some animal or flower inprinted on it with a stamp. 


The salt guild controlling the movements of the. industry 
in the Ten Provincea was established in accordance with a 
Government notification, issued in the month of August, 
1885, by the Department of Agriculture and Commerce to 
the Prefects of the various Prefectures into which these 
provinces are divided, namely, Yamaguchi, Hiro^ima, 
Okayama, HyOgd, Tokushima and Ehime Prefectures. 

The four clauses of which it is composed run as follows : — 

1. All persons owning salt fields within the limits of the 
Ten Provinces shall become members of ^ Guild and shall 
be subject to the regulations of such guild. 

2. The period for carrying on the manufacture of salt 
shall be confined to six months in the year, and this limit 
shall not be exceeded without authority. 

3. A central office of the Guild shall be established at 
some place within the Ten Provinces, and District offices 
shall likewise be established in various suitable places. 

4. If it be deemed necessary to frame regulations others 
than these the sanction of the Department for Agriculture 
and Commerce shall first be obtained. 

The set of Regulations which, upon the issue 

of oiSd*'***"' °^ *^^ above Notification, emanated from the 

members of the Guild and which met with the 

general approval of all the salt makers in these provinces, 

with the exception of those in Sanuki, are as follows : — 

Article i. This Guild shall be designated the Jisshu En- 
den Kumiai. 

Article 2. The limits of this Guild are con- 

Gu^^ ^^ ^^^ ta the provinces of Harima, Bizen, Bichu, 

Bingo, Aki, Suwo, Nagato, Awa, Sanuki and lyo. 


Article 3. This Guild is organised by and composed of 
the owners of salt fields within the aforementioned ten 
Centraiofficc. Article 4. Situation of Central office. 
The town of Marugame in the Prefecture of Ehime, Sa- 
nuki province, is fixed upon as the head -quarters of the Guild. 
Article 5. Objects of the Guild. 

This Guild is established in order to further the follow- 
ing aims. 
The consolidation and extension of the Salt Industry. 
The augmentation of trade profits. 
The prevention of the manufacture of inferior salt. 
For making researches into the best methods for improv- 
ing the condition of the industry. 
The prevention of the importation of foreign salt into 

The improvisation of schemes for the maintenance of the 

industry on a sound basis. 
Article 6. The Guild will frame accurate statistics of the 
annual yield of salt and will endeavour to keep the balance 
of supply and demand equally poised, to obviate dis- 

Article 7. The season for making salt shall be con- 
fined to the six months intervening between spring and 
autumn. But as the manufacture of salt depends upon 
the climatic conditions of the locality where it is carried 
on, it is left to the discretion of the respective District 
offices to arrange the date for Commencing operations. 
Such arrangements, however, must be communicated to 
the Central office. 

Article 8. The staff of the Central office shall 
Ccntrafoffice?' ^^"®^^* of a President, Vice-President, In- 
spectors, Clerks and Accountants. 

Article 9. The President, Vice-President and 

ti^^^^^^^' Inspectors shall be elected only from amongst 

those persons who are owners of salt fields, at 

the General Meeting of the Guild to be held annually at the 

Central office^ 


Article xo. The Clerks and Accountants shall be nomi- 
nated by the President of the Guild. 

Article n. The President, Vice President 
office.""'* ^'and. Inspectors shall hold office for three years, ' 
but shall be eligible for re-election at the end 
of that period. 

Article i2. The President of the Guild is in- 
Prwuient.' °' Vested with the responsibility of controlling the 
general business. He may not enforce the 
adoption of any regulation not contained in the Regulations 
of the Guild without iirst submitting it to the vote at an 
open meeting. 

Article 13. The Vice-President shall assist 
V!?e"pre8ident! the President in his duties and shall act in the 
place of the President when the latter is incapa- 
citated from performing them. 

Article 14. The Inspectors are responsible for the busi- 
ness of the respective sections assigned to them by the Pre* 
sident and they may participate in the general business of 
the Guild. 

Article 15. The Clerks shall receive their instructions 
from the President : the Vice-President and Inspectors and 
are responsible for the safe keeping of the Guild archives. 

Article 15. The Accountants are under the orders of the 
Inspectors and are responsible for the accounts. 

Article 16. The meetings of the Guild are 
Meetings. divided into Ordinary and Extraordinary 

The Ordinary meeting shall be held annually in the month 
of August. 

An Extraordinary meeting may be held if any especial en- 
quiries are addressed to the Guild by the Authorities, or if 
any emergency should arise which necessitates it. It may 
be called on the motion of the President of the Guild, or on 
that of a majority of the Presidents of the District oiBces. 

Article 17. The time and place of holding Ordinary and 
Extiraordinafy meetings riiall be determined by the 

Article i8. Motions for discussion in any meetiCkg shall 
be- brought forward by the President. 

Article 19, Each district office may, for every 
^j Conditions of iqq cho (^245 acre») of salt fields within its dis- 
trict, elect one member to represent it at either 
the Ordinary or Extraordinary meetings. 

In districts were the area of the. salt fields is less than 
i6o cho but more than 50 cho (^=123 acres), one member 
may also be elected. 

Article 2o. Only persons who are owners of salt fields 
and who have been duly elected by district meeting aye 
eligible as members of the Central office meeting 

Article 21. Officials attached to the Department of 
Agriculture and Commerce and the Local Prefectural 
officials may be present at all meetings of the Central office. 

Article 22. All resolutions passed at the Central office 
meetings shall be reported to the Department of Agriculture 
and Commerce though the Prefectural office in the jurisdic* 
tion of which the Central office may be. 

Article 23. The expenses of the Central office shall be 
levied by an equal assessment, namely, half upon the value 
of all land utilised for the purpose of salt gardens, and half 
upon the area of the same. 

Article 24. Estimates for the annual expenditure of the 
Central office shall be presented at the annual General 
Meeting and a statement made of the balance in hand from 
last year. 

Article 25. Any person efiecting improvements in the 
salt industry either by inventions or otherwise shall receive 
a suitable reward. 

Article 26. If any member infringe any of the 

Reguutioal ° regulations, bye>law8, agreements or resolutions 

of this Guild he shall, according to the gravity 

of his offence, be liable to a fiskt of not niiore than ^oycnss, 

(£7. 18.4) and not less than 5 yen (155. lorf.) 

Article 27. Any persan^ bt^ing a meoDiber of 
exSSilS S* ^^^^ Guild, who carries on tb» nuinufacture of 
months' limit, ^^^j^ beyond the period prescribed by these Regur 


lationB, shall be llaUe to a fine of fifty S0n{^is. 
yd.) per leaching tub for every day that this regulation 
is infringed. 

Article a8. Whenever the lessor c^ any salt 
t ofwnS***^*" garden infringes any of the Guild regulations, the 
responsibility of such conduct rests with the 
owner of the salt garden so leased. But when the owner 
withdraws the lot from the tenant and levies a distress upon 
him for the amount of fine payable,, such responsibility may 
be considered to lapse, even though the fine may not be 
fully satisfied, if it is manifest that the owner of the field is 
not in collusion with the tenant. 

Article 29. If any of the staff of the Central office be 
guilty of malpractice they shall be dealt with by the Gen- 
eral Meeting. 

Article 30. All correspondence passing between the Cen- 
tral Office and any Branch District office shall be sealed 
with the official seal of the Guild. Correspondence with 
Government Authorities, however, shall be sealed with the 
private seals of President or Vice-President. 

Article 31. Duplicates of the official seals of the Central 
and distinct offices shall be made and deposited therein. 

Article 32. All yearly and monthly statistics, reports etc., 
and all rBSolutions passed at both ordinary and extraordi- 
nary meetings shall be reported to the local prefectural 
office and to the Department of Agriculture and Commerce, 
as soon as they are ready. 

Article 33. When salt gardens are leased to persons 
beyond the jurisdiction of this Guild, a formal agreement 
must be made with such persons by which the observance 
of these Regulations may be ensured. 

Article 34. The namee of the localities selected as Dis- 
trict offices are as follows :«-^ 

(Note. It is needless to repeat these as they are given on 
page t^ to 5). 

(Article 35 to 40 contain regulations for the appointment 
etc. of district office staffs, the dixties of which, and mode of 
election of which, are similar to those of the central (rftee)* 


•Article 41. Each district office may, at discretion, adopt 
such bye-laws as are deemed advisable after presenting 
such for the sanction of the Prefectural Office in the jurisdic- 
tion of which it lies. Such bye-laws, however, must not be 
at variance with the spirit of the general reg>ulations con- 
trolling the Guild. 

Article 42. The expenses of each district office shall be 
assessed and levied by each district office respectively. 

On June 25, 1886, the following additions were made to 
the Regulations. 

Article 43. In future all salt shall be sold by 

Salttobesold , . . • t_^ 

t>y measure. measure and not by weight. 

(In selling by weight a great loss is eventually 
caused to the purchaser, as has already been shown, by the 
draining away of impurities, but the sale by measure makes 
the transaction a fairer one, and, more especially, has the 
effect of ensuring purity, as the inducement to mix bitterns 
to increase the weight is abolished.). 

Article 44. The bitterns contained in the 
bitt^rto^the pan and draining wells shall not be thrown back 
**"** into the pan as they have a prejudicial effect on 

the quality of the salt produced. 

They should not be thrown away, but may be collected 
and utilised for making salt for manure or for other agricul- 
tural purposes. 

Article 45. The temd of office for members of the 
Guild is four years. Half of their number shall be re- 
elected eveiy two years, those who are to retire at the 
expiration of this period being decided on by drawing 

Each member is eligible for re-election. 

Article 46. If the president of the Guild disapprove of 
any resolution arrived at by the Central office meeting he 
may order the question to be re*debated. 

Article 47. The financial year of the Guild coy^mences 
on the 31st October. 

Article 48. The president of a district office may not 
address any request for the holding of an extraordioary 

meeting without the consent of a majority of half of th^ 
members of such district 

Article 49. The Regulations of the Guild may not be 
altered without the concurrence of a majority of morq than 
half of the members, but such alteration shall not come into 
practical operation without the sanction of the Department 
of Agriculture and Commerce, given through the local 
Prefectural Office. 

A Brief History of the Guild and the Sanuki Com- 

The circumstances which led to the issue of the regula- 
tions quoted above and gave rise to the controversy which 
has lately been raging between the Guild on the one hand . 
and Sanuki, more especially Eastern Sanuki, on the other, 
will be found briefly detailed in the following history of the 
Guild from its earliest origin. 

The first idea of combining the representatives of the salt 
industry in the ten provinces emanated from a man named 
Tanaka TOroku, a salt maker of Mitajiri, who lived in the 
period of Meiwa (1764). In his days extreme depression 
prevailed throughout the trade, which was at a very low e^b 
owing to over-production and consequent depreciation in 
prices, and even nowadays it is to this that the present 
sluggishness of trade is attributed. 

To remedy the serious state of affairs Tanaka TOroku 
came to the conclusion that the only alternative left was to 
^reduce the output of salt by cutting short the season for its 
manufacture, so he proposed to the manufacturers of Suwo, 
Nagato, Aki and Bingo that they should discontinue ope- 
rations during the most unfavourable half of the year from 
October to March. They consented to this and were all 
the more ready to do so as they made but little profit 
during the winter and early spring months. About this 
time also Tanaka Jdroku introduced the plan, alluded to on 
Page 2^9 of only using the fields either on alternate days or 
a certain section of it every third day, in order that they 
might gain an interval of rest He was most sanguine 
that great things would result from a strict adherence to 


his system, which be termed Sampachi H6, (see' Page 17) 
and, finally co-operating with another salt maker named 
Takehara Naojuro, a native of Mitajiri, presented a mer- 
morial to the Bakufu* Government in which he petitioned 
for the organisation of a Guild for the four provinces of 
Suwo Nagato, Aki and Bingo. The memorial was favour- 
ably entertained by the Government and the Guild accord- 
ingly established in these four provinces. 

After this Sampachi-HO]^began gradually to work its way 
into popular favour, and, in fifty years from the time of 
its first establishment, the Guild was reinforced by the entry 
of the provinces lyo, Awa, Harima, Bizen and Bichu, nine 
provinces in all. 

The only one that resisted all inducements to enter 
now was Sanuki. It was, however, deemed a matter of 
great importance that, in order to ensure unity of action, 
Sanuki should no longer remain unrepresented and, on 
these grounds, application was made about the period 
of Kwansei (1800) to the Daimyo' of Sanuki Han, at 
Takamatsu, to bring pressure to bear on the salt makers 
under his jursdiction. Notwithstanding this all attempts 
of the Guild to establish a united Guild were ineffectual, 
as the salt makers of Sanuki resolutely declined to 
participate in any scheme of amalgamation, pleading as 
their reason that the more favourable climate of their 
province precluded any identity of interests with the 
other nine. 

About thirty years subsequent to this in the periods 
of Bunsei and Temp5 (1830), many new fields were 
laid out in West Sanuki at Sakaide, Aiai-i Hama and 
Wabihama. This gave an impetus to Sanuki business, 
and their manufacturers began to seek fresh outlets for 
their increased yield of salt, encroaching on markets 
hitherto monopolised by some of the other provinces. 
This led to further overtures on the part of the Guild 
and this time with partial success, as in 1873, the three 
new salt districts which had sprung up in West Sanuki 

* Bakufii or the Sh0gun*8 Government. 


signified their willingness to enter the Gaild, but the rest 
of Sanuki still held aloof. 

Meanwhile, during the growing prosperity of Sanuki, the 
trade in the other provinces was passing through a period 
of great depression,. which was aggravated by the keen com- 
petition of Sanukib The nine provinces viewed this with 
increasing apprehension and resented the activity displayed 
by their Sanuki neighbours in supplanting them in what 
they regarded as their own particular markets. It was 
therefore determined by the Guild to make one more bid for 
the co-operation of the whole of Sanuki, and, eventually, a 
modus Vivendi was established for a time, by which special 
concessions were accorded to Sanuki on condition that it 
joined the Guild. Ultimately, in 1877, Sanuki seceded 
with the exception of the three districts in the West pre- 
viously alluded to. 

In 1878 the Guild began to show signs of disorganisa- 
tion to such an extent that it was very nearly on the 
point of breaking up altogether. At this juncture a 
meeting was held at Onomichi, in Bingo, where it 
was resolved that since members seceded at pleasure, 
the only remedy for the existing state of affairs was to 
petition for Government intervention, by which the 
Guild might be placed on an organised footing and due 
submission to its regulations ensured. For this object a 
committee was chosen from the meeting who drew up a 
memorial in this sense and presented it to the Home office. 

To this the Home office replied as follows : — 

** The object of the salt makers of the Chugoku provinces 
** is to combine all the salt makers of the Ten Provinces, 
"West of Osaka, into a Guild for the purpose of limiting 
** production and thereby causing an appreciation in the price 
" of salt. In this, however, you have made grave error, for 
" granting that the price of salt be enhanced you will still 
** be exposed to competition from provinces outside, and 
"inasmuch as the country has now emerged from the 
" swlusion of the Shogiinate, you would, moreover, be ex- 
" pOsed to foreign competition. Your endeavours therefore 


**will only tend to your disadvantage and had better be 
" discontinued;** 

The partisans of Government intervention were therefore 
foiled in their intentions, but only temporarily. 

In February, 1884, officials were despatched to Kobe by 
the Department of Agriculture and Commerce for the purpose 
of investigating the condition of the salt industry in the ten 
provinces. The officials summoned together a committee 
of influential salt makers with whom they deliberated, dur- 
ing five days, on ways and means for forming a Guild under 
Government protection, and for improving the state of things 
in general. « 

At this meeting were predominant the partisans of the 
-six months* system and they lost no opportunity of im- 
pressing upon the Government officials, as strongly as they 
could, that this system was the only plan by which a revival of 
the industry could be stimulated. This of course was a hit 
at Sanuki, as, if it was forced to join the Guild, it would have 
to submit to any regulations that might be framed. 

The result of this meeting, and of others held subsequent- 
ly, was that the set of -regulations, which have been given 
at length on Pages 51 — 57, were drawn up and presented 
to the Department of Agriculture and Commerce for official 
sanction, on the 26th February, 1884. This sanction was 
accorded in January 1885, followed by a Notification in 
August of the same year addressed to the six prefectures 
which has been referred to on Page 51. At the same time 
the Government, to mark the interest which it took in the 
improvement of the Salt Industry, granted a small subsidy 
of f 1000 (=;^i58.6.8.) to the Guild. 

The Sanuki manufacturers — or rather those belonging to 
the Eastern Division, the Western Division never having really 
seceded, — had now to contend on more unequal terms with 
their rivals who had now gained their ends. They also had 
to face a legally constituted decree which could not be treated 
with impunity. For a while, therefore, they submitted and, 
although naturally irritated by the arbitrary regulation in 
the above Notification which coippelled them to delist 


from an annual manufacture, merely contented themselves 
with protesting against such injustice, at the same time 
taking legal measures for the annulment of the Notification. 
These, however, ended in failure. This state of affairs lasted 
until 1886, during which time fierce disputes were the order 
of the day at every meeting of the Guild, and the Eastern 
Sanukiites, finding that great pecuniary loss was inflicted 
on them, began to become impatient of control. 

It was during this year that Inouye Jintaro, an influential 
manufacturer of Takamatsu, in Eastern Sanuki, published 
an account of the *' Sanuki Complication*' for private circula- 
tion, in which he inveighed against the injustice of forcing 
Eastern Sanuki to adopt a system of manufacture to which 
it had never been accustomed. He also advocated the 
formation of a large National Guild to include, not alone 
the Ten Provinces, but every salt district in the country, in 
the regulations of which no such obnoxious clause relating 
to restrictions on working time should find place. 

In his pamphlet Mr. Inouye, it seems, indulged in some un- 
complimentary reflections on the conduct of the Ehime Pre- 
fect in issuing the Notification alluded to previously, and he 
was prosecuted for holding up a Government official to public 
contempt, with the result that the Takamatsu Judicial Court 
sentenced him to some days' imprisonment and a fine. On 
appealing to the Osaka Court of Appeal, however, the judg- 
ment of the lower court was reversed. 

During 1887 strenuous efforts were made by the Eastern 
Sanukiites to obtain a repeal of the Ehime Notification, but 
without avail, and they at last declared that, come what 
might, they would not desist from making salt in the winter. 
Then came the tug of war. On the 19th October, when the 
first class fields in Sanuki were called upon to suspend ope- 
rations the owners declined to do so. The President of the 
Guild immediately sued Inouye Jintaro and forty seven 
persons holding fields in Katamoto, Ikushima, Takamatsu 
and other places, in the Takamatsu Judicial Court, for the 
recovery of the fine to which they were liable by the regula- 
tions, and, meanwhile, obtained an injunction from the 


Export business to foreign countries is still in its infancy. 
The little that is done is mostly confined to the south 
western provinces, from whence salt is exported to Corea 
and Vladivostock, vi4 Shimonoseki. From the Customs 
Returns for the last few years it appears that no exporta- 
tions of any consequence were made prior to 1883, when 
886,544 catties (=527 tons), valued Sityen 4,090 (=;f647. 
II. 8), left the country for Corea and Vladivostock. After 
1883, a steady yearly increase is perceptible. At present 
great expectations are entertained of a greater development 
in the salt trade, especially as regards Corea, where, it is 
said, the yield from the salt fields does not meet the require- 
ments of its inhabitants. The first samples of Jap^inese salt 
imported into that country were, it is strange to say, re- 
garded with disfavour by the Coreans, who, being accustom- 
ed to the impurer salt of their own manufacture, were 
somewhat prejudiced against the whiter hue of that newly 
imported. The destruction of many salt fields in 1886, in 
Corea, gave a decided impetus to exportation from Japan, as 
the figures for that year will prove on comparison with those 
for 1885. Thus in 1885 the export to Corea alone was 
911,073 catties (=542 tons), value 2,555 yen (=£ 404. 10. 
10), whilst that for 1886 was 6,306,171 catties (=3,754 
tons), value 18,276 ^^n (=;f 2,893. 14. o). The total export 
figures for the latter year, for all countries, were 16,031,208 
catties, valued at 48,690 ^^«(=;f 7709. 7.0), a noteworthy 
increase on the figures for 1883. It was doubtless with a 
view to stimulating this rising trade that the Japanese 
Government removed, in 1887, the export duty on salt 
which had existed up to that year. 


Much business might be done with China were it not for 
the fact that salt is a contraband article, owing to the Go- 
vernment monopoly which exists ther^. A good deal of 
salt, however, is contained in the large quantities of Shoyu^ 
Miso and salted fish which are annually exported for Chinese 
consumption from this country. It is stated on credible 
authority that, owing t^ the difficulty of procuring salt at 
low prices, the saline incrustations adhering to the cured 
fish coming into China are eagerly scraped off by the na- 
tives for domestic purposes. 

The Import of Foreign. Salt into Japan is not 
importofaah. of an extensivo nature, the small shipments that 
reach these shores being destined for the con- 
sumption of the foreign residents, or for use in Japanese 
restaurants conducted on foreign principles. Until 1869 
imports of this commodity were of very trifling value. In 
hat year and the two succeeding ones of 1870 and 1871 
they amounted to 74,592 ^^n (=£'11,810. 8. o), 40,201 yen 
(=;f 6,365. 3. 2) and 37,513 yen (=5,939- "• 2) respective- 
ly, the highest figures ever reached. In 1872 there was a 
drop in value to 442 yen{=s£ 69. 19. 8) and, since 1871, 
the sum of 2000 yen {==£ 316. 13. 4) has never been ex- 
ceeded in any year. 

It appears that no cargo of salt has ever been imported 
into this country in bulk from England, that is to say, stow- 
ed away in the hold of the ship, which is the usual method 
employed for transport to India and elsewhere. 

For the probable charges on a cargo of this description, 
shipped in England and laid down in Yokohama, I am 
indebted to the courtesy of a British Merchant of high 
standing who has gone into the matter with a view to trans- 
acting business if possible. The quality is that which is 
technically known in the trade as ** Shovel Salt." 

He informs me that, calculating on a basis of 85. gd, per 
ton, first cost, with the addition of 30s. od. per ton for 
freight and allowing for 7^ % loss in the weight of the salt, 
insurance and other charges, the cost per ton would be 
something like 435. i|i, equivalent at 3s. id, to $14.^. 


It has already been pointed out that the ruling rate for 
native salt is, in the Tokyo and Yokohama markets, from 
70 sen to 80 sen per koku (nearly 3 cwts) ; the approximate 
price per ton for the same would, therefore, be from $ 4. go 
to $ 5. 60. 

At this rate it does not seem as if there were any need 
for the Japanese manufacturer to apprehend external com 
petition in foreign quarters at present, except from Ameri- 
ca, from which salt might possibly be imported more 
cheaply ; but if means should ever be found to overcome 
the obstacles at present offered to the importation of foreign 
salt a serious blow might be inflicted on the native indus- 


By E. H, Parker. 

{Read izth December 1888.) 

A remark of Mr. Dyer Ball's in the introduction to his 
new Canton Vocabulary illustrates the importance of chro- 
nicling every stray fact, however apparently inexplicable, 
which is observable in Chinese philology. I have not the 
book by me now ; but the statement, in effect, is that those 
Cantonese words which are in the *A, or secondary divi- 
sion of the upper entering tone, have usually a long vowel ; 
whereas those words which are in the ±A, or primary di- 
vison of the upper entering tone, have usually a short vowel. 
The meaning of this is that, whereas it may always be as- 
certained from the first of two %Vi spelling-words used by 
K*ang-hi whether a given word is in the upper or lower 
series,— whether it is ±^, ±±, ±:fc, ±A ; or T^, T±, T*, 
or TA ; — in Cantonese, the group of words which K*ang- 
th marks as ±A are in practice further sub-divided, at leasi 
in Canton itself, into what is vulgarly there called ^X and 
i:A ; and this, quite independently of the fact that both 
sub-divisions, like all the other seven Cantonese tones, can 
take a VHH, or vulgar '< modified tone,*' in certain senses of 


certain words ; thus bringing the total Cantonese colloquial 
tones up to i8. — Prominent Cantonese scholars like Drs. 
Eitel and Chalmers, whilst with some shew of reason re- 
jecting the last mentioned nine tones as uncertain, local, 
and unnecessary, at one time even declined to admit the 
*A, which is quite on a different and more permanent 
footing. In remodelling Dr. Williams* Dictionary, how- 
ever, Dr. Eitel judiciously decided to introduce it ; and thus, 
for the benefit of the youngest generation of Cantonese 
students, the +A is fairly engrafted upon the ±A. Mr. 
Ball's recent casual remark by mere accident throws new 
light upon the situation. 

In Cantonese the cadence of the T A and Ti tones is the 
same, whilst the cadence of the ±-£ and 4* A tones is the 
same. (The cadence of the ±A is the same as that of the 
±^). Now, the eight Annamese tones, though somewhat 
different in sound from the Cantonese tones, are yet systema- 
tically different ; and their cadences differ much less from 
the Cantonese cadences than the Canton cadences do from 
those of, for instance, the Hakka or Foochow dialects. More- 
over, though the sounds of Chinese words adopted into 
Annamese have varied (independently of tone), the variation is 
consistent, and sympathises throughout with the Cantonese, 
which dialect has been shewn, by the light of Corean and 
Japanese, as well as by internal Chinese evidence, to be 
either the direct representative of ancient Chinese, as once 
spoken in the north, or indirectly the lineal decendant 
which, relatively if not positively, best corresponds in detail 
with the defunct ancestor of all existing dialects ; whose 
skeleton the absence of letters, and the peculiar nature of 
the XtV spelling system render it difficult to reconstruct in 
Roman letters, — except relatively. 

In other words, Annamese and Cantonese agreeing ad to 
the cadences of the TA and T4f, and also as to those of the 
±i and ±A (the *A sub-division of it in Canton), it is 
fair to assume that the Cantonese ^A is the original ±A, 
and that the ±A is the real excrescence, and not the real 
original. This view is supported by the statement of Mr. 


Ball that the Cantofiefte ^fA vowels are ueaally long. It is 
now for rising Cantonese scholars to find out the proportion 
of 4* A. words to ±A words ) how far this long syllable rule 
holds good ; what is the relative importance of the two 
groups, &c. It is to be noticed that some Canton words, 
such as fS, take both tones, according to the length of the 
vowel. Thus • ho sik,' " what a pij;y I" and " ngo 5^*^" fiei^ 
" I love you." In other words, vowels and tones are in- 
extricably bound together in Cantonese in a small measure, 
just as they are so uniformly in Foochow ; and it has already 
been shewn how this eminently Foochow peculiarity is 
indirectly illustrated by relation in Corean vowels (which 
have no tones) after a lapse of, at least, even looo years. 

For the complete elucidation of the obscure subject thus 
shortly touched upon above, it will perhaps be of assistance 
to consult the detailed papers upon the various dialects of 
China, which have been published from time to time in the 
China Review. . 

Of competent European Siamese scholars the writer has 
consulted amongst others the Rev. S.J. Smith, the Very 
Rev. Bishop Vey, and MM. Lorgeon and Hardouin, of 
Bangkok, and has besides had the opportunity of discussing 
with that prominent Siamese Phya Bhaskarawongsi and 
his staff of secretaries the effect of the Siamese tones upon 
the Siamese language and alphabet, both of which are now 
largely indebted to Sanskrit or Pali words and letters. Ac* 
cording to all the above authorities, the Siamese language 
possesses five tones; but, unfortunately, the Protestant 
printers, of whom Mr. Smith is perhaps the most eminent, 
do not mark them in romanized Siamese in the same way 
as did and do the Missions Etrang^res ; and neither school 
marks them in the same way as do the Siamese them- 
selves. The so*called ''natural tone,"* which sufficiently cor- 

* It is open to serious question whether this term is not a misnomer. 
The Jt/f^ of Hakka, Foochow, Winchow, Ningpo, Yangchow, and 
Tientsin is in each case different in cadence. Moreover, it is extremely 
doubtful if any cadence whatever can be pointed to as the " natural '* 
tone of the voice, which, like music, is aifected by pitch. 

Bishop Pallegoix calls it the tonus nctus. 


responds in actual cadence with tbe Jb'F of Peking^ Canton, 
and Annam, isnot marked at all by any of the three and 
presents no difficulty. The '' high tone/* or tonus aliu^ of 
PallegoiXy sufficiently corresponds with the cadence of the 
Pekingese ff^, or perhaps more nearly with that of the 
Cantonese Jc^f^KSt ; but both these latter tones have dege- 
nerated or been corrupted by local influences into forms 
which could never possibly have been mentally contemplat- 
ed by the minds of the ancient Chinese lexicographers. 
Both Smith and Pallegoix mark this tone with an acute 
accent ; — thns, ydh. This is also the way in which the 
Annamese mark, in their romanized or quoc ngu writingi 
the JtJK tone, which tone marks, in Annamite-Chinese, 
Chinese words of the JbA and J:-^ tones ; and the actual 
cadence is not far from the above-mentioned Siamese 
cadence. The *^ prolonged tone," tonus circumJUxuSy (Cas- 
well's ** depressed tone"), corresponds in cadence with 
the Cantonese and Annamese Ti and TA; with the 
Hakka ±A, and with the Tientsin and Yangchow ±*F. 
This tone Smith marks with a diaeresis, and Pallegoix with 
a tilda ; — thus ha, ha. The ** abrupt tone thrown into, the 
chest," tonus demissus, or " falling inflection V corresponds 
in cadence almost exactly with Pekingese -£> B, and is mark- 
ed by both Smith and Pallegoix with a grave accent; — ^thus, 
w^. The "abrupt heavy tone," tonus gravis^ or "circum- 
flex tone," corresponds pretty well with the Hakka -£>B> and 
the W6nchow ± ±. Smith marks it with a circumflex 
above, and Pallegoix with a dot beneath ; — thus, fdk, fqk. 
In comparing the cadences of the above tones, it must be 
distinctly recollected that the fact of a cadence being the 
same as another cadence has been absolutely proved, as 
regards Chinese, to be totally unconnected with the fact of 
a theoretical tone being the same as another theoretical 
tone. A fortiori as regards Chinese compared with Siamese. 
In China the theoretical tones have remained, in a more or 
less complete condition, in every dialect, just as the alphabet 
remains much the same throughout Europe : but, just as in 
Europe the letters (and e and u especially) differ in actual 


sound in different states, so in China the tones, (and es- 
pecially the K) differ in actual cadence in different dialects 
or states. 

Notwithstanding, it seems possible, and, indeed almost 
probable, that, just as the Cantonese sounds have been prov- 
ed to be the best or oldest, so the cadences of the Canton 
tones may, with the fairest show of reason, be shewn to be 
those which, of all languages or dialects spoken in China, 
best represent the cadences which were given to the same 
tones in north or Trans-Yangtsze China (i.e. in true ancient 
China) 2,000 years ago. They are positively the only tones 
which do not at this day more or less belie their names. 
It may yet be possible to shew that the Burmese, Siamese 
(including the Shans and Laos), Annamese, and perhaps all 
tone-using languages, such as Karenn, Kachyin, &c., have 
started with the same simple stock of tones ; have conceived 
the*same ideas of what tones were and are ; and have men- 
tally allied them with consonants and vowels in the same 
way. Finally, it may be possible to work back, and find 
out what (if anything) the Sanskrit and Greek tones were, 
or how far they were mere accent. 

According to Phya Bhaskarawongsi, aspirated consonants, 
with sibilants and aspirates, are affected to the high tones ; 
and in this categoiy fall **, ch*, ^, /><,/, 5, sh^ h^ &c. Un- 
aspirated surds, or mediais, such as Ar, ch, t,p, and the spiritus 
asper, are affected to the middle tones. Sonants, such as 
gf g^h ^giji y^i ^9 ^^9 «» ^i ^^> 'Wj yi ^9 h V, are affected to 
the low tones. It is not perfectly clear what is meant by 
this ; but it appears to mean that high initial letters cannot 
naturally take either the natural tone or the tonus gravis ; 
the low letters cannot take either the high tone or the tonus 
demissus ; whilst the medial letters can take all five. 

Let us compare this hypothetical statement with the Rev. 
S. J. Smith's Tone Table of the Siamese language^ as 
marked by the Siamese. 

It must be remembered, however, that the tone mark, in 
Siamese^ is over the initial consonant, and not at the end. 





W ^ c 5 

^ n ^ 

S 8 

he „ 

J 8 









c c 6 

d (« c< 


? 5 «; 

« K W 


C C S 
M8 lr4 M 

c c c 
,03 4: .a 

c c e 

M Wt Wi 

88 8 

M ICQ lc« 

..8 88 

^* JCJ3 

<« (« rt 





c c c 

irt 1(4 ut 

B e 8 

c e 6 ^ «• o* 

M ic« wi Ks M im 

a e 8 JM «« o. 

ctf (4 CQ ctf c4 (4 

w J * 

« >< U 


1(4 1(4 K 
W - - 


c e c 

IC4 M t(4 

c c c 



C 8 •M £2 Q* 

U4 1(4 M \c4 1(4 

- - -f - - - 

c 6 ^ ^^ cu 

C4 (4 cS C4 (4 

to - 
«. . . 


60** IS 

C4 c4 I 

c c 8 

M M K4 


(4 C4 C4 

8 88 

s I: 


M4 M M4 


c c a 

M M 1(4 

^ 4rf Oi 

M M« M 
tf u u 

1(4 ^2 

^i -s-s-s 


UO M4 1(4 

C C 8 
c« 8 <4 




The conclusions to be drawn from the above somewhat 
puzzling table seem to be: i. That the " natural tone," 
which can never be used with high letters, when used at all, 
is never marked by the Siamese ; but that certain low letters 
are modified by a spiritils asper to shew that their position 
as medial initials in the natural tone is not strictly regular.! 
2. The ** prolonged tone " is always marked by the Siamese 
as No. I, except when the word ends in kj p, or ty and can 
never be used with a true low letter. If we assume that 
this tone is analagous to the Canton and Annam T* and 
TA, (the actual cadence of all three being by accident or 
otherwise, the same), then we may say that the Siamese 
consider it unnecessary to mark this tone when the 
word is in what the Chinese would call the AS: and it 
has been pointed out by Dr. Chalmers that the Canton- 
ese lower series aspirates (i.e. ancient • sonant initials) 
abhor the T-i. 3. The ** chest tone " may be arbitrari- 
ly compared with the If iy including the ±A, for the 
sole reason that this Siamese tone takes words ending 
in k, t, and pi building upon this assumption, we may go 
on to say that, here again, the cadences of the Siamese 
±jk and ±A coincide as in Cantonese and Annamese. It 
might be objected that tone cannot be ** upper series,*' 
because the Siamese language permits of its being used 
with all letters. To this it may be answered that, whereas 
the Siamese always mark this tone as No. 2 with surds and 
medials, when the initial is a true sonant they mark it as' 
No. I ; and when the word is '* in the AS " they do not 
mark it at all. A close study of Siamese might undo these 
several suppositions; but, as far as Mr. Smith's Table 
shews, it appears that the AS is never specially marked in 
Siamese. 4. The ^'emphatic tone" can never be used 
with an aspirated surd. If we assume this tone to be the 
T±, then the fact that it cannot exist with "high letters" 

t M. Hardouin is disposed to admit that there are two natural tones 
differing very slightly, and not one only. This if true, may be of im- 
portance in tracing back the separation of the Jb^ from the T ^ (or *"<^^ 
versd) in Chitfiese. 


goes without saying : the Siamese always mark it as No. 3 
in medial initials, but as No. 2 in true sonants. 5. If we 
go on to assume that the ** high tone " is the ±±, then the 
fact that it cannot be used with a sonant goes without 
saying too : the Siamese mark this tone as No. 4 in me- 
dials, but do not not mark it at all in aspirated surds, as 
they consider the tone to be inherent therein, as the 
" natural tone " is inherent in medials at least, if not in low 
letters too. 

The Siamese tone marks are well known to be forms of 
the Sanskrit numerals i, 2, 3, and 4. Thus, whilst the 
Siamese consider that they have only five tones, we have 
shewn that there is reason to believe there are six, i. e. six 
cadences : and if it were not that, like the Annameae, they 
did not think it necessary to mark the AS at all, there would 
be eight, which is the complete Chinese set. It must 
not be forgotten that the whole argument is tentative and 
hypothetical from beginning to end. 

Mr. Smith tells us that tone mark No. 3 shortens the 
vowel ; and, having assumed this, the ** emphatic tone," to 
be the T±, we may call attention to the fact both the 
Foochow dialect and Corean go to shew that the ± class of 
Chinese words must be short, or, at all events, not long like 
the •£-. We are further informed, however, that, in Siamese, 
'' long vowels ending a syllable can take any of the tone* 
" marks ; short ones ending a syllable never." Further that 
^^i, p, ty ngy nty n are the prevailing final consonants: all 
<< other final consonants are reduced to one or the other of 
" these : the first three can never take a tone mark,'* It is to 
be noticed, too, that the Siamese notion that an h ** raises " 
the tone is paralleled in the W^nchow dialect, where no 
low series word can begin with A, but must take what is in 
effect the(*) or spiritus aspevy a sign used by the Siamese to 
''raise'* a low letter not possessing a high correlative to 
medial quality. It has already been pointed out elsewhere 
that (colloquialisms excepted) Chinese words beginning with 
y^ji »> ^«j| ^ are always in the ** lower series," and the same 
notion seems to prevail in Siam. Both these last points 

seem to be explained by the following remark of Mr. 
Smith : ** of the low letters only those can have prefixed to 
*' them the letter h which have not their own correlative in 
** the high letters ; whence it follows that only ng, jhy «, y^ 
" m, /, r can have prefixed to them the letter //." Moreover 
it appears from Mr. Smith's Grammar that y can take both 
h and the spiritus asper^ a fact which his Tone Table does 
not make clear. 

The Shan language and tones are the same as the Siam- 
ese,''' but the latter are not marked at all. On the other hand 
the Shans subdivide their five tones into what Dr. Gushing 
calls the open and closed series, to which two series Dr. 
Gushing adds what he caHs the middle series. His gram- 
mar is not perfectly clear upon this point, but I find, after 
an interview kindly granted by him, that the distinction 
refers to the length of the vowels. Thus kin, kttt^ kein 
(none of which vowel distinction would be marked in Shan 
even with a tone-mark) are different series " of a syllable 
which the Shans write with one identical vowel." Mr. 
Gushing goes on to say that the Karenns have a most per- 
fect system of marking the tones ; but he does not explain 

* This apparently sweeping remark made by one ignorant of both 
languages requires explantion. Mr. F. S. A. Bourne found that many 
of the so-called Miao-tsz of Kwang Si were Shans. M. Wallys of 
Penong infarms me that two "Chinese *' boys in his school from- south 
Kwang Si were found by him to speak a language perfectly intelligible 
to Siamese. Dr. Warliker of Mandalay, who has just passed an exami- 
nation in Shan, gives me the five Shan tones, which I find are, ap- 
parently, the same as th.e five Siamese tones which I learnt in Siam. 
The Burmese call the Siamese the •* Shans of Juthia." Foreign and 
Siamese authorities in Siam informed me that the Laos spoke a 
language which, at base, was the same as Siamese. Finally Dr. J. N. 
Cushi]^, who has published a Shan Gxammar, says that the Siamese. 
Shans, Burmese Shans, Chinese Shans, &c., are all of the one Tai race 
(called Thai in Siam) ; and that, with slight dialectical variations, (Dr. 
Gushing taking the Legga as a standard), the one Shan language is 
spoken in Burma from Karenni to north of Theinni, from the eastern 
hills of Burma to the Meikong. He also says Siamese call themselves 
the Lesser Thai, and the Laos (he greater Thai ; whereas the Laos call 
themselves tbe Lessee Tai and the Sliaos of North Burma (the cradle of 
their race) the greater Tai. Finally, that the dialect of the Tai Mau, 
(Meng-mao) of North Burma, differs less from Shan than do Siamese 
and Laos dialscts from Shan. 


it, nor does he inform U8 what alphabet they use. [I have 
since ascertained from a Karenn that Karenn has six tones, 
and that the alphabet was invented by the missionaries] . 
He says that the Laos mark six tones : possibly the sixth 
is the missing ff- which, with M* Hardouin's approval, we 
have consigned above. [I have since learnt from Dr. 
Gushing that it is not, but a prolonged <* third tone" 
peculiar to Laos] . 

There now remain the Burmese tones, which Bishop 
Bigandet, perhaps the highest authority in Burma, insists 
are essential to the right speaking of Burmese. With the 
assistance of Mr. Stevenson, assistant Commissioner at 
Pakoko, considered one of the very soundest speakers oi 
Burmese, I have succeeded in getting a tolerably firm hold 
upon these tones, which are three, and very simple. The 
" natural " tone (which disproves the title of any tones to 
the name by the fact) differs from the " natural '* tone of 
Siam or Annam, and from any Ji7 in China : it resembles 
(what is very near the ±^ of Canton) the T^- of W6nchow; 
The "light tone" is precisely the JJ| of Foochow, — as 
nearly as possible the ±£ of Canton. The remaining tone 
is as nearly as possible the " emphatic tone " of Siam. There 
is no proof as yet forthcoming, but it is possible that the ^ 
the K (i.e. ± or i) and the A are in effect the three Purraese 
tones. With regard to Mr. Smith's Tone Table, there can be 
no doubt that, in spite of its apparent complication, it is right, 
for it accords with the verbal account of the tones given by 
Mr. Hardouin without reference to Mr. Smith's Tone Table 
at all. As far as I have been able to make out, neither the 
Annamese, Siamese, or Burmese have any word for '' tone " 
corresponding to the Chinese word S, but I have already 
shewn, on the authority of Mr. Truong Vinh-ki, that the 
Annamese, previous to the introduction by the missionaries 
of the quoc ngu system, divided their tones as belonging to 
Chinese words into the ± and T^, the ± and T* (i.e. the 
Ub and T±) and the ± and fJK (i.e. the ±-t, ±A and T*, 
TA) ; whilst theoretically adhering to Chinese rules for pur- 
poses of poetry. According to M. Lorgeon, the Siamese 


distinguish their three classes of consonants into klang ((^), 
tarn (T)) and khun or sung (±) ; and the word sUng (appa* 
rentiy one of the not unniunerous Chinese words found in 
Siamese) appear to be used for the word '^ sound" or << tone," 
without, however, being specified or enumerated as specially 
alluding to the five tones. Still, there the fact is, that An* 
namese, Siamese, and Burmese alike appear to have con- 
ceived three main divisions, — the ^ or " natural," the JiK or 
" modified," and A or ** abrupt " tone ; and, on purely in- 
ternal evidence, I have already shewn, in treating of Chinese 
dialects, that this division seems to be the first original con- 
ception of the Chinese. The Burmese do not mark the 
" natural " tone at all ; when the other two tones are mark- 
ed, it is with a dot underneath the last letter for the one 
tone, and a sort of semicolon at the end of the syllable for 
the other : at this moment I forget which mark refers to 
which tone. 

The facial type of the Burmese, Siamese, and Annamese 
alike is decidedly *' Mongol ; " but the Siamese seem to differ 
physically from the other two and especially from the Bur- 
man in having short strong legs like the Japanese. An 
average Chinese or Japanese done up in the attire of any of 
the three might easily pass for a native, and vice versd ; but 
the Corean type is certainly bigger and less un-Aryan looking 
than any of the other five. Competent authorities agree 
that the structure (apart from the individual words) of the 
Siamese and Annamese languages is extraordinarily alike, 
and the same thing has been shewn of the Japanese and Co- 
rean. But, when manifest Chinese importations are elimi- 
nated from all four, it is observable that individual Siamese 
words of common use no more resemble individual Annamese 
words than individual Japanese words resemble individual 
Corean words. M. Lorgeon of Bangkok, (a very though- 
ful and weighty authority), rejects the view which has re- 
cently been vigorously urged, — that it is to the construction 
of sentences rather than to the similarity of individual words 
that we must look for evidence of kinship in languages ; and 
(to take one instance alone) the resemblance of the English 


slM Russian constmctions, which is much more marked 
than the resemblanoe of the English construction to that of 
its kinsman High German, lends countenance to M. Lor- 
geon's view. It appears to us that tone sympathies are as 
much a likely factor as word or coDStruction sympathies, 
and that any specific evidence of kinship whatever (e.g. the 
remarkable likeness of supposed p«m Japanese words to 
Chinese roots having the same meaning) is sufficient to 
overturn any rival evidence whatever which is of only a by- 
theoretical nature. There has never been any mention 
made of Mongol tones, but it seems to be granted by those 
who are acquainted with Mongol and Manchu that the con- 
struction of those languages is very similar to that of Japan- 
ese and Corean, from which the construction of Chinese 
certainly widely differs, as it widely differs from the xx«i- 
struction of Annamese and Siamese. Of the nature o£ 
Burmese I know nothing, except that it is stated to almost 
exactly resemble Arakanese, and to be totally di£Berent from 
Shan or Siamese, but, like Siamese, to have been largely 
affected by Sanskrit or Pali influences. A cursory glance 
through Hancock's and Gordon's hand-books leads me to 
judge that, though monosyllabic and uninfected in genius, 
its construction is like the Japanese. The traditions of ail 
these peoples, and the incomplete evidence so far available 
seem to point to a very remote kinship between Chinese, 
Japanese, Burmese, Siamese, and Annamese. if the 
Annamese and Siamese originally came from Central Asia, 
they have not as yet been traced back further than YUn Nan 
and Kwang Si ; nor have the Burmese been traced back with 
certainty further than Assam, or at the utmost Magadha ; the 
Chinese than Shen Si; the Japanese than west Japan. 
Since their first separation from a presumed common stock, 
the Japanese seem to have been first affected by Mongol or 
Corean influences, and then both they and the Coreans by 
more mxxlem Chinese influences, Chinese meanwhile having 
changed and developed : the Annamese have been affected by 
Chinese influences alone : the Shans or Siamese slightly by 
popular Chinese but extensively by literary Indian influences; 


and the Bttrmcse by Indian influences alone. There is no 
evidence whatever that the Chinese have derived anything 
from anybody, and they possessed characters fcH' 95 per cent 
of the words now in use before any of the other four had 
emerged from barbarism. In intellect, and especially in 
literature, the Chinese have not only shewn themselves im- 
measurably superior to the nations they have affected, but 
those affected nations have nothing whatever intellectual or 
literary to shew which is not manifestly derived from a 
Chinese source, and which is not inferior to the original, 
which original, all three stiil a£fect to imitate, and have (even 
the Japanese at heart) always held in higher honour than 
their own kana, chu-nontf or en-motiy as the Case may be. The 
Chinese have in fact, done for eastern Asia what the Romans 
did for Europe; by sheer force <A intellectual superiority 
they have morally affected all the nations around them, 
borrowing nothing but physical fresh blood in return. 

A Karenn Christian missionary employed amongst the 
Kachyins repeated to me several times the six tones used in 
his language, which appear to differ but slightly from the 
Siamese tones. The Karenns write their language with an 
alphabet invented for them by the missionaries, and, like 
the Western Shan alphabet, very like the Burmese : the ex- 
cellent system of tone marks above referred to is therefore a 
foreign invention. From what it was possible to ascertain 
from this man, and from what the Rev. Father Cadaux, who 
speaks Kachyin, says, it appears doubtful if the Kachyins 
(who have no script erf any sort) lay so much stress on their 
tones as do the Shans. As the construction of the Kachyin 
tongue is almost absolutely Burmese, (which includes Ara* 
kanese), and many roc^s are said to be similar in the two 
tongues, this fact would appear very natural, as tones are only 
of secondary importance in Bvurmese. The Shan (Pa-i) chief 
of Mang-shI gave me a native grammar or set of parad igms; 
from his pronunciation of the tones (unmarked) it would 
seem that they differ slightly from the Siamese, which 
language he said he could but imperfectly make out. The 
above-mentioned three ^^series" of tones is simply a question 


of open or partly closed teeth, and consequent prolongation 
• of the vowels. \ 

Since writing the above, already interlarded with emenda- 
tions and additions, I have been fortunate enough to meet 
the Rev. Mr. Roberts, whose ten years' experience amongst 
the Kachyins places him in the very first rank as an 
authority. He agrees with Father Cadaux that the construe* 
tion of Kachyin is absolutely Burmese, with the exception 
of the place assigned to the negative particle in some in- 
stances, and of the comparative poverty of Kachyin in par- 
ticles generally. A Kachyin Spelling Book has been publish- 
ed by the American Baptist Mission Press, and the 
alphabet used by Mr. Roberts is almost exactly the same as 
that invented for the Karen ns : a Kachyin girl in his service 
read off the sounds of the letters one by one. I have also 
had the good fortune to meet the Rev. Mr. Cross of the 
same mission, who has had considerable experience amongst 
the S'gaw or Sagaw Karenns: a Karenn in his service 
enunciated the six tones, which, as far as I was able to 
judge, corresponded with the six tones given by the Karenn 
at Bhamo. The Rev. Mr. Brayton, however, whose ex- 
perience has lain entirely amongt the Pwo Karenns says 
that, in addition to the six S*gaw tones, the Pwo Karenns 
have four more tones which are only used with words end- 
in ng, — their only final consonant. S'gaw Karenn cannot 
even take this final, and consequently does not need these 
four tones, all its words ending in a vowel, or a sort of faint 
jerk. As to the construction of Karenn in general, it is 
agreed by all, that anyway, it differs totally from Burmese : 
but it is not easy to specify, or to say what it resembles, as 
the Karenn -speaking missionaries seldom know much of 
Shan ; but the general opinion seems to be that the construc- 
tion is much the same as Shan and, in support of this 
hypothesis, it may be mentioned that Bishop Pallegoix con- 
sidered that the Karenns and Siamese probably came from 
the same stock. Talaing, (Peguan), as a spoken language 
is said to be almost extinct west of the Salween, and few 
persons, if any, in Burmah can be found to give any account 


of it. It seems, however, that the Indian influence has been 
greater there than even in Burmah, and that the Talaing 
alphabet, derived from the Pali, was the mother of the 
Burmese alphabet. 

In addition to the Burmese Shan alphabet published by 
Dr. Gushing, and the diamond-shaped Burmese alphabet 
used by the Chinese Shans, there is the Khamti (Shan) 
alphabet (of Assam), distinguished by the extensive dotting 
of the letters. Dr. Gushing, who, it is hoped, will soon 
share with us the stores of Shan lore now buried exclusively 
in his breast, shewed me a handsome Khamti scroll book 
which he had just received, and allowed me to copy his 
Laos alphabet, which differs widely from Siamese and Shan. 
Of all these alphabets I shall have something to say another 
time. From what I gather from Dr. Gushing I am disposed 
to think that the Shans of Kiang-sen have yet another 
alphabet, and that this nation is the Ailao S 2p of the 17th 
century; the Gh*61i ♦! of to-day; and the Muang Lai as 
known to the Siamese. 

In Haswell's Vocabulary of the Peguan or Talaing lan- 
guage (now almost extinct), nothing is said of tones. Though 
the Peguan alphabet is almost the same as its offspring the 
Burmese, yet the language is agreed by all authorities to be 
totally different, and the balance of probabilities seems to 
point to the conclusion that the Talaings are not of Indian, 
Burmese, or Shan origin. A glance at Dr. Haswell's 
vocabulary is enough to satisfy any one that the lan- 
guage is at root monosyllabic, and it is difficult to believe 
therefore that there are no tones in it, seeing that all 
the settled nations of the peninsula whose language is 
monosyllabic possess' them, and all much in the same 

The following facts about the Shans, or Tai tribes, may 
be of interest : they are mainly derived from Gushing*s Shan 
Grammar and Shan Vocabulary. Of their alphabets, Dr. 
Gushing says in effect that the different Tai races use dif- 
ferent alphabets. The alphabet now used by the Judia 
(Ajuthia) Shans, or Siamese, is stated by Dr. Jones to be a 


simplification of Cambodgian Bali. On the other hand, 
Bishop Pallegoix says that " Phra Ruang, cum magno Si- 
nensium comitatu, reversus charactered linguae Thai in- 
stituit." Bastian says that, according to the inscription on 
a stone found in Ajuthia, the Siamese had formerly no 
written characters ; but that, in the year 1205 (? of the era 
commencing 543 B.C.), Ram Kham Heng, having consult- 
ed with his wise men, established the Thai writing as it now 
exists. Of the different Shan tribes the Lau (Meikong) use 
an alphabet which is derived from the same source as that 
of the Siamese. The Laos^ use an alphabet which is a mo- 
dification of the Talaing or Mon. The Burmese Shans use 
an alphabet about half of which is identical with Burmese, 
from which it is derived.! The native Shan tradition is 
that, after Buddhism had been established in the Shan 
countries, a Shan priest descended into Burma, learnt Pall 
and Burmese, devised the present Shan alphabet, and trans- 
lated a number of books into Shan. The Tai Mau alphabet, 
or the alphabet of Maing-mao, is the same as that of the 
Burmese Shans, with the addition of the letters / and ch ; 
but certain letters are formed with diamonds instead of 
circles, which fact, Dr. Gushing thinks, points to Chinese 
influence. [It is noticeable that the Corean in mon and the 
Japanese katakana^ both of which seem inspired by San- 
skrit, are also modified so as to suit the Chinese strokes as 
made by the Chinese writing brush]. The Khamti and 
Ahom [Shan] alphabet very much resemble that of the 
Burmese Shans ; but a Khamti peculiarity is the use of a 
large dot in all consonants. A clever Burmese Shan can 
read a Tai. Mau book. One of the local peculiarities of the 
Burmese Shans is the use of ngo for wo '*an ox," and win 

* Lags is a word totaUy unknown to any of the peoples of Indo- China. 
t Captain Forbes says that the Talaing alphabet, derived from that in 
use in India about the 3rd. Century A. D., "Was almost certainly intro- 
duced about A.D. 400, and most probably by the Cingalese Buddhagfaosa, 
who seems to have been engaged in transcribing the Beedagat into Pali 
just when Fa Hian was in Ceylon transcribing the same work into 
J Chinese. Burmese is derived from Talaing, which contains more and 
older forms. 


{or min "afly," [cf. A, Cant, ngo, P^k,i»o; and 01; Cant. 
ntin, Pek. w6n, *<a mosquito."] The Shan languagfe is 
essentially monosyllabic, but they have some rlisyllables of 
their own [a statement of Dr. Cushing's which should, be 
proved] in addition to the polysyllabic words which they 
have borrowed from Pali and Burmese, the loans from 
Burma being colloquial as well as bookish. 

Dr. Cushing divides the Tai or Shans into Siamese, Bur- 
mese, Chinese, and Native. The Siamese Shans are (i) the 
Laos, (who call themselves the Lesser Tai, and the north 
Burman Shans, the Tai L6ng* or greater Tai) ; (a) the Sia- 
mese, who call themselves T*ai Noi or Lesser T*ai, and the 
Laos the T*ai Niai or greater T*ai) ; and (3) the Lau, who 
live beyond the Mekong, and are tributary to Siam [not the 
same as the Lawas of other writers] . The Burmese Shans 
lie in the Theebaw and Theinnee country, north-west of 
Luang Prabang and Xiengmai. The Tai Mau and Tai 
Kh*e (Kh*e or kie being the Shan words for Chii>a) are 
Chinese Shans, and the Khamti and Ahom are nearer As- 
sam ; the Ahom (now all but extinct) once gave a dynasty 
to Burma. [Thus all the Shans belong to Burma, Siam, 
or China, and none of them to Annam] . The Shan name 
for a Mon6 Shan is Tai Nai, and the Shan m becomes the 
Laos b [cf. Swatow ban for mnUy wan tt] : the Laos and 
Tai Mau b is the Shan hp, [as is invariably the case in 
Corean, and often in the Foochow dialect with Chinese 
words] . The Shan pek becomes Siamese pick ** to distin- 
guish " [cf. Poocbow peik SB] , and the Shan kang becomes 

* Dr. Cushing discusses the aspirate with which the Siamese ifiodify 
the word Tai, and the meaning " free " which they give to the Thai thus 
modified. The fact that the Shans say kon, and the Laos k'un for " man," 
shews that as Tai does not mean "free" in Shan, it seems probable, as 
Dr. Cushing more than hints, that the Siamese word is purely ethnologi- 
cal, and did not ariguially mean "free." Pallegoix saya that Phra 
Ruang or Arunnarat was born in the year of Buddha 950 (A. D.) and 
reigned at Sangkhalok. After freeing his people (the Sajam or *' brown") 
from Cambodgian domiutttion, he gave them the name of Thai, invented 
the present alphabet, and modified the KhoiHj or Cambodgian alphabet, 
which was thenceforth used only for religious books. The relations of 
Phra Ruang with " le roi de la Chine, appel6 alots roi " de Maghata " are 
probably imaginary, the explanation being that Magadha was called 41 gj. 


Siamese krang or klang << middle " [a change often made in 
Annamese with Chinese words] . The Tai Mau often turn 
the Shan / into n : thus nuttf for lun, '* moon '* ; nan for Ian 
" star." The above instances given by Dn Gushing only 
shew that much the same dialectical variations are at work 
in the Shan as in the Chinese dialects ; and it has already 
been elsewhere shewn that the same changes take place in 
China as in Europe, even to the systematic corruption of 
the AS by the French, except, more rarely, with final k or 
c. The Kaing Tung Shans call themselves Khun, and the 
Kaing Hong Shans call themselves Lu. The KSing Tung 
Shans make use of a modified Laos alphabet, as well as of 
the Shan alphabet, but this is not the case with the Western 

The true relation of Annamese and Shan to Chinese can 
never be satisfactorily shewn except by those (none of whom 
yet exist) who are thoroughly conversant with at least the 
Cantonese dialect of Chinese and with those languages. It 
is possible, however, by scrutinising dictionaries and gram- 
mars, and by consulting students of Annamese and Shan to 
form a reasonably sound opinion. One thing is certain : the 
construction of Annamese, Siamese and Shan is almost 
identical, and in all cases very different from that of any 
modern Chinese ; moreover hardly in any respect resembling 
that of Corean and Japanese, and, it is therefore presumed, 
of Mongolian. The most marked peculiarity is the follow- 
ing of the noun by the adjective and by the genitive case : 
thus, Muang Luang Prabang, ''the country Luang Pra- 
bang," Phu Lang-thuong, the Lang-thuong Prefecture, 
Menam, the ''water's mother," or "mother of waters." 
The construction of sentences is almost childishly simple, 
and for abstract ideas and complicated sentences the An- 
namese have to fall back on Chinese, as the tw6 others must 
on the Indian tongues. On no possibly imaginable system 
of assumed changes can more than a small proportion, say 
ten per cent., of old native Annamese words be traced to the 
same origin as Chinese, and still fewer Siamese words can 
be traced to the same origin as Annamese. This necessari- 

PAKICBR <— Ilft>0*CHtMBSB TONBfl* 85 

]y proves nothing, except that, assuming that all or most 
languages come from one or at most few stocks, the date at 
which thQ nations under discussion separated from each 
other is so remote, that, though other evidence points to a 
common origin, there is little more chance of locating and 
dating the circumstances than there would be of fixing the 
separation point of the English and Russians, who are both 
unmistakably Aryans. The most remarkable thing is that 
the native Siamese numerals are manifestly Chinese, and 
most of them would be good Hakka even now. " One" and 
*• two " and perhaps ** five '* are the only doubtful ones, and 
it is possible even to probability that the Shan races, like 
many others still existing, were unable to count more than 
two, or perhaps five, at the period when they came into se- 
cond contact with their presumed kinsmen the Chinese. 
The other few words which seem to be Chinese may be 
names of objects or animals the Shans had never seen be- 
fore, or expressions of ideas too deep for their then simple 
minds : in some cases, indeed, it is possible that the ancient 
prehistorical word has survived almost unmutilated from 
the remotest times. The Shan words (each with the tone 
numbered) kheeng^ "ginger," khoon^ ** governor," kong^ 
" a bow,** " hollow," hpo^ ** husband," khim^ " needle, are 
not only almost the same as the average Chinese sounds o 
S, W, ^, 2, ^, tf, but the " natural '* or first tone given to 
each by Mr. Cushing is also the ** natural" or upper even 
tone in all Chinese dialects ; and, on totally different evid- 
ence, we have shewn that these two ** natural " tones are 
possibly the same in origin. On the other hand, pin^ 
" sick" carries the same *' natural " tone, and fails to an- 
swer Chinese rule,^both as to inital (6 or lower p) and the 
tone ; and kham^ " gold " fails as to tone too, as also do 
kai^ ** a, fowl," hpeung^ ** a. bee," and others which would 
otherwise be unexceptionable. Hsook* " ripe," and meuk^ 
«* ^nk" ; ngcHk^ " crocodile, and htdk* " to hew " are all lower 
A in the Chinese words ]ft, A, ■, and 9r, but differ in tone 
in Siamese. There are a few other words in thd same pre- 
dicament ; thus, tdt^ neUng^ " able," meow^ " cat," hVan^ 


mee^* • charcoal," kaum^ " coffin," wa* '* horse," Uu^ "mule,'* 
and peau* ** a watch," which are almost certainly the Chin- 
ese words seen in the characters S tl, tt, M J9I, M^ H) 

As regards the numerals, which* in Shan and Siamese, 
(and even to a small extent in Burmese), resemble those of 
China, Dr. Cushing mentions (Meikong) once had numerals 
of their own, and the oldest men can occasionally repeat 
them now ; but, for some unexplained reason, they gradually 
abandoned them a generation or two ago, and now use the 
Shan numerals. 


By W. G. Aston. 

(Read 12th December, 1888.^ 

In these days of rehabilitations of character, when Judas 
Iscariot has been more or less conclusively shown to have 
been the only true believer among the disciples, it has 
occurred to me that some injustice has been done to that 
despised little particle ne^ and that it deserves a higher place 
in public estimation than it holds at present. 

I find that I have myself been guilty of referring to it as 
meaningless and vulgar, and as more used by women than 
by men, so that it is all the more incumbent on me to set 
forth my reasons for now thinking that it is very far from 
^ meaningless, that its antecedents and connections are high- 
ly respectable, and even distinguished, and that, if it is 
more used by women than by men, this fact is only another 
example of the influence of that healthy conservative in- 
stinct which prevents their sex from following too closely 
the caprices of linguistic innovation. 

In order to make clear the real nature of the particle ne, 
it is necessary to examine briefly that important change in 
the Japanese language, which consists in the disuse of the 
** conclusive forms'* of the verb and adjective, and the substi- 
tution for them of the ** attributive forms," and which con- 
stitutes one of the chief distinctive features of the modern 


Thus, while it was formerly the practice to say skiroki 
tori, * a white bird ; ' aru tori, * a certain bird ; ' iaburu tori, 
* a bird which eats ; ' but tori wa shiroshi, * the bird is white; * 
tori arii *a bird is;' tori wa tabu, * the bird eats;' — the present 
spoken language has discarded the forms shiroshi, ari, and 
tabu, and uses shiroki (contracted into shiroi), aru, and ta- 
buru {taberu in the T6ky6 dialect) for both the attributive 
and conclusive forms. I would suggest that this change is 
owing to the influence of the habit, to which the Japanese 
are prone, of breaking off their sentences in the middle, and 
leaving their hearer's imagination to supply what is omitted. 
Evidence is not altogether wanting that where shiroi, aru, 
or taberu are used as indicative or conclusive forms, the 
sentence is really incomplete. We find, for example, phrases 
like mada demasenn wa (or wa ye) in the sense of ** he has 
not yet gone out," where it must strike everyone that the 
presence of iva is an indication that the word dcmasenu is 
to be taken as a noun, and that something must be under- 
stood after it. This ** something " we may conjecture to 
have meant ** is " or ** is a fact," so that demasenu 7ca...will 
mean ** his not going out (is a fact)." But we have more 
than mere conjecture in favour of this supposition. In the 
Ky6to dialect there is a common termination of verbs, waina 
or wayena, which is the particle wa^ followed by na. Na 
is here obviously the radical syllable of nam ** to Ke." Na 
is also found added to the verb without any wai intervening. 
It would appear therefore that shiroi, aru, and taberu of 
the modern Colloquial have come to mean " is white," " is," 
and ** eats," simply because the word naru or nari is 
understood after them, — a fact which is now quite forgotten 
by the people who use these forms. 

The further question now presents itself— of what is 
this, na a contraction ? Does it represent the conclu- 
sive form nari, or the attributive form naru ? Not- 
withstanding the reasons advanced above, it seems 
more probable that na here stands for naru, and not 

* The % oi ye I am unable to account for. 


for nari. In such phrases as kirei na mono^ it obviously 
represents the attributive form, and it is easy to see how a 
change, which was brought about by the use of nam at the 
end of sentences, should afterwards, when the process had 
made some progress, be applied to nari itself, causing it 
to be replaced by naru or na. But there is another reason 
why na should be regarded as an abbreviation of the attri- 
butive form. A contraction of the conclusive form nari is 
already in existence, being, if I am not mistaken, no other 
than the so called particle n^, familiar to us in the Tdkyd 
dialect. There are parallels for the omission of r in the 
words gozaimasu and kudasaimasu, for gozarimasu and 
kudqsaremasu ; and the fondness of the common T6ky6 
language for the sound e in preference to ai is too well- 
known to require comment. But the intermediate link 
between nari and ne is fortunately not wanting. It is evi- 
dently the nai which surprises in the western provinces of 
Japan travellers who find that a word, which they were fami- 
liar with in an exactly opposite sense, there means *yes* {na- 
rij *it is'). The similarity of «af , * yes,' and nai, * no,' was 
no doubt, one of the reasons for preferring the sound ne in 
the former case. Ambiguity would thus be avoided. 

If ne is thus only another form of our old and valued 
acquaintance, the verb nari f to be,' there is reason for treat- 
ing it with greater respect in future. Let us extend a share 
of our consideration for it to the women of Japan, whose per- 
severing, though sometimes misdirected, efforts to preserve 
the grammatical purity of their language by besprinkling 
their conversation profusely with ne*s, we have been in the 
habit of listening to with a smile of fancied superiority. 
Their yoroshii ne, sore kara ne, sC deshita ne, conform more 
truly to the grammatical standards of the older language 
than our n^-less sentences. 

An episode in the grammatical revolution above described 
may perhaps be briefly mentioned here, though it has no direct 
connection with ne. It is the change of ga from a posses- 
sive to a nominative particle. It is obvious that if we take 
a sentence {tori ga taberu), which means *<a bird's eating,*' 


and make ** eating " mean " eats," the form " bird's " (tori 
ga) must lose its possessive force, and ^' s " (^a) will become 
simply the sign of the nominative case. 




1591 — 1610." 

By B. H. Chamberlain. 
{Read i6th January, 1889.) 

Mr. Ernest Satow's last work, entitled "The Jesuit 
Mission Press in Japan, 1591 — 1610," is of such unusual 
interest and importance to all persons who occupy them- 
selves with Japanese studies, whether historical, re- 
ligious, or linguistic, that no excuse is needed for bringing 
it before the notice of the Asiatic Society of Japan. The 
author has chosen to print his Monograph for private 
circulation only. An enormous amount of labour amon^ 
the libraries of the religious orders in Rome, Spain, and 
Portugal, — to say nothing of the great national libraries of 
England, France, and Holland, — is thus doomed to bear 
but little fruit so far as the general public is concerned. 
All the more needful is it, therefore, to draw attention to 
it in our " Transactions." The public of specialists and 
students may thus be preserved from neglecting one of the 
chief original sources of information concerning a curious 
episode in the history of Japan and of Catholicism. 

The volume in question is a carefully prepared biblio- 
graphy of the earliest Romanised Japanese works, printed 


by the Spanish and Portuguese Jesuit Fathers on Japanese 
soil. Few persons now-a-days know that such very ancient 
Christian works in Romanised Japanese ever existed. 
Copies of them are extremely rare, and it is from the dust 
of the old libraries of Europe that Mr. Satow, after several 
months of toil, has succeeded in disinterring them. Of 
several he has disinterred but the names alone, no single 
copy being left extant. One of the curious facts relating 
to these Christian works is that they were the earliest 
books printed in Japan with movable types. Mr. Satow 
says in his preface : — " Some years ago, in the course of 
an investigation into the history of printing in Japan ^^ 
I found that the earliest hook printed with movable types 
in that country^ under purely native management^ bore 
a date corresponding to a.d. 1596, and from various 
evidence I came to the conclusion that the invention had 
been introduced about that time from Korea^ where it 
had been in use for over two-and-a-half centuries. I 
was, however, unaware that there existed in various Eu- 
ropean libraries at least five separate works, all of 
earlier dates, printed in Japan with Roman type by the 
Jesuit missionaries. So that the art had been actually 
practised on Japanese soil by foreigners, for some years 
before its adoption by the people of the country. On the 
other hand, the earliest dated work from the local mission 
press in which the Japanese character is used belongs to 
1598. 'A letter of 1594 speaks of devotional treatises in 
Japanese with Japanese characters, but these were probably 
engraved on blocks. It seems possible therefore, though 
perhaps not very probable, that the Japanese may have 
learnt the advantages of typography from the missionaries, 
and not from the Coreans.'' 

Of the fourteen works discovered by Mr. Satow, the first 
on the list, and also the first in point of time, is a <* Com- 
pendium of the Acts of the Saints," printed in 1591. The 

♦ See Vol. X, p. 48 and 252 of tbeM •• Transactions." 



accompanying extract may serve as a specimen of the style, 
and at the same time of the system of transh'teration 
adopted by the Jesuit fathers of a.d. 1591 : — 

AM ATA no Doutores no qirocu 
nari. CON NIchi Sancta Ecclesia 
yori S. Pedro, S. Paulo issai nin- 
guen no mit^u no tcqi ni taixe- 
rarete go vn uo firaqi tamo tocoro 
uo yorocobi musaruiu mono nari. 
Mit9U no teqi toua vagami, cono 
xecai, tengu core nari. Connichi 
no iuai ua Christan no vchi no dai 
ichi no iuai nari. Sonoyuyeua, 
Cbristan no dai icbiban no taix5 
go xdri uo ye tamu fi nareba nari. 
Cono go ri5nin no govn uo firaqi 
tam5 von vye uoba caccacu ni 
iuai mosaru beqi coto fony nari 
toiyedomo, go rionin*no vye uo 
ichidoni iuai mSaaruru coto ua, 
Cbristan no yorocobi mo, xtnjin- 
mo connichi casanari, sono von 
cagami mo connicbioy ri [for 
yori] casanareba nari. Sono 
inyen no casanaru toqimba, Deus 
uo tattomi tatemat9urtt coto mo 
casanarubeqi coto mottomo nari. 
Mata cono gorionin connicbi 
ichidoni Martyr ni nari tamaitaru 
cotomo mata Deus no von sadame 
nari. Go zonjo no vchi ni go 
ichimi, goixxin ni voboximexi ai 
tamo ga yuyeni, connichi vonaji 
fi, vonaji tocoro, vonaji acuvS no 
guegi vomotte vonaji Fides uo 
sodatfuni tameni, go ichimei uo 
sasague tamo nari. S. Paulo ua 
Roma no fito nite maximasu nari. 
Soreniyotte inixiye yori no fatto 

TRANSLATJON.'^TO'dtiy the 
Holy Church celebrates the victory 
gained by St. Peter and St. Paul 
over the three enemies of the 
human race. These three enemies 

are the flesh, the worId> and the 

devil. To-day's is ^he most im- 
portant of Christian celebrations, 
because it is the day on which the 
chief captains of Christianity 
gained the victory. It would be 
the natural course to celebrate 
separately the gaining of the vic- 
tory by these two, and the reason 
why they are celebrated together 
is, that on this day Christian joy 
and devotion were redoubled, and 
a double example was afibrded. 
It is right that when the cause is 
doubled, the respect paid to God 
should be doubled also. Again, 
it was determined by God that 
these two should be martyred 
together to-day. During their 
life-time they were united in 
thought, and on the selfsame day 
they offered up their lives at the 
selfsame place, at the command 
of the seliBame wicked princes, 
for the support of the selfsame 
faith. St. Paul was a Roman, and 
therefore, in accordance with an 


ni macaxete voq cubi uo vcbi ancient law, was decapitated, St^ 

Utemats^aritaru mono nari. S. Peter, being a descendent of Judah, 

Pedro ua ludeo no xison tara ni was bung on the cross, following 

yotte von aruji lesu Cbristo no go the precedent of our Lord Jesus 

cafd ni macaxete, Cruz ni cacari Christ. For these reasons the 

tamu nari. Corera no dori ni Church to-day solemnly celebrates 

xitagatte connichi Ecclesia yori their memory, 
fucaqu iuai tamu mono nari. 

Making full allowance for the consonantal usage of 
Spanish and Portuguese, and for the peculiarities of the 
Nagasaki dialect, we have in the above transliteration a 
sufficient proof that the pronunciation of the Japanese 
langauge has not altered materially during the last three 
hundred years. The Portuguese "x" is our **sh;** and 
" c " and " q " stand for " k ; " while " t9u " is accurately 
our "tsu." The **v" of course represents a "u," while 
" u " does duty for ** w *' in certain combinations. 

The next work on the list is a sort of manual of the 
Japanese Colloquial of those days, which, though separated 
from us by the lapse of three eventful centuries, was a 
language differing but little in style from the Colloquial 
Japanese to which we ourselves are accustomed to listen. 
It is called " NIFON NO COTOBA TO Historia uo narai 
lESVS NO COMPANHIA NO Collegio Amacusa ni 
voite Superiores no go menqio to xite core wo fan ni 
qizamu mono nari. Go xuxxe yori M. D.L. XXXXII," 
i.e. ** The Heike Monogatari, explained in Colloquial for 
the use of persons] desiring to study the language and 
history of Japan. Printed by permission of the Supe- 
riors at the Amakusa College of the Society of Jesus, 
in the year of our Lord 1592." — The pious compilers 
apologise for their enterprise in terms of which the following 
is a translation : — ** In this volume are printed the Japanese 
History called Heike Monogatari, some moral sentences, 
and the fables of Esop the European. The authors thereof 
being heathens, the subjects may appear not very recom- 


mendable, but it is not at all extraordinary for the Church 
to publish such books, whether for study or for the benefit 
of the world in general. Such a determination lies in aim- 
ing at God's service and in pra3ring for His glory. And just 
as the books hitherto printed at this college have been 
selected in accordance with the rules laid down with respect 
to such matters, so also as respects this volume it has been 
decided that it would be desirable that the persons whom the 
Superiors have deigned to fix on should select and publish 
the same. Amakusa, February 23rd, a.d. 1593.'* 

Passing over another grammar by Alvarez and a " Guide 
to the Faith," Fides no Doshi^ of which the University 
of Leyden possesses a copy, and which is interesting as 
containing the earliest translation into Japanese of a 
Papal Bull, we come to a <^ Dictionarium Latino-Lusi- 
tanicum ac Japonicum," published at ^'Amacusa in the 
Japanese College of the Society of Jesus, with permission 
of the Superiors" in the year 1595. This, the first 
dictionary of the Japanese language, — for the Japanese 
themselves did not begin seriously to study their own 
tongue till nearly a century later, — was followed in 1596 
by a translation of the world-famed ** Imitation of Christ.*' 
The title of the little volume, Contemptus mundi jenbu, 
must have been a poser to Mr. Satow. However, a little 
consideration, added to a knowledge of the Nagasaki 
pronunciation, showed him that the mysterious word 
jenbu is none other than zemhu (£tR)i which signifies 
" complete in one volume." There is a Japanese sub- 
title signifying, "This is a scripture teaching the way 
to shun the world and to imitate the conduct of Jesus 
Christ." The identity of the Japanese work entitled 
^^ Contemptus Mundi" with the work commonly known 
as " The Imitation of Christ " is sufficiently proved 
by a comparison of the Japanese text with the Latin 
text. The question as to the change in the Latin title 
admits of easy explanation. It would seem that, properly 
speaking, the original work has no title at all. The, 


first Chapter of it has the heading De imitatione Chrisii 
et contemptu omnium vanitatum mundi. The general 
usage of Christendom has accepted the first half of this 
heading of the first Chapter as a sort of title for the whole 
book. The Jesuits of the i6th century preferred the second 
half. That is all. 

This first Japanese version of the most celebrated of 
Christian devotional treatises, must be of the highest 
interest. Nor was the Jesuits' version of the " Imita- 
tion of Christ " only the first attempt at rendering that 
book into Japanese. It was also, so far as I am aware, 
the last. But I speak, of course, subject to correction; 
for the French Catholic Fathers may, since the re-open- 
ing of Japan, have quietly done much for their con- 
verts, of which the outer world knows nothing. Mr. 
Satow gives several quotations from the Japanese 
'* Imitation of Christ," which raise questions interest- 
ing to the translator. One of them is as to the rendering 
of the verb "to love" in such contexts as "to love 
God" or "to love Christ." This verb the sixteenth 
century Jesuits translated by the phrase taisetsu ni omou, 
which means literally " to think highly of," — a phrase 
which would perhaps be a better translation of the verb 
"to honour" than of the verb "to love." But the 
difficulty of finding a thoroughly satisfactory equivalent 
in Japanese for the European amare or " to love" is one 
which is still felt. 

Not only were the Jesuits occasionally embarrassed in 
the rendering of European terms" into Japanese. The 
few Europeans who looked into the Jesuits* books dur- 
ing the Jast two or three centuries were much more 
sorely embarrassed in their endeavours to comprehend 
the meaning of the Romanised Japanese. The biblio- 
grapher Cotton falls into a very comical error with 
regard to the title-page of the " Imitation." This 
title-page contains the words Toqini goxuxxeno tienqi 


1596/' that is to Bay, ''At this time it is 1596 years 
from the august birth *' ( of Jesus Christ ). Well, 
the English bibliographer sa3r8: "Toquinum, qu. Tokis, 
or Tokoesi, a town of the Island Niphon, in Japan (?) 
A book entitled ConUmptus Mundi, in the language of 
Japan, was printed here by the Jesuits in 1596." Thus 
he actually supposes Toqini to be the genitive case of a 
town named Toqinum, Had T6kyd existed in his day, 
that doubtless would have been turned into the dative 
or ablative of some similarly airy figment of the ima- 
gination. It is true that Cotton should disarm criticism 
by the humility with which he declares himself to be '' not 
intimate with the niceties of the Japanese tongue." (!) — 
Before leaving the subject of the Japanese version of 
the " Imitation," which is by far the most important 
of Mr. Satow's finds, it is impossible to resist the tempta- 
tion of quoting a specimen from it, just as an illustration 
of its style. The original Latin is given in the parallel 
column : — 

Christono von voxiyeua fnoro- Doctrina Cbritti omnea doctrinas 

morono jenninno voxiy^i sugure- sanctorum pmcellit ; ft qui Spin- 

tamayeri: jenno michini tachiiri 

taran fiioua govoxiyeni comoru *»« Christi babcrct. absconditum 

fucaxigui no canmiuo vohoyuhexi* ibi manna inueniret. Scd contin- 

Xicaruni vauoqu no Jito Christono .^ . . . • . ,. 

^ "^ _ git, quod inuUi ex frcqucnti audita 

minoriuo xigtuqu chhmo sureaomo, 

focqi sucunaqi cotoua, Christono E«angcUi paruum desiderium 
gonaixdni chigu xitaUmatguranu sentiunt, quia spiiitum Cbiittt non 

habet. Qui autem vult plen^ A 

yuye nari. Christono micotobauo 

agiuai fucaqu, taxxite funhet 

xitatematguranto vomtni voiteua, »*P^d« C^'"**' ^^^^ intclligere, 

vagamino gui^guiuo cotogotocu oportet, ut totam vitam auam illi 

Christoni fitoxiqu xi tatematcu- 

. . „ . . stndeat conformaie. Quid prodest 

ranto naguequ text. Pencudaru 

cocoro naqini yotte Tndadeno «W ^^a de Trinitatc disputare, ai 

gonaixZuo somuqi taUmat^tu m «"**• bttmiHtatc, unde displic 
voiieua, sono Trkuladeno tacaqi Trinitati? \txh alta verba nZ 
von catouariuo rot^iUmo nanno faciSk fanctnm et iiitt«m, sed vit- 

98 chaubkrlain: 8Atow*8 "jbsuit press in japan.'* 

yoqixo ? Macoto ni cohitaru coto^ tuosa vita efficit Deo chant. Opto 

hana fitouo jennin nimo, tadaxiqi magis sentire compunctionem, 

fitonlmo nasoMH, iada jcnno ^^^^ scire eius dc6nitioncm. 

guiZ^ii coso fitouo Deusni xitaU^ Si tenercs toto Biblia memoriter 

maxe iatcmatfuru mono nare, & omnium Philosophorum dicta : 

ContriqZo toyu cOquaino cotouariuo "V^'^ t^^"™ prodesset sine chari- 

xiru yorimo^ sono ContrtgTioiio ^'* ^** * gratia . 

cocoroni voboyuru cotoua nauo 

conomaxiqi coto nati, Biblia toyd 

tattoqi qidmZno mZcuuo coto- 

gotocu soranjif moromorono 

gacHxono gouo tnina xiritemo, 

Deusno gotaixctto^ sono gocdriocn 

naqttnba, kore mina nUno yeqica 


We must pass lightly over the rest of the works on Mr. 
Satow's list. There is a Dictionary published in 1598, 
next a book printed partly in ordinary Japanese style, i.e., 
in a mixture of Chinese cursive characters and hiragana. 
It consists of a Manual of Confession, followed by a Japan- 
ese-Portuguese glossary of theological terms. 

The ninth work on Mr. Satow's list is one on the 
" Christian Doctrine " in the form of question and answer. 
It contains the Creed, the Ten Commandments, the 
Lord's Prayer, etc., etc. Next come some works in 
Spanish and Japanese, entitled ''The Sinner's Guide," 
1599, and "The Christian Doctrine," 1600, both printed 
at the Jesuit College in ' Nagasaki ; then, on the 4th 
August, 1602, a new Japanese - Portuguese Dictionary, 
and in 1604 Father Rodriguez* famous Portugese- 
Japanese grammar. Both of these works attained to a 
celebrity denied to the others on the list. French edi- 
tions of both were published a couple of centuries 
later, — editions, however, which leave much to desire. 
Fourteenth and last on the list, and dating from the 
year 1605, comes a romanised work in the Latin lan- 
guage, a " Manual for the Administration of the 
Sacraments.*' The Japanese translation has been lost 


Equally lost are Japanese translations of the Catechism of 
the Council of Trent, of the Spiritual Exercises of St. 
Ignatius, of a Manual of the Holy Rosary, and several 
other works. 

Persecution, long threatened, soon descended on the 
devoted heads of the missionaries and their converts. The 
whole Catholic work in Japan was crushed, and driven 
almost out of remembrance. Dutchmen traded where 
friars had preached. Christianity, now termed by the 
Japanese "the corrupt sect,'* became a synonym for 
everything that was depraved and abominable. If ever 
persecutors triumphed and reaped the reward of their 
labours, it was here in Japan. And yet this triumph 
cost their country dear. It retarded by two centuries and 
a half the entry of Japan into the comity of civilised 
nations. Not only did it retard this entry; it made it 
infinitely harder when at last it had perforce to come. Had 
Japan Europeanised herself two hundred and fifty years 
ago, she would not now, at the fag-end of the nineteenth 
century, be still knocking for admittance, still pleading 
for the abolition of the political discrimination made 
against her as a heathen state by the governments of 
Europe. But it is not in the political field alone that 
her rejection of European civilisation in the seventeenth 
century bore disastrous fruits. When she turned her back 
on the Spanish and Portuguese missionaries, she betook 
herself to the Chinese philosophers. She used the two 
hundred and fifty years of the Tokugawa regime in as- 
similating Chinese philosophy, Chinese literary methods, 
Chinese medicine, Chinese music, Chinese everything, — 
and now she has to try to unlearn it all. Instead of 
starting almost fair with Europe, as she might have 
done two hundred and fifty years ago, she starts with 
a Europe infinitely further ahead, owing to the pheno- 
menal expansion of European civilisation in the mean- 
time. While Europe was progressing with strides and 


leaps, Japan was handicapping herself with the useless 
weight of Chinese methods in thought and language. 
She acted like one who, in a sailing race, should pur- 
posely delay to start his boat till half-an-hour after the 
other con^petitors, and who should employ this half-hour in 
filling the hold with lead. 


By James Troup. 

[Read 20th February, 1889.] 

In the Transactions of this Society for 18851 the present 
writer presented a sketch, or summary, of the doctrines of 
the Buddhist sect known as the Shinshyu, based on a 
pamphlet written but a few years ago. The (Present paper 
will consist of an endeavor to illustrate the development of 
the doctrines of this sect in the 15th Century, by presenting 
a translation of selections from the Gobunsho, of Rennyo 

By way of introduction to these selections, a short account 
of the origin and character of the book, of the life of the 
writer of it, and of the use made of it in the temple services 
of the sect will not be out of place. 

Rennyo Shdnin was Chief of the Shinshyu in the latter 
half of the 15th century, and was the eighth of the succes- 
sion which commenced with the founder, Shinran. The 
original of the following abridged outline of his life has been 
put together, for this paper, by a Japanese friend. 

*The personal name of Rennyo S^Onin was Ken-jyu 
' (Kane-naga.) He was the eldest son of Zonnyo Shdnin, 
' the seventh of the Shinshyu succession ; and was born on 
*the 4th April, 1415. While young he was of quick parts. 

* In 1429, being then only in his fifteenth year, and of a 
'warm-hearted disposition, he conceived, it is stated, the 
'purpose of the revival of religion. In 143 1, he became, 
'by adoption, the nephew of the Chyunagon, Hiro-hashi 
' Kane-sato ; and, entering the monastery of Sei-ren-in, he 
' pursued learning. From then, his application to study was* 


* unremitting ; neither the heat of summer nor the cold of 

* winter could check the ardor with which he prepared him- 

* self for the prosecution of the difficult task which he had 

* proposed to himself. He thus passed sixteen years, more 

* or less, in preparation for the work of his life. In June- 
*July, 1447, he made a tour in the Eastern Provinces; and, 

* in 1449, he travelled through the Northern provinces. On 
'both occasions, in his circuit, he paid his homage at the 

* places formerly visited by the founder. 

In 1457, his father and predecessor died ; and from this 
year, therefore, his succession to the headship of the Shin- 
shyu falls to be dated. * In June-July, 1460, he composed 

* the Sho-shin-ge Ta-i, a commentary on the Sho-shin-ge, 
< of Shinran. He also gave expositions of the principles of 
'the sect. His words, being kindly, influenced mens' 

* minds ; and*, his style being simple, his hearers found him 

* easy to understand. He also wrote the Ryo-ge-mon, 

* (otherwise called the Gai-ke-mon, " Treatise on repen- 

* tance,'*) as the rule of peace of mind. 

' In 1461, (the narrative notes,) we pass the two- 
' hundredth Anniversary of the death of Shinran. 

♦ On the 4th February, 1465, the evil-disposed monks of 
*thd Eastern Towet of Hiyeizan, being jealous of the 

* progress of the sect, collecting a crowd of accomplices, 

* destroyed the tower at Otani, occupied by the Shonin ; 
'and, on account of this disaster, he retired to Otsu. 
'Afterwards, a reconciliation took place between him and 
'the monks. Subsequent to this, he temporarily resided 
' in several places. In 1467, he removed to Katata, in 
' Goshyu. In 1468, he again made a tour Jn the Eastern 
' and Northern Provinces. In 1469, he returned to Otsu, 
'and built Ken-shO-ji, the southern detached house at 
' Miidera. 

•In April-May, 1471,. he made a tour in the Northern 
' Provinces ; and, in August of that year, he constructed a 
' residence at Yoshizaki, in Echizen, and multitudes there 
' followed his teaching. It was also from about this time, 
' as would appear, that he c6mmenced writing the Gobun- 


*sho. In February-March, 1472, observing the envy of 
'other sects, and being concerned at the excessive con- 
' course of a mixed multitude, who flocked to his abode at 

* Yoshizaki, he prohibited the visits of people in general, — a 

* circumstance to which reference appears to 'be made in 
'one number of the Qobunsho.(i) As a characteristic of 

* the times, it may be mentioned that the story is related 

* that on the occasion of a fire having broken out in the 
' residence at Yoshizaki, one of his pupils, Hon^kd-bo no 
' Ryogen, to save certain writings of the founder, cut open 
' his body and put them therein. 

'From about August, 1475, the Shonin, having reason to 
'apprehend that his life was threatened by one Togashi 
'Masachika, and previously, also, dreading the enmity of 
' certain other persons inimical to him and the sect, was 
'desirous, on that account, to go into retirement for a 
' protracted period ; but he was induced by his friends 
' about him not to do so ; and so he went to Wakasa, and, 
'passing through Tamba and Settsu, he stayed on the 
' borders of Kawachi, and founded KOzenji. 

* In 1476, March — April, he pursued his work of pro- 
'selytising in Kishyu. In November — December, 1477, 
' on the advice of his pupil, Zenjyu, the ShOnin changed 
' his head-temple to Yamashina, in Yamashiro* In March 
* — April,i479, he commenced building; and in Septem- 
' ber, 1480, it is said the Hall of the Founder was finished. 
' So the image of the founder was brought from Otsu, 
' and placed in it. 

' In 1489, the Sage, being then in his 85th year, trans- 
' ferred the management of temple matters to his successor, 
'K6-ken, and retired to a separate habitation, which he 
'called Shin-sh6-In, (the Hall of faith and salvation.) He 
'still, nevertheless, exercised his experience in, and still 

* carried on the work of proselytising, — with great success. 

' In October, 1496, he founded another detached temple, 
' at Ozaka, and lived there. 

X. See Section I, Na 8, of the annexed translations. 


*In April — May, 1498, he fell sick; and in March — 
'April, I499» he returned to Yamashina. During his 

* illness he summoned his children to him, and set forth to 

* them the difficulties which beset the revival of religion ; 

* and exhorted them not be remiss in keeping the Path. 

* In April — May, his illness became very severe ; and 
' he bequeathed to all his followers his earnest admonition 
< that they should be diligent. 

*On the 5th of May, 1499, at Noon, he died, — being 
' then in his 85th year. 

* The Sage, in his best years, applied his strength to 

* the revival . of the Law. He was vigorous in purpose 
'and in body; and, from his carrying forward the work 
' of the founder, he has come to be termed the Reviver 
*of theShinshyu.(2)' 

The present Emperor, on the 22nd March, 1882, con- 
ferred on Rennyo the posthumous title of Kei-to (3) Taishi 

The materials of the Gobunsho, (Writings,) then, as the 
work is named by the Western branch of the Honganji (4), 
or Ofumi, as the same characters are read by the Eastern 
branch, were written by this man. The book consists of 
a series of open letters, or general epistles, containing direc^ 
tions as to doctrine and discipline, written apparently either 
as occasion arose, on special enquiry for advice on the part 
of adherents of the sect, or as the writer found opportunity 
while pursuing his work as a spiritual adviser and the 
director of this religious body. The form of question and 
answer is frequently adopted in these compositions merely 
as a popular method of exposition. 

Some of these epistles were collected during Rennyo's 
lifetime ; others were, at the time of his death, scattered 
about in various places. The whole were collected by his 
grandson, Ennyo. The collection is divided into five 

2. A fuller account of the life of Rennyo is to be found in the Sbin- 
shyu Ho-yu. 

3. Intelligent light. 

4. It 18 also termed the Sbosoku, (JJlJ. ** reports/') by the Western 


parts, or sections, in the first four of which the epifitles 
are arranged in chronological order, those in Section I 
being comprised within the period from 1471 to 1473 ; in 
Section II, from 1473 to 1474 ; in Section III, fnom 1474 
to 1476; in Section IV, from 1477 ta 1499. The Fifth 
Section contains th^ epistles wkrch were not dated. These 
are generally shorter, and for the most part consist of ex- 
hortations to faith, or assurances on main points of 

There are many repetitions throughout these epistles, 
some portions of different ones being even absolutely 
identical. The text of the book is, however, prized in its 
entirety by the sect, and is carefully revised anew by each 
chief of the Honganji, when be succeeds to his office, 
and the revision signed and sealed by him, and published 
afresh. The copy from which the aanexed translations 
have been made beard the priestly name of the present 
metropolitan of ti^e Western Honganji. 

In style these letters present a good specimen of medieval 
Japanese, written by one who was well read in Chinese 
literature, not to speak of the special literature of Bud- 
dhism, but who writes Japanese, not Sinico- Japanese. 

The book has attained the position of a standard of the 
Shinshyu, and ia used in the daily services of the templea 
of the sect. The order erf those services is as follows : — 
First, there is a reading from the SCltras, (5) the scriptures 
of the sect; then a portion of the Wasan, or hymnal, 
composed by Shinran, is chanted ; then comes the reading 
from the Gobunsho. The selection of the reading appears 
to be left to the ofHciating priest ; some read these epistles 
through in their consecutive order ; others select for reading 
such as they deem most suitable. On the occurrence of 
any special event in the community, one suitable to the 
occasion will be taken, as, for example, that known as 
the ** Haku-kotsu no gobunsho," (Whitened bones epistle,) — 
Section V, No. 16, — after a death has occurred in the 

(5) See Transactions Vol. XIV. p.p. 4 & 5. 


locality. The service afterwards concludes with the ser- 
mon, when there is preaching ; but this is not daily. 

These epistles are valuable as giving some insight 
into the mental workings of a Buddhist priest, — one evident- 
ly of ability, — of the 15th Century, — a time, no doubt 
somewhat remote from the present, but yet not so far 
removed in social ,and religious conditions but that it may 
be assumed close counterparts of such an one still live 
among their co-religionists in this country, but to realize 
the mental state of whom, and the conditions of whose 
lives, is necessarily a difficult thing for those brought up 
in Western modes of thought. The reading of these 
epistles, it is believed, will show also that the doctrine of 
the Pure Land has received, in Japan, a development some- 
what beyond what it has attained in China, particularly as 
regards the prominence which is given, in the Shinshyu 
system, to its main doctrine of salvation by faith. They 
further afford additional instances of the paralellisms which 
have been so frequently pointed out as existing, in many 
different particulars, and in times remote from each other, 
between Buddhism and Christianity. 

Another characteristic of the Shinshyu system is referred 
to, again and again, in the V Section of the book, — the 
provision, namely, which is made, according to the doctrine 
of the sect, for the salvation of women. According to the 
earlier and general view of Buddhism, women are condemn- 
ed, in virtue of -the pollution of their nature, to look forward 
to rebirth in other forms. By no possibility can they, in 
their existence as women, reach the higher grades of holi- 
ness which lead to Nirv&na. According to the Shinshyu 
system, on the other hand, a believing woman may hope to 
attain the goal of the Buddhist, at the close of her present 
life. It might be a matter for speculation whether this doc- 
trine has not had a reflex influence on the social position 
accorded to women by this sect, with its married priesthood. 

The following selections are confined to the first and fifth 
sections only, — not but what the intermediate sections would 
afford material equally valuable and interesting. 


I have pleasure in acknowledging here the assistance 
received from two eminent Japanese authorities on this sub- 
ject, who have kindly given their advice on important points 
throughout the greater portion of these translations. 



No. I. Of distinction between teacher and disciple,'^' 

Some people ask : — Is it the authorised view of our sect 
to hold that the members of our religious community 
(monto) are to be considered my disciples, are they to be 
considered the disciples of the Tath&gata, (6) or of the 
Shonin (7) ? We do not know which. Again, in different 
parts of the country, and in different places, there are of 
late those who, as small communities, feel themselves held, 
as it were, in concealment by intermediary local leaders. 
This is not right, people say. This, therefore, being also 
a matter as to which we are altogether in doubt, we desire 
to have your friendly advice on the point. 

I reply : — This point on which you are in doubt I consider 
a matter of the highest importance ; and I shall set out 
in your hearing what, respecting this subject, I have 
heard, thus : — According to the instructions of the depart- 
ed Shonin [himself] , Shinran had not a single disciple. 
The reason of that was, that, in proclaiming the Law of 
the Tath^gata to the living beings of the world, he repre- 
sented himself merely as the Deputy of the Tath&gata. 
Moreover, Shinran published no strange law. * I also,' 
he used to say, * believing in the Law of the Tathigata, 

* These headings are not in the original»but are taken from the index 
of another edition. 

6. i.e. SAkya-muni Buddha. 

7. i.e. Shinran ShOnin, the founder of the sect. 


* am only engaged in teaching it to men/ Besides, * What 
<do I teach that I should speak of disciples?' he used 
to say. So then, [we] are to be considered companions. 
Thus the Sh5nin calls [you] * my own friends, my own 

* companions,* in the most intimate manner. 

It being so, of late the more important local leaders do 
not know what that which we call peacfe of mind is. Oc- 
casionally, on some disciples going to the localities where 
there are tidings of faith, they heard of this, and reproved 
them ; and differences arose between them. And the local 
leaders themselves do not understand the full principle of 
faith ; and, further, while they thus obstruct their disciples, 
they cannot themselves attain settled faith, and thus they 
are as if passing a life in vain. They truly cannot avoid 
the offence of injuring themselves and injuring others. 
Alas! Alas! 

It is said in the old song : — ** Formerly happiness 
" was wrapped up in the sleeve ; now it exceeds the 
capacity even of the body." The meaning of 'formerly 
'wrapping up happiness in the sleeve* is that formerly 
there was no distinction between general and special 
practice (8). All that was thought was that, by repeating 
the ** Nem-Butsu '* many times, salvation would be attain- 
ed. The meaning of the expression : — * Now it exceeds 
*the capacity of the body* is this; — On understanding 
the distinction between 'special' and 'general,' and, [by 
reliance on Amida] only, getting the steadfast mind, and 
on attainment of settled faith, [the Name of] Buddha is 
called to remembrance (Nem-Butsu), as an expression of 
gratitude for His mercy, — a state of mind which is very 
different from any other. Thus, as the body is not large, 
it is felt to be altogether inadequate, and, in rejoicing, 
happiness is even too great for the body. This is what 
is meant. 

With much respect. 

8. The special practise of repeating the ** Nem-Butsu " was looked 
upon as being only of a kind with other Buddhistic practiced, — such as 
observance of ritual* abstinence and other austerities* 


Bummei, 3rd Year, 7th month, 15th day. 
(1st August, 1471.^ 

No. 2. Of the desire to quit the family. 

The principle of Shinran Sh6nin was not to insist on 
making a desire to quit the family an essential. He did 
not set up the form of leaving the family and putting 
away desire. When, by following the behest [of Amida*] 
in once calling [the Name] to remembrance, (9) faith by 
the power of Another is confirmed, there is no distinc- 
tion between male and female, between the old and the 

And so, the condition of having attained this faith is 
explained in the SCitra (10) as being * to attain salvation 
*and to remain in the state of .not returning (11) to 

* revolve ' [in the cycle of birth and death] . It is [further] 
explained as *to conceive once the remembrance [of the 

* Name of Buddha] and to enter the company of the 
'steadfast.' This is, in a word, what is meant by there 
being * no coming [of Buddha] to meet* one [at the 
end of life] (12), and *Karman being completed in one's 
ordinary lifetime.' (13) 

• See note 28, post, 

9. Not by the audible voice, but by the mental act, — elsewhere 
expressed as ** once conceiving the remembrance.*' 
JO. In the Dai-mn-ryO-jyu-kyO. 

11. Av&ivartika, — not returning, i.e. entering directly into Ntrvina* 

12. That is, that salvation is present, and there is no waiting for the 
end of life to be received by Buddha. The expression *' no coming to 
meet ^* (73KJiflE) *s explained as being, substantially, equivalent to that 
used of Kannon (Aval6kit§svara) and Seishi (Mah&sthflma-prdpta), in 
the *'Kam-mu-ryO-jyu-kyO," "Kt 3(5 =B =" habitually come," "always 
with." (See also No. 4, in the text.) 

13. Karman (Karma) is defined as " (the law of ) moral action,'' and 
*' the recompense attending on moral action." It may be termed the 
power of good or evil in the character to affect the state of the individ- 
ual in a future existence. 

In the Shinshyu system, belief in the power of the Pra3rer of Amida, 
becoming portion of the chain of causation, secures to the believer, from 


It is said in the hymn: — (14) 'The outward condi- 
'tions of those who desire Mida*s Land-of-reward differ 

* from each other ; they who receive with faith the Name 
*of Him who uttered the Prayer (15) forget it not, sleep- 

* ing or waking.' By * outward condition * is meant that 
there is no distinction of laity and priesthood, of male 
and female. What is termed ' receiving with faith the 
' Name of Him who uttered the Prayer, and not fergetting 

* it, sleeping or waking/ is said of the person, — whatever 
may be his condition, and notwithstanding that his sins 
may have been those of them who commit any of the 
ten evil deeds (16), of the live classes of reprobates, (17) 
of the revilers of the [Buddhist] Law, or the unbelievers, 

the moment of his attaining this faith, his attainment of NirvAna at the 
end of his present life. His salvation, thus, ia no snore contingent on 
the goodness of his acts in this life ; the chain of causation leading to 
this "recompense'* is completed in his ordinary time,— secured to him 
at every moment of his present life. 

In illustration of what is meant by the power of the Prayer of Amida, 
in relation to this point, see Gobunsho, Section V., No. 5, '* causing all 
" living beings to fulfil merit." See also, under that Section, No. 6, and 
under the present Section, No. 4. 

14. In the KO-sO Wasan, of Shinran ShOnin, under the section 
Genshin OshO. 

15. In this paper the term *' Prayer *^ has been used throughout, and 
not ** Vow," as the translation of the character ||, which, it appears, 
is used as the equivalent of " Pranid^a," which is better rendered by 
"prayer" than "vow." The expression ** Hon.gan " (Transactions 
Vol. XIV page 8, ct al.) had better be rendered, " Great Prayer." 

16. The ten evil deeds arc : — 
Taking away life. 



Ornate language. 


Double tongue (hypocrisy). 




17. See Transactions, Vol. XIV. pg. 8. note. 


if he has changed the heart and repented, and profoundly 
believes that the Great Prayer of Mida the Tath&gata is 
that which affords deliverance to such vile classes of 
beings, — who, with singleness of mind, has the heart 
habitually relying on the Tathigata, and, whether sleep- 
ing or waking, is constantly in the frame of mind of 
repeating, millions of times, the remembrance of Bud- 
dha, — who follows the practice of the faith which is the 
attainment of unforgetting, confirmed reliance on the 
Great Prayer, 

Thenceforward, indeed, when those of the company 
who follow this practice, whether sitting up or lying 
down, chant the Name» it is to be understood that this 
is repeating the Name of Buddha as an expression of 
gratitude for His Mercy. These are they whose salvation 
is settled through their having attained true faith. 

With much respect. 

My sweat pours down in the heat of day, like tears; 
after I have laid down my pen, this appears as foolishness. 

Bummei, 3rd year, 7th month, i8th day. 
(4th August, 147 1.) 

No 3. Of hunting, fishing and service. 

The meaning of what our sect terms peace of mind, 
is not the persistent checking of the evil of one's heart 
and the rising of disorderly thoughts or pre-occupations 
in the mind. It is this ; — while engaged whether in 
buying and selling, or in service, or in hunting or fishing, 
to have a profound belief in the Great Prayer of Mida 
the Tathagata, who swore to aid (18) (save) unprofitable 
creatures like us who are involved night and day only 
in vile evil deeds, and, with steadfast mind and singleness 
of heart, while relying on the merciful Prayer of Mida 

18. Where the verbs " aid," *• help," or " assist " are used in these 
translations, in conjunctions similar to the above, the word *' save " may 
be used as an alternative. 


the One Buddha, to have true faith to call once to 
remembrance the Name with a mind desiring << help ; *' — 
[in respouse to which] then will the help of the Tath^gata 
of a certainty be given. And, thereafter, on whatever the 
mind is bent, [the Name of] Buddha must be called to 
remembrance. Salvation being the result of the power of 
this faith, thanks are to be rendered for His help. And, 
as thanks for His mercy, as long as our life lasts, [the 
Name of] Buddha is to be called to remembrance with 

Such are they who follow the practice of the true faith 
of settled peace of mind. 

With much respect. 

Bummei, 3rd year, 12th month, i8th day. 
(28th January J 1472.) 

No 4. Of certain questions and the answers to them. 

Now, Shinran ShOnin was, we have heard, in the habit 
of speaking of 'Karman being completed in one's ordi- 
*nary lifetime,' and there 'being no coming [of Buddha] 
•to meet' one [at the end of life]. What may this be? 
This that is called <Karman being completed in one's 

* ordinary lifetime,' and * there being no coming to meet,' 
we do not at all understand, and would like to hear 

I reply: — This matter on which you are in doubt I 
consider one of great importance with us. In our sect, 
what is spoken of as * once conceiving the remembrance 
*of [the Name of] Buddha' and 'Karman being completed 

* in ordinary lifetime * [is this] : — To understand how we 
are aided (saved) in our ordinary lifetime by the Great 
Prayer of Mida the Tath4gata, is to know that this is 
the result of [the growth of merit in] a previous state 
of existence ; — and then, that it is not by our own strength. 
Being bestowed by the extraneous power of the Wisdom 
of Buddlia, we know [this help] to be the result of the 


Great Prayer. This is Karman being completed in ordi- 
nary lifetime. And so, this that is called * Karman being 

* completed in ordinary lifetime,* is, having thus begun to 
understand the above principle, to have assurance in the 
mind of settled salvation, — which state is termed * to 

* conceive once the remembrance of [the Name of] Buddha 

* and remain in the company of the steadfast ; * as well 
as * to have Karman completed in ordinary lifetime ; * — 
and, in a word, * to attain salvation and not to return 

* to revolve [in the cycle of birth and death] .' 

It is asked : — We thoroughly understand what is meant 
by * conceiving once the remembrance of [the Name of] 

* Buddha and attaining salvation,' but we do not yet 
perceive what is meant by there being *no coming of 

* Buddha to meet.* Will you kindly instruct us about 
this ? I reply : — As to the * not coming to meet,' — when 
the position is reached of * having once conceived the 

* remembrance pf [the Name of] Buddha and entered the 

* company of the steadfast,' the expecting of a period of 

* coming to meet ' is entirely done away with. The reason 
of that is, that what is called < expecting the period of 

* coming to meet,* and so on, is an expression used in 
connexion with the methods of salvation by works. 

For those who follow the method of true faith, — when, 
having once conceived the remembrance of [the Name 
of] Buddha, they have forthwith attained the glorious 
benefit of being received and accepted [by Buddha], the 

* coming to meet,' even, is, they know, done away with. 
And so the ShOnin has given this instruction ; — he says : — 
(19) "The term 'coming to meet' belongs to the system 
'*of salvation by works; they who follow the system of 
** true faith, since they are received and accepted [by Bud- 
** dha] , remain in the company of the steadfast; and, since 
** they remain in the company of the steadfast, they do 
"certainly attain Nirvina ; and thus there is no await- 
"ing the end of life, there is no calling on [Buddha] 
** to come to meet them [then] ." Consider these words. 

19. In the Matto-shO, a collcciion of Shinran's letters. 


It is asked: — Are the attainment of steadfastness and 
the attainment of Nirvana to be considered one stage of 
benefit, or two stages ? I reply : — Those who have once 
conceived the remembrance of [the Name of] Buddha 
are the company of the steadfast. This is the stage of 
the world of impurity (20); Nirv&na, you are to con- 
sider, is the stage to be attained hereafter in the Pure 
Land. Thus you are to consider them two stages. 

It is asked : — When one thinks as has been said, 
since we have got to know that salvation is fixed, 
why should we perplex ourselves [further] about obtain- 
ing faith ? What are your instructions as to this ? 
How should we think on this point? we are desirous 
to learn. I reply: — Very much indeed is your inquiry 
an important one. The condition of mind now in- 
dicated is, in effect, the meaning of having settled faith. 

It is asked : — The condition of settled faith we have 
now completely understood is, in a word, the meaning 
of * Karman being completed in ordinary lifetime,* — * no 
* coming to meet,' — * being in the company of the stead- 
*fast,' — but, nevertheless, after having settled faith, are 
we, in calling Buddha to remembrance, to consider that 
we are doing so for the sake of our own reaching the 
Land of Bliss (Sukhivati), or are we to consider that 
it is for the sake of giving thanks for the mercy of 
Buddha ? We have not yet grasped that. I reply : — 
This point on which again you are in doubt is, I con- 
sider, a matter of importance ; because, having once 
conceived, in faith, the remembrance of Buddha, the 
calling of Him thereafter to remembrance is not to 
be considered as working for the sake of one's own 
salvation, but is to be considered as being done only 
by way of thanks for the mercy of Buddha. And so 
the expression of Zendo, the priest: — (21) "From con- 
"tinuance (perseverance) throughout life, to the once 

20. i.e. this present world. 

21. see KwangyO-san-zen-gi; also O-jo-rai-san. 



"calling of Buddha to remembrance,** (aa) is thus in- 
terpreted : — The once calling to remembrance, refers to 
the attainment of settled faith; the continuance there* 
after, throughout life, refers to the chanting of the Name 
of Buddha, in- remembrance, as thanks for His mercy* 
Think well, think well on this. 

With much respect. 

Bummei 4th year, nth month, 27th day. 
(^'jth December J ^472 J 

No 5. Of pilgrimage to Yoshizaki. 

Now, during the present year, there have been num- 
bers of priests and laity, men and women, assembling 
in the country districts, — especially from the three pro- 
vinces of Kaga, Noto and Etchyu, — and going for 
religious worship to the illountains of Yoshizaki. I do 
not understand what their minds are about; for the 
authorized doctrine of our sect is, that the salvation of 
the Land of Bliss is the result of having obtained faith 
by the power of Another. And yet, among them, there 
are none who have attained the appearance of having 
faith. How can such persons easily attain the salvation 
of the Land -of- Reward? That is the most important 
consideration of all. It is a matter of the utmost in- 
significance this frame of mind in which the intention 
was formed of making a pilgrimage in the midst of 
this snow, and happily accomplishing a journey of five 
or ten n. 

[But,] in fine, whatever may have been the frame 
of mind [of such persons] heretofore, I shall here state 
exactly what is the frame of mind which they should 
have henceforth ; — listen and attend. The rationale of it 

22. Literally : — "From those who continue [the remembrance] through- 
**out life, to those who once call Buddha to remembrance." The purpose 
of the original appears to have reference to the comprehensiveness of 
the application of the prayer of Amida. 


is this :— What is called * Faith by the power of Another * 
is to be firmly preserved in the mind; and, thereafter, 
simply as an expression of gratitude for the mercy of 
Buddha, is [the Name of] Buddha to be called to re- 
membrance, whether while moving or -standing still, 
whether in sitting up or lying down. If this is kept in 
mind, birth this time (23) [into the pure Land] is as- 
sured. It is in the excess of joy for this that there 
should also be a desire to make pilgrimages to the 
localities where Teachers and Leaders live. 

Such as do this are they who are to be called per- 
sons of faith, who have known the doctrines of our sect. 

With much respect. 

Bummei, 5th year, 2nd month, 8th day. 
[6th March^ I473«] 

No, 6. Of drowsiness in summer. 

Now, at present, during the summer. of this year, for 
some reason or other being unusually overpowered by 
drowsiness, and inclined to sleep, I have been consider- 
ing what could be the m'^eaning of it, and have thought 
that, without doubt, the time of death-birth was at hand. 
I have been feeling sad at the idea of parting with you ; 
but still, up to this day, I have been constantly ex- 
pecting when the time of Birth [into the pure Land] 
would come, and I am assiduously concerning myself 
about it. And so, my sole prayer, which absorbs my 
thoughts constantly, day and night, is, that there may 
be, without ceasing, people in this district who hereafter 
attain settled faith. 

As it is, I am prepared thus now to go to be born 
[into the pure Land] ; but, as in the heart of each [of 
the people] there exists a great amount of indolence, I 
shall continue as I am while life remains. With regard 
to all, I look upon the heart of every one as wanting; 

23. i.e. at the end oi this present liie. 


and, as in this life of ours we do not know what to- 
morrow will bring, should by some chance our life come 
to its end, it were all a vain thing. If, during lifetime, 
doubt is not quickly dispelled, you ought to reflect that 
this will assuredly be a matter for nothing but regret 

With much respect. 

I send this to those outside the screens [of my room] . 
Let them take it out and look at it in after years. 

Written in Bummei, the 5th year, 4th month, 25th day. 
(list May, 1473.; 

No. 7. Of the conversation of the women regarding 

Lately, in the 4th year of Bummei (1472), about the 3rd 
month (April), to the best of my recollection, one or two 
women, attended by some men, (24) had the following con- 
sultation about this mountain : — * Well, people remark, 

* does not the building erected on. this mountain at Yoshi- 
*zaki now form an unspeakably delightful place here! 

* There have come to this mountain, especially from the 

* seven Provinces of Kaga, Etchyu, Noto, Echigo, Shinano, 

* Dewa, Oshyu, [multitudes] of priesthood and laity, men 

* and women, of the followers of this sect, of the assembl- 

* ing of whom the fame could not be hidden. This is 

* wonderful in this Latter Period ; it is no ordinary thing ! 

* But further, we have heard minutely what is the Gate of 

* the Law, of the remembrance of Buddha, which each of 

* these disciples recommend, and, in particular, what is 

* that faith of which each of them speak as what they teach 

* as their main doctrine ; and we have heard what about us 

* even, who possess these vile bodies of women, weighed 

* down with an evil Karman, possessing this faith ; and on 

* enquiring of those of this mountain respecting our desire 

24. The fact of their having attendants with them appears to imply 
that these women were of rank, or good position. 


< for salvation through the understanding of the practice of 

* faith, — they teach thus : — There is no difficulty about this 
' matter ; only thinking of ourselves as vile things, subject 

* to being of those who commit the Ten evil Deeds (25), 

* of the Five classes of reprobates, and to the Five Dis^ 

* abilities (26) and the Three Obediences, (27) we are to 

* know well that assistance can come to such beings as 

* us from Amida (28) the Tath&gata ; [and that] when we 
'call, in singleness of mind, on Mida, and, with a mind 
'desiring "help," conceive the one remembrance of 

* Buddha, the Tath&gata, throwing out eighty-four thousand 

* (innumerable) radiances, will graciously receive us. This 
' is what is called the Reception by Mida the Tath&gata of 

* those who practice the remembrance of Buddha. To 
''receive and reject not' has the meaning of to take a hold 
' of and not cast away.* This is what is said of those who 
' have attained faith. And the calling, thereafter, of Bud- 
*dha to remembrance, — whether when asleep or awake, 
'whether in rising up or sitting down, — by repeating 
" Namu* Amida Butsu,' is the remembrance of Buddha 
' by reciting ' Namu Amida Butsu ' in response to Mida's 
' mercy, — in thankfulness for receiving the help of Buddha. 

* In this way are we to think of it.' 

To speak in a friendly way, — These women and other 
persons said : — * Surely the Prayer of Mida the Tath&gata 
'is suitable to us,— in which if we have already believed, 

* or " Namo/' 

25. See Notes 16 and 17, pg. xoi. 

26. The Five Disabilities of a woman are: — To become a Chakravar- 
tin Monarch, (Wheel King, or Universal Conqueror) ; to become Brahma; 
to become Sakra (Indra) ; to become M&ra ; to become the person of a 

27. The Three Obediences of a woman are,— To her parents, at first ; 
to her husband, later; and to her son, when she is old. 

28. The Japanese form " Amida/' where it is used in the original, has 
been retained throughout in this translation. Amida may, apparently, 
stand cither for AmitAbha, the Being of Immeasurable Light, or AmitA- 
yus, the Being of Immeasurable Life ; and may therefore be taken as the 
equivalent of ** the Being of Immeasurable Light and Life." 


* and, not speaking more only of the vileness of things, 

* but, hereafter, relying on Mida alone, and believing that 

* on one remembrance of Buddha being conceived, in sing- 
< leness of mind, there will come help from the Tathigata 
'for our salvation, we will then, in calhng Buddha to 

* remembrance, chant His Name in thankfulness for His 

* Mercy. In this way we must think of it. It is not merely 
*the making mention of the thankworthiness and pre* 

* ciousness of having, by a wonderful chain of causes, come 

* within reach of the hearing of the most excellent Law, 

* but the laying to heart of this.' 

*But now we must say, Farewell!' And thus, with 
tears, they all departed. 

With much respect. 

Bummei, 5th year, 8th month, 12th day. 
(4^/1 September f I473-) 

No. 8. Of the building at Yoshisaki. 

In the former part of the 4th month of the 3rd Year of 
Bummei, (April, 147 ij) casually stealing forth from the 
Southern detached quarter of Miidera, at Otsu, in the 
Shiga district of Goshyu, I made the circuit of the various 
places in Echizen and Kaga ; and so, at Yoshizaki, in the 
district of Hosorogi, in this province, — this being an 
unusually fine situation, among these mountains, from 
remote times the abode of wolves, — levelling [a site], 
from the 27th day of the 7th month, I proceeded with the 
erection of this building here ; and thus, quickly as yesterday 
and to-day go by, the Springs and Autumns of three years 
have passed away. 

Well, numbers of people, both priesthood and laity, men 
and women, have been in the habit of assembling here ; 
but, as there is nothing particular [about my being here] , 
I have, from this year, stopped every one from coming, — 
the reason for my so doing being this : — If you ask me 
what is my motive for staying in this place, I say, that, 


having attained to birth in the world of men, would it 
not be a most foolish thing that one who has thus come 
within reach of the Law of Buddha, difficult to reach, 
should in a vain and futile manner sink into Hell ! But I 
have come to the conclusion that, with people who have 
not the settled faith of the remembrance of Buddha, and 
are thus not aiming at the salvation of the Land of Bliss, 
it does not comport to congregate in this place. The sole 
reason of this is, that fame and self-advantage are not the 
motive to have ; but only the enlightenment of the next 
life is the olsject to be aimed at. 

Therefore let not people who are [mere] spectators 
express opinions on this matter. 

With much respect. 

Bummei, 5th year, gth month. 
(September — October^ ^^IZO 

No. 9. 0/ the avoidance of certain things. 

Now, our sect has, from olden times, been called, by 
people meeting together, a ludicrously filthy sect. This is 
a very reasonable-looking imputation. The cause of it is, 
it may be, that certain of our sect are in the habit of 
speaking of the affairs of our establishment without circum- 
spection, in face of other communities and other sects, and 
they, in so doing, commit a great mistake. What we 
call the observance of the rule of our sect is this : — The 
man who carefully treasures up in his mind the tradition 
of our sect, and does not let the expression of it be visible 
in his outward appearance, is he who, we say, has Under- 
stood about the matter well. 

Nevertheless, in the world, it is not that isuch drference 
is [to be] shown respecting what concerns our sect, in the 
face of other communities and other sects. It is from rash 
expression that men think lightly of our sect. And thus, 
from there being people who will think ill, so men look 
upon our sect as fiJthy and odious. Moreover, you must 


know, this is not owing to other people being evil, — it 
arises from the evil of the people of our own sect. 

In the next place, respecting the avoidance of [certain] 
objects :— in our sect we say, there is not, according to the 
Buddhist Law, anything to be avoided. In our bearing 
towards other sects, in public matters, and the like, — are 
there not things to be avoided ? There are, of course, in 
our bearing towards other sects and other communities, 
things which are to be avoided. [But] , moreover, in our 
avoidance of things concerning other people, they are not 
to be evil spoken of. However, the observers of the 
Buddhist Law are not limited to the observers of the 
Remembrance of Buddha ; [and] that things are not so 
much to be avoided clearly appears in several passages 
throughout the Siitras. For example, it is said in the 
Nehan-kyo, (Nirvana SCltra): — "In the Law of the Ta- 
" thagata there is no selection of lucky days and favorable 
** times." The meaning of this passage is, that * in the 

* Law of the Tathigata there is no such thing as choosing 

* lucky days and favorable times.' 

Again, in the Han-jyu [Sammi] Kj'O (Pratyutpanna- 
buddhasammukhivasthita-samidhi-sutra), it is said : — [As 
in the following sentence.] The meaning of this passage 
is this : — * The Up^sik^ (lay woman) who desires to hear 
*of and learn this Samadhi, (29) let her follow (30) the 

* behest of Buddha, let her follow the behest of the 

* Law, let her follovy the behest of the Priesthood ; let her 

* not go after other Paths, (employ other methods), let her 

* not worship Heaven, let her not celebrate services to 

* demons and gods, let her not respect lucky days.* There 
are [other] passages in the Siltras of similar import, but 
this will do. 

Especially would it appear that the observers of the Re- 
membrance of Buddha ought not to concern themselves 
with such things. 

With much respect. 

29. Sam&dhi = fixity of mind, faith. 

30. "follow, &c." in previous paper translated **take refuge in, &c." 


Bummei, 5th Year, gth Month, — day. 
(September — Octobefy 1473J 

No. 15. Of the determining of the name of tlie sect. 

It is asked: — Our sect (system) is vulgarly called, by 
everybody, the " Ikko-shyu," (the only sect,") — how about 
this ? We wish to be informed. 

I reply : — That our sect (system) should bear the name 
of the ^* Ikko-shyu," was never specially appointed by the 
Founder. It is so termed by everybody on account of the 
fact that we place our reliance on Amida Buddha **o«/y." 
However, seeing that it is set forth in the S(itra : — " Only 
*' concentrate the mind on the Buddha of Immeasurable 
" Life (Amit&yus)," — when the intention is to express the 
injunction : — ** Call to remembrance Only the Buddha of 
" Immeasurable Life,"-T-there is no objection to our being 
called the " Ikko-shyu." 

Nevertheless, tlie Founder settled that the sect was to be 
termed the ** Jodo-Shinshyu;" so that, it is to be understood 
that the name ** Ikko-shyu " is not one which is used by us 
ourselves of our sect. 

Now, the other Jodo sects allow the practice of all sorts 
of austerities, whiJQ the ShOnin eliminated the practice of 
austerities. In this way is attained the salvation of the 
True Land-of- Reward, and for this reason the term *< Shin " 
(" True ") is specially inserted [in the name of the sect.] 

Further, it is said : — We understand clearly that our sect 
is denominated the j6do Shinshyu ; but, although the sin of 
living in the family is a thing characterized as being of 
profound wickedness and reprobation, yet, according to the 
system (form) of our sect,(3i) by leaning on the power of the 
Prayer of Mida, the attainment of salvation in the Land of 
Bliss is an easy matter ; — on this point we should like to 
be fully enlightened. 

To this I reply: — According to our doctrine (system), 
they who have got settled faith of a surety will attain the 

31. Where living in the family is the rule with the priesthood. 


salvation of the True Land -of- Reward. If you ask, what 
sort of a thing is this faith ? It is this : — relying, without 
any anxiety, only on Mida the Tath^gata, and, not con- 
cerning oneself about other Buddhas or Bodhisattvas, to 
believe only, in singleness of mind, on Mida. This is what 
is termed attaining settled faith. The two characters 
«* Shin-jin " (32) are to be read " True mind." The " true " 
(or " believing ") " mind " is not that which depends on 
the depraved self-power of the practice of austerities; its 
dependence is on the excellent other-power of the Tath&gata; 
and therefore it is called the "true mind "(=** believing 

Again, it is not by merely chanting the Name, without 
any understanding, that assistance will come. And so it 
is expressed in the SCltra : — ' To hear the Name, and rejoice 
* in believing.* This hearing of the Name is not a hearing of 
the name composed of the six characters, " Na-mu-A-mi-da- 
Butsu," in a reasonless (lit : nameless) and unreal manner. 
The rationale of the thing is that, on a man coming into 
contact with the good and wise, receiving their teaching, 
and, in saying ** Namu,'* placing reliance on the Name, 
Namu Amida Buddha, — then will, of a certainty, Amida 
Buddha afford his aid to him who does this. And his con- 
dition is what is expressed in the Sutra as •* rejoicing in 
"believing.'* And thus you are to understand that the 
formula * Namu Amida Buddha ' expresses the condition of 
the rendering of assistance to us. After you have understood 
this, whether while in motion or at rest, whether while 
sitting up or lying down, the chanting of the Name, with 
the mouth, you are to consider simply as the calling of 
Buddha to remembrance in rendering thanks to Him, 
Amida the Tathftgata, for His Mercy in having vouchsafed 
us assistance. And they who thus have settled faith are 
they who are to be called the practisers of the remembmnce 

32. " Shin-jin " (jfo) "believing," or "true," "mind;" — " /rj<«'." 
say, from the usual combining of the subject and object in the meaning 
of the Chinese characters, — because we believe what we see, or conceive 
to be, true. 


of Buddha by the strength of Another, whereby we are born 

into the Land of Bliss. 

With much respect. 

The collection and writing down of the above was 
completed at the baths of Yamanaka, in Kaga, at four 
o'clock on the 2nd day of the latter third (22nd day) 
of the 9th month of the 5th year of Bummei. (Ten 
o'clock, of the 13th October, 1473.) 


No. I. Of the ignorant of the Latter Period. 

In this Latter Period [of the Law] , if there be any, — 
be they without knowledge, living in the family, men or 
women, — who, with singleness of nlind, place profound 
reliance on Amida Buddha, and, without in any manner 
turning away their minds to other things, with stead- 
fast mind rely only on Buddha to help them, — grave 
although their sinful Karman may be, assuredly Mida, 
the Tath^gata, will succour them. This is the meaning 
of the eighteenth prayer, which is called the prayer of 
the salvation of the remembrance of Buddha. 

Being thus established (settled) let such ones, hence- 
forward, whether sleeping or waking, as long as their 
lives shall last, in remembrance of Buddha, chant His 

With much respect. 

No 2. Of the eighty 'thousand hooks of the Tripitaka, 

It is said : — * He who knows the eighty thousand 

* books of the Tripitaka, but who knows not [the salva- 

* tion of] the world to come, is to be accounted a 

* novice ; the woman or man entering on the Path, who 
« knows not a single letter, but who knows [the salvation 

* of] the world to come, is to be accounted an adept.' 
And so, let it be known, our sect holds, that he who is 
extravagantly familiar with the reading of all the Holy 
Siitras, but who knows not the signification of the faith 
of the once calling of Buddha to remembrance, is 
engaged in trifling. As is said in the words of the 


ShOnin : — * To the whole body of men and women, with- 
*out their believing in the Prayer of Mida, help will 
'never come/ Therefore, what manner soever of wo- 
men, laying aside the practice of various austerities, 
place profound reliance, by the one remembrance on 
Mida the Tathigata for help for the life now next to 
come, — be it ten persons, or a hundred persons, — all, 
together, let there be no doubt, will be born into Mida's 

With much respect. 

No. 3. 0/ the nu7t of the family. 

The nun-wife, who lives in the family, who, void of 
concern, with steadfast mind, places profound reliance 
only on Amida Buddha, even such as call for help for 
the next world, be it known that He will aid, every one 
of them ; — [on this] let there not be in your minds the 
slightest doubt. 

This is, in fact what is called the Great Prayer (33) 
of the power of Another, — of the Oath of Mida the 

Thereafter, as they think of the happiness and bliss 
of the help which will further be theirs in the World to 
come, they will do nothing but chant, **Namu Amida 
Buddha,"— "Namu Amida Buddha." 

With much respect. 

No 4. Of the man or woman whose sins are grave. 
Now, although a man or a woman, of those whose 
sins are grave, do place reliance on the merciful prayers 
of the multitude of the Buddhas, yet the present time, 
being the evil age of the Latter Period [of the Law] , is 
a time when the power of the multitude of the Buddha 
is by no means of avail. 

33. Great Prayer, here, in original, ^MH* 

ia8 TROUP : the gobunsho or ofumi, of rbnnyo shonin. 

And so, — as He whom we call Amida the Tathigata, 
in virtue of His having uttered the Great Prayer, (34) 
when he said ; — * I, excelling the multitude of the Bud- 
*dhas, shall save sinners committing the ten evil deeds, 
*and those of the five classes of reprobates,' became 
Amida Buddha, — if we profoundly rely on this Buddha, — 
seeing that He is that Mida who uttered the Oath :— * If 

* I do not save all sentient beings who by one remem- 

• brance shall call for help, may I not attain Enlighten- 
*ment,' there is not the slightest doubt that we shall be 
born into the Land of Bliss. 

And, for this reason, the company of those who, pro- 
foundly believing, with hearts free from doubt, and, not 
concerning themselves about the depth of the sins at- 
taching to themselves, but placing their trust on Buddha, 
attain the settled faith of the one remembrance, [relying] 
with steadfast mind, only on Amida the Tathigata, — be 
they ten persons, then ten, be they a hundred persons, 
then a hundred, — all will, without doubt, attain Birth 
in the Pure Land. And, afterwards, when again and 
again the feeling of appreciation [of this] arises in 
their hearts, will they, — without regard to time, and 
without respect to place, — call Buddha to remembrance, 
saying. " Namu Amida Buddha," — ** Namu Amida Bud- 
dha ! " This then is what is termed the calling of Buddha 
to remembrance, in thankfulness for His mercy. 

With much respect. 

No, 5. 0/ attaitimcnt of faith. 

It is the attainment of faith which is the apprehen- 
sion of the i8th Prayer ; the apprehension of this Prayer 
is the apprehension of the meaning of " Namu Amida 
Buddha.** The explanation of this is that, in the one 
rememberance, — "Namu," — the following the behest [of 
Buddha] , — must be apprehended the bestowal [of merit] 

34. Great Prayer, here, in original, -fz^- 


through the uttered Prayer [of Amida] . This is, in fact, 
the meaning of Mida the Tath&gata "bestowing" on 
the unenlightened (ordinary man). 

This is explained in the Greater S^itra as "causing 
all living beings to fulfil merit." Thus, — leaving no 
remnant of passions or of evil deeds* accumulated from 
when there was no beginning,(35) namely through the 
annihilation(36) brought about by the extraordinary power 
of the Prayer, — is it attained to dwell in the condition of 
'not-returning' (av^ivartika), — in the company of the 

Wherefore, — this is what is called the attainment of 
Nirvana without [of oneself] eradicating the passions. 
This is the view as held among ourselves by those of 
our sect; it is not a matter for communication, in in- 
tercourse with those of other sects. Give good heed 
to this. 

With much respect. 

No. 6. 0/ the highest degree of merit. 

The Shonin expresses, in the hymn, how the person 
who by the one remembrance places his reliance on 
Buddha attains the highest degree of merit, thus: — 

"The sentient beings of the evil world of the five 
"spheres of corruption(38), who believe in the eminent 
"Great Prayer, shall have their persons filled with merit, 
" unchantable, unspeakable, inconceivable." The meaning 
of this hymn is this : — The expression * sentient beings 
*of the evil world of the five spheres of corruption,' 
refers to all us women and wicked men. Now, although 

we are thus vile unenlightened doers of evil during the 

^ t 

• or, translate, "evil Karman." 

35. Say, * Accumulated through time which had no beginning.' 

36. i.e. annihilation of the power of the passions and of evil actions. 

37. See note under Sect. I, No. 2. 

38. The five spheres of corruption (KAchaya), see Eitel, Handbook, 
p. 67. new Edition. 


present life, if we rely with singleness of mind only on 
Mida the Tath&gata and call on Him to help us for 
the next life, there need be no manner of doubt that He 
will of a certainty succour us. And on those who thus 
place reliance on Mida will be bestowed unchantable, 
unspeakable, inconceivable merit. ' Unchantable, unspeak- 

* able, inconceivable merit * means great merit without 
limit. This great merit arises from His bestowing assist- 
ance on us sentient beings, who by the one remembrance 
place our reliance on Mida, and, — the obstructions of the 
evil Karman of the Three Times, Past, Future and 
Present being cut off and disappearing in a moment, — 
our thus becoming confirmed in the condition of the 
steadfast, and in a condition equal to that of Perfect 

Further, it is said in the hymn: — *You must believe 
*in the Great Prayer of Mida.' It is said: — 'They who 
•believe in the Great Prayer all attain a condition equal 

* to Perfect Enlightenment, because of the grace of being 

* received and rejected not.* * Being received and rejected 

* not,* — this also means that the sentient beings, who by 
the one remembrance place their reliance on Mida, are 
kept in the Bright One, and, — their faith never straying 
in other directions, — are not cast away. 

Although there are, besides this, various Gates of the 
Law, (i.e. Ways of Salvation,) — ^yet let all those beings, 
who, by the one remembrance, place their reliance on 
Mida, never have the slightest doubt that they will, 
the salvation of the Land -of- reward. 
With much respect. 

No, 7. Of the five disabilities and three obediences. 

The persons of women are subject to the five dis- 
abilities and the three obediences, and their faults are 
greater than those of men. Therefore, — in the case of 
the whole of women, — all the Buddhas even who exist 
in the ten regions can never by their power make a 


woman a Buddha. But Amida the Tath&gata, — by utter- 
ing His Great Prayer when he said, 'Only I will aid 
* (save) woman,' is he who succours them. Unless by 
reliance on this^ Buddha, the person of a woman cannot 
become a Buddha. Wherefore, if you ask, what frame 
of mind must one have, and how must we place re- 
liance on Amida Buddha, in order to become a Buddha, — 
[I reply]: — There is nothing to be done; simply, with 
singleness of mind, by placing reliance solely on Amida 
Buddha alone, and by having a mind fixed only on call- 
ing for His aid for the next life, will you, without dif- 
ficulty, become a Buddha. If you possess this mind with- 
out the least particle of doubt, — assuredly, assuredly, 
going to the Land-of-bliss, (Sukh^vat!,)* you will become 
a beautiful Buddha 1 And, henceforth, as you keep this 
in mind, — from time to time when you call Buddha to 
remembrance, your doing so will but be in order to ex- 
press your happiness and thanks for the mercy of Amida 
the Tath&gata, in His having so readily given His help 
to us so vile. Keep this in mind. 

With much respect. 

No 8. Of the laboring through five Kalpas, 

The Great Prayer meditated through five Kalpas, the 
laboring (practising meritorious actions) throughout the 
long protracted Kalpas, is simply this : — Amida the 
Tath^gata, — laboring by his pious device for the pur- 
pose of resolutely aiding all of us sentient beings, and 
uttering the Great Prayer of * Namu Amida Buddha,* 
(of 'reliance on, — adoration of, Amida Buddha,*) by 
which he swore : — ** If, — when any of erring sentient 
"beings, by once calling Amida Buddha to remem- 
" brance, place their reliance on Him (i.e. Me), and, lay- 
" ing aside the various practices of austerities, place their 
"trust in singleness of mind only on Mida, — I do not 
"aid such beings, may I not attain enlightenment,'* — 
thus became Namu (i.e. the adored) Amida Buddha. 


It is, in a word, you must know, by reason of this that 
we can, without difficulty, attain to be born in the Land 
of Bliss (Sukh^vati.) 

So then, the meaning of the six characters " Na*mu- 
A-mi-da-Butsu " (rely on Amida Buddha) expresses the 
condition whereby all sentient beings can be born into 
the Land-of- Reward. Thus, — the meaning is, — on our 
following His behest — " Namu," forthwith Amida Buddha 
will aid us. Thus the two characters ** Na-mu " must bear 
the meaning of sentient beings turning towards Mida 
the Tath^gata, and imploring his assistance for the next 
life. And, the idea that .those who thus call on Mida He 
will, without exception, succour, is contained in the four 
characters, " A-mi-da-Butsu.'* It is thus that you are to 
understand it. 

So that, whatsoever women — be they of those who have 
committed any of the ten evil deeds, be they of the five 
classes of reprobates, of the five disabilities, and the three 
obediences, — lay aside their observance of various austeri* 
ties, and earnestly place their reliance [on Him] for the 
next life, — be they ten persons or a hundred persons, — all, 
without exception, will He help. All they who, without 
doubting, believe in this, shall be born into Mida's true 
Land -of- Reward. 

With much respect. 

No g. Of the principle of peace of mind. 

That which we call Peace of Mind (the Rest of the 
Heart,) is just what is implied in the six characters " Na- 
mu-A-mi-da-Butsu." To illustrate this ; — On the following 
His behest — * Namu,' it is meant that at once the help 
of Amida Buddha is rendered. Thus the two characters 
** Na-mu " bear the meaning of following His behest. By 
* following His behest' is meant the laying aside of all 
austerities practised by sentient beings, and placing reliance 
for the next life on Amida Buddha only. Therefore, by 
this it is implied that Mida the Tath^gata knows well^ 


and will aid, every sentient being. Consequently, the 
principle is, that the help of Amida Buddha is given to 
the sentient beings who place their reliance on Him, — 
*< Namu ; " and thus we see that the signification of the 
six characters " Na-mu-A-mi-da-Butsu," is, in effect, that 
of assisting the whole body of us living creatures. 

So then, moreover, the attainment of faith by the power 
of Another is also what is implied in the six characters 
'<Na-mu-A-mi-da-But8u*'; and thus it is implied that all 
the Holy Sdtras, also, have for their end just the production 
of faith in the six character ** Na-mu-A-mi-da-Butsu." 
Thus are you to think of it. 

With much respect. 

No 10. 0/ the system of the Shonitu 

The tenor of the preaching of the ShSnin was, — make 
faith the foundation ; and when, casting aside all prac- 
tices of austerities, with singleness of mind [>'0u] have 
followed the behest of Mida, then, by the inconceivable 
power of the Prayer, from Buddha will your salvation 
be confirmed. This condition is that which is expressed 
in the words : — ** To utter one remembrance, and to 
"enter the company of the steadfast." Thereafter, the 
chanting of the Name, in calling Buddha to remembrance, 
is to be looked upon as a calling of Him to remembrance, 
in gratitude for His mercy, as the Tathagata who has 
assured our Salvation. 

With much respect. 

No* II. 0/ attending the celebration of the death 
of the Founder, 

Now, among those who have the desire to visit [the 
temple] during the period of the ceremony of the anniversary 
of the death of the Sh6nin,(3g) who contemplate the expres- 

39. That falls between the gth and the i6th January, — the i6th being 
the exact date of the anniversary. 


sion of gratitude for mercy, and thanks for virtue, by present- 
ing themselves before [his statue] , there will be those who 
have attained faith, and there will be those who have not 
faith. This is a matter of the very utmost importance. 
The reason of that is, that, without confirmation of faith, 
there is no assurance of the salvation, this time, of the 
Land-of-reward. Therefore let them who have not faith 
make haste to attain this confirmation in their minds. 
The state of human beings is an unstable one ; the Land- 
of-BIiss is an abiding country. Therefore, for those who 
are in the unstable state of human beings, [this] Land -of- 
Bliss to abide in, is a thing to be desired. And so we hold 
that faith is to be put first. Not to apprehend the reason 
of this is idle. Make haste to desire this confirmation of 
peace of mind, and [thereby] the salvation of the Pure 

Now, all men generally will agree, that to imagine that 
all they who, without understanding, simply chant the 
Name, shall be born into the Land of Bliss, would be a 
very dubious matter. The attainment of faith by the power 
of Another, is no other thing than this, — to apprehend well 
the meaning of the six characters ** Na-mu-A-mi-da-Butsu," 
and thus to have faith confirmed. 

The formula of faith is thus expressed in the Sutra : — 
*' To hear the Name and rejoice in faith." Zendo says : — 
" The expression * Namu ' is the following of His behest ; 
" and it is, further, to utter the Prayer and bestow [merit] 
** upon us. * Amida Butsu ' is, in effect, the * practice ' 
** of this." The meaning implied in the two characters 
< Na-mu * is, laying aside the practice of all austerities, 
without doubting, in singleness of mind, to place reliance 
only on Amida Buddha. And the meaning implied in the 
four characters " A-mi-da-Butsu " is, that Mida will, simply, 
afford assistance to the sentient beings who in singleness 
of mind, follow His behest. And so, the understanding 
in this way of the formula ** Na-mu-A-mi-da-Butsu," is 
termed the attainment of faith. This then is said of those 
who follow the practice of calling Buddha to remembrance, 


having well known the faith which is by the power of 

With much respect. 

No, 12. Of the sleeve of the Tathdgata. 

For those who wish exactly to understand the meaning of 
what we term peace of mind, it is not essential to have 
also knowledge, ability and learning. Realizing merely 
that their personalities are things of deep sinfulness and 
vileness, and knowing that Amida the Tathd.gata only is 
the Buddha who aids even such as they, they simply, with 
the whole heart, cliftg firmly to the sleeve of this Amida 
Buddha, and while they, in this frame of mind, place their 
reliance on Him for the next life, this Amida the Tath&gata, 
rejoicing exceedingly and throwing out from His person 
Eighty -four thousand (innumerable) great radiances, will 
receive and lay up such within His radiance. This it is 
what you are to understand by that which is set forth 
in the SOtra : — " [His] radiance, pervading the worlds of 
"the ten regions, embraces and rejects not the sentient 
** beings who call Buddha to remembrance.'* 

About the fact of our personalities becoming Buddhas 
there is no difficulty. Oh ! it is by the Great Prayer, pre- 
eminent above (surpassing) the world ! It is by the gracious 
radiance of Mida the Tathigata ! Without the influence 
of this radiance, no recovery whatsoever from thd dreadful 
malady of darkness (ignorance and evil passions), and of 
the obstruction of [evil] Karman, from when there was no 
beginning, until now, has been possible. But they who, by 
the means of the operation of the influence of this radiance, 
have a store of merit from a previous life, have already 
attained that which is called faith by the power of Another. 
But this, it is at once plainly understood, is the faith which 
is bestowed on the part of Mida the Tath&gata. And thus 
it is not a faith which is excited by the observance of reli- 
gious austerities. So you can now clearly understand what 
is meant by the great faith by the power of that Other, — 


Mida the Tath&gata. And thus, also, they who have by 
grace once attained this faith by the power of Another 
should all think upon the mercy of Mida the Tath^gata, 
and, in thankfulness for the mercy of Buddha, habitually 
chant the Name in remembrance of Him. 

With much respect. 

No, 13. Of the merit 0/ the six characters. 

Now, although the expression ** Na-mu-A-mi-da-Butsu " 
consists of no more than six characters, by which alone 
it might not be thought that the possession of merit could 
come about, yet in this Name, consisting of these six 
characters, the magnitude of supreme merit and favor 
is entirely unlimited. And thus, you must know, that 
which is termed the getting of faith is comprised in 
these six characters. There cannot in any way be the 
existence of faith otherwise than by these six characters. 

Now, these six characters, ** Na-mu-A-mi-da-Butsu," 
Zendo has explained as follows-: — " * Namu ' means [our] 
"following His behest, — and also [His] uttering the Prayer 
"and bestowing [merit] upon us. * Amida-Butsu ' is the 
"practice of this. Consequently, by this means a cer- 
" tainty of salvation is attained," he says. 

But if it be asked. How is the meaning of this in- 
terpretation to be understood ? It is this : — If any one 
of evil Karman (evil actions) and passions like us, by 
once calling Amida Buddha to remembrance, follows 
His behest, of a certainty He will know (recognize) this 
person, and afford him help, Now, 'following His be- 
' best ' has the meaning of calling for His help ; and what 
is meant by * Uttering the Prayer and bestowing [merit] 
'upon us* is the conferring of supremely great merit on 
the sentient beings who by the one remembrance place 
their reliance on Mida. 

By reason of the conferring on us sentient creatures 
of this great goodness and great merit, through the 
utterance of the Prayer and the bestowal [by Amida], 


the evil Karman and [effect of the] passions, accumul- 
ated through the long Kalpas, since when there was no 
beginning, are in one moment annihilated, and, in con- 
sequence, those passions and evil Karman of ours all 
disappearing, we live already in the condition of the com- 
pany of the steadfast, who do not return [to revolve in 
the cycle of Birth and Death] (Av&ivartika). 

Artd thus it is truly apparent, that the formula of the 
six characters, ** Na-mu-A-mi-da-Butsu," expresses the 
condition of our being to be born into the Land -of- Bliss. 
And when we speak of peace of mind, and faith, what 
we mean is this, that they who have well understood the 
meaning of the six characters of this Name are called 
they who have attained the great faith of the power of 
Another. In view of the exceeding adequacy of«these 
doctrines, you ought profoundly to believe. 

With much respect. 

No. 14. Of high and low rank, 

NoWy it is to be kept in mind that the personalities of 
all women are sinful beyond what is known, — that, 
whether they be of high rank or of low, they are vile 
personalities. Accordingly if you ask, how should they 
believe in Mida ? [I reply] : — There is no difficulty in the 
matter ; those women who, without doubting, firmly place 
their reliance on Amida the Tathigata, and call on Him 
to aid them for that most important life which is next 
to come, without fail them will He aid. 

So then, — those who, putting aside the depth of the 
sinfulness of their own personalities, and placing their 
trust in Mida, simply, in singleness of mind, call on 
Mida the Tath&gata to aid them for the life to come, — 
such ones, let there be no doubt, will He well know and 
assist. Be they ten persons, or be they a hundred per- 
sons, — all will, they need not have an atom of doubt, 
without exception, be born in the Land of Bliss. .Women 
who believe thus will be born into the Pure Land. 


Let those who have hitherto disbelieved in the easiness 
of this, while thinking on the foolishness of their having 
done so, place their reliance still more deeply on Mida 
the Tath^gata. 

With much respect. 

No, 15. Of the great faith. 

Now, if it is asked what sorts of sentient beings are 
to be saved by the Great Prayer of Mida the Tath&gata, 
and how is reliance to be placed on Mida, and what 
frame of mind must we have so as to get assistance, — 
[I reply]: — As to the sorts of beings, — whether it be 
sinners of the ten evil deeds, of the five classes of repro- 
bates, — whether it be women of the five disabilities and 
the three obediences, they are not in the least to con- 
cern themselves with the gravity of their evil Karman 
(evil actions); — it is simply by the great faith alone 
which is by the power of Another that the true salvation 
of the Land of Bliss is to be obtained. 

Well then, if it is asked : — As to this faith, what 
frame of mind must we have, and how must we place 
reliance on Mida, — [I reply] : — As to the getting of faith, 
there is no trouble, — only casting aside the observance of 
all austerities and formalisms, and the evil mind of 
reliance on one's own power, with singleness of mind 
earnestly to take refuge in (follow) Mida, having no 
doubt in the mind, — this is what is called true faith. 

Those sentient beings who thus in singleness of mind 
place their reliance, and place it only on Him, graciously 
will Mida the TathSlgata, knowing such well, sending 
out a radiance, receive into the midst of His splendour, 
and secure their being born into the Land of Bliss. This 
is what is termed the Reception of the sentient beings 
who call Buddha to remembrance. 

Therefore, while such call Buddha to remembrance 
throughout their whole life, this is to be considered as 
the calling of Buddha to remembrance in acknowledg- 


ment of His Mercy. Those are they who are to be termed 
the observers (practisers) of the calhng to remembrance of 
Buddha, who have well understood what we mean by faith. 

With much respect. 

No, 16. Of the fleeting life of man. 

Now, if we consider attentively the fleeting (lit : float- 
ing) nature of the life of man, it is but an evanescent 
thing; the beginning, middle and end of this e^cistence 
is a period like the twinkling of an eye. At present 
there is no endowment with a human body which attains 
its ten thousand years. A lifetime soon passes away, and 
who is there now who retains his form for a hundred 
years! Whether I am first or another is. first, whether 
it be to-day or to-morrow, we know not, — they who are 
behind and they who go before [are] thicker than the 
drops by the roots and the dew on the top [of the herbage] . 

And thus in the morning our body shows a ruddy 
countenance, — in the evening it is whitened bones. If 
there comes a variable wind, in a moment [our] two 
eyes close; if one breath is cut off, our ruddy counten- 
ance changes away, and loses the adornment of the 
peach and plum. Then, although relatives of every degree 
assemble, and there is mourning and lamentation, yet 
it is of no avail, and there is nothing to be done but 
to send out [the remains] on the waste, and turn them 
into the smoke of midnight, till only some whitened 
bones remain. Alas 1 it is vain to speak of it. 

Wherefore, there being no distinction between old 
and young in this fragile condition of humanity, let 
each one, speedily laying to heart the first importance 
of the life to come, place profound reliance on Amida 
Buddha, and call Him to remembrance. 

With much respect. 

No. 17. Of the next life of women. 
Now all women, who look upon the next life as an 
important matter, — who look upon the Law of Buddha 


as excellent, — and who simply place their reliance pro- 
foundly on ' Amida the Tath&gata, and, casting aside the 
observance of all austerities, with singleness of mind 
place their reliance firmly on Him for the next life, will 
of a certainty, — let there be no doubt, — be bom into 
the Land of Bliss. 

And, after having thus understood this, — they will, 
earnestly, in the profound conviction of the graciousness 
and excellence of the fact of their having thus been the 
recipients of the help, thus readily given, of Mida the 
Tath&gata, — whether they be sleeping or whether they 
be waking, continue to repeat " Namu Amida Butsu," 
** Namu Amida Butsu." Those are they who are termed 
the observers (practisers) of the remembrance of Buddha, 
who have obtained faith. 

With much respect. 

No 1 8. Of tlie Shouin of our sect. 

The peace of mind, according to our system, which the 
ShOnin discoursed of, consists in this: — Those who, 
simply putting aside the depth of the vile sinfulness of 
their own persons, and ceasing the observance of aus- 
terities and formalities, with singleness of mind, by the 
one remembrance, profoundly place their reliance on 
Amida the Tath&gata, by calling on Him to aid them 
for the life to come, — whether they be ten persons, then 
ten, or a hundred persons, then a hundred, — all, without 
exception, will He help, — of this there need be no manner 
of doubt. Those who truly possess this frame of mind 
are they who are called the observers (practisers) [of the 
remembrance of Buddha] who possess faith. And, there- 
after, whenever they contemplate the happiness of their 
receiving His help for the life to come, — whether they 
be sleeping, or whether they be waking, such persons 
will chant " Namu-Amida Butsu,"— i** Namu Amida 

With much respect. 


No 19. Of evil tnen in the Latter Period* 
Now, in this Latter Period , let all sinful persons and 
women, with singleness of mind, profoundly place their 
reliance on Amida Buddha. Unless by doing so, — what* 
ever law they may believe in, — there can certainly be no 
help for them for the life to come. 

But, if it is asked, How shall we place reliance on Amida 
the TathlLgata, and ask His aid for the life to come, [I 
reply] : — There is nothing to be done ; they who simply, 
in singleness of mind, place their reliance firmly on Amida 
the Tath&gata, and earnestly call on Him to aid them for 
the life to come, — let there not be the slightest doubt, to 
them will He assuredly afford His assistance. 

With much respect. 

No 20. Of women attaining Buddhahood. 

Weil then, — all the persons of women who firmly place 
their reliance on Mida the Tath^ata, and call on Him 
to aid them for the world to come, of a surety will He aid. 

For He is that Mida, who, thinking, * Those women 
'who are rejected by the multitude of the Buddhas, if 

* I only, Amida, the Tathd^gata, do not aid (save), who 

* of the Buddhas will aid ? * uttered the supreme Great 
Prayer, saying, * I, surpassing the multitude of the Bud- 
< dhas, shall aid (save) women;* and who, meditating during 
five Kalpas, and laboring (practising meritorious actions) 
throughout the interval of long Kalpas, uttered the Great 
Prayer surpassing the world, — uttered the supremely 
excellent Prayer whereby women may attain Buddhahood. 

By reason of this, those women who place profound 
reliance on Mida, and call on Him for aid for the world 
to come, all, all will be born into the Land of Bliss. 

With much respect. 

No 21. Of a clear statement in a Siltra Commentary. 

The peace of mind of our teaching is this: — ^Those 
sentient beings who, simply laying aside the practice of 


austerities and formalities, and, however deep may be 
the sinful Karman (transgressions) attaching to their per- 
sons, leaving that to Buddha, with singleness of mind 
just place their reliance, by the one remembrance, on 
Amida the Tathftgata, and trust to Him to aid them, — ^be 
they ten persons, then ten, or be they a hundred persons, 
then a hundred, — all of theip, let there not be the slightest 
particle of doubt, will He aid. Those persons who have 
thus believed, are they who are said to have well confirmed 
[their] peace of mind. 

This meaning is that which is clearly conveyed in the 
Siitra commentary, where it is said : — " To conceive the 
** one remembrance, and to enter the company of the stead- 
"fast;" — and again: — "They who have attained settled 
" Karman in this life." And thus, simply to place pro- 
found reliance on Mida Buddha, by the one remembrance, 
is to be considered the important thing. 

And, furthermore, in contemplating the depth of the 
mercy of Mida the Tath&gata in having readily given us 
aid, whether while moving or while at rest, whether sit- 
ting up or lying down, we are continually to call Buddha 
to remembrance. 

With much respect. 

No 22. Of the gist of our exhortation. 

Now, those who, understanding precisely the gist of 
our exhortation, hope to be born into the Land of Bliss, 
must, in a word, know what is called faith by the power 
of Another. If it is asked : — For what is this which is 
called faith by the power of Another, of importance? [I 
reply]: — It is a provision for vile unenlightened persons 
like us being enabled to go without difficulty to the Pure 
Land. If it is asked. What is the condition of [those 
who have] this faith by the power of Another ? [I reply] : — 
It is nothing but this: — When, earnestly, with single- 
ness of mind, we place reliance only on Amida the Tathi- 
gata, and utterance is given to the one remembrance in 


the spirit of reliance on Him for aid, — then of a certainty 
will Mida the Tath^gata, emitting the radiance of recep- 
tion, while our persons are in Shaba (r.e. " this (present) 
world of suffering,") preserve us in the midst of His 
radiance. This is, in effect, the condition of our having 
our salvation secured. , 

Thus the formula, * Namu Amida Butsu,' expresses 
the condition of our having attained the faith which is 
by the power of Another. You must understand that this 
faith is the state which shows (embodies) the meaning 
of [the expression] * Namu Amida Butsu.' 

Thus there is no manner of doubt that, in virtue of 
our once having got this faith which is by the power of 
Another, we shall, without difficulty, be bom into the 
Land of Bliss. How excellent is the Great Prayer of 
Mida the TathSLgata ! 

If you ask, How shall we exhibit our gratitude for this 
gracious mercy of Mida? [I reply]: — Simply, whether 
in our lying down or rising up, by chanting * Namu Ami- 
da Butsu,' shall we exhibit our gratitude for this mercy 
of Buddha, — of Him, Mida the Tath&gata. 

If it is asked. What is the meaning of our chanting 
<Namu Amida Butsu?' [I reply]: — Think of it as a 
rejoicing in the thought of the graciousness and excellence 
of the help rendered by Amida the Tath&gata. 

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FEB 18 18 






C O N 1' E N T 8 : 

The Theory of Japanese Flower Arrang^ements. By Josiah 

Conder i. 

A Grave-Stone in Batavia to the Memory of a Japanese Christian 

of the XVII Century. By Rev. A. F. King 97. 

The Japanese Legal Seal. By R. Masujima 102. 

M inutes of Meetings v. 

Report of Council xi. 

Abstract of a Lecture on Sanitation in Japan. By W. K. Burton. xvi. 
Abstract of a Lecture on the Hygienic Aspects of Japanese 

Dwelling-Houses. By Dr. J. N. Seymour xvii. 

List of Members xxii. 

Yokohama, Shanghai, Hongkong & Singapore : Kelly & Walsh, L'd. 

Tokyo. — The Hakubunsha. — Z. P. Maruya & Co. L'd. 

London : Trubner & Co. — Paris : Ernest Leroux. 

Leipzig & Berlin : K. F. Koehler's Antiquarium. 

OCTOBER, 1889. 



Th* Hakubunsha, No. i, Shichdme, Ginsa, Kybbashi-ku, Tokyo. 

A" - 

( FEB 18 1890 

— I 



J. CONDER, F. R. I. B. A. 
{Read i^th March^ 1889). 

The Art of arranging flowers has always been High estima- 

, , . _ , ... tion in which 

regarded in Japan as an elegant accomplish- the art has 

f^ , been held. 

ment, though by no means an effeminate one. 
It is true that the education of ladies of rank was 
not considered complete without the acquisition 
of some skill in composing with flowers, and the 
names of several noted artistes are found in the 
list of adepts. Far from being, however, exclu- 
sively a female accomplishment, the art has been 
principally practised by men of culture whose 
occupations have spared them leisure for aesthe- 
tic pursuits. Priests, philosophers, and men of 
rank who on account of declining years, or from 
political causes, had retired from a more active 
life have been its most enthusiastic patrons and 
devotees. As a close examination of the prin- 
ciples of Japanese floral design will shew, there 
is a bold and masculine vigour displayed in the 
best compositions which comes far more within 
the compass of the stronger than of the weaker 

— 2 — 

The high esteem in which the art has been 
held is illustrated by the following ten virtues 
or merits attributed to those engaged in its 
pursuit, namely. — 

Koishikko, The privilege of associating with 

Sejijo joko. Ease and dignity before men of 

Mnitatinen. A serene disposition and forgetful - 
ness of cares. 

Dohuraku ni katarazu. Amusement in soli- 

Somoku meichi. Familiarity with the nature of 
plants and trees. 

Shujtn aikio. The respect of mankind. 

Chobofuriu. Constant gentleness of charac- 

Seikon gdjd» Healthiness of mind and body. 

Shimbutsu haizo. A religious spirit. 

Showaku ribetsu. Self abnegation and re- 
comprehen- It must be premised that the Japanese term 
thcttTmhana hana, translatable sls flower, is applied in the art 
under consideration in a somewhat extended 
sense. To those familiar only with European 
floral arrangements the word flower would 
suggest the blossoms alone, or the blossoms with 
only so much of their stems as were essential to 
keep them together in a bunch, and with per- 
haps the addition of sufficient greenery to shew 
off the mass of brighter colour. The term hana^ 
on the other hand, includes the blossom-clad 
stems and branches of flowering plants and trees, 
and even the stumps and branches of flowerless 
trees and shrubs. The blossom is regarded as 
but one detail of the composition, of little artistic 
value dis-associated from the parent stem, and 
from those lines of growth which impart to it its 

— 3 — 

character. The branches of certain evergreens 
and other flowerless trees and plants hold the 
highest rank among flowers, such for example 
as the pine, the cedar, the^r and the maple. 

The balance and beauty of lines in combina- importance of 
tion is par excellence the distinguishing feature compoBitions. 
of Japanese floral compositions and one which 
gives much scope for the display of skill and 
character in designing. Indeed, throughout the 
refined arts, as expressed by the Japanese, this 
predominant importance of line is ever3rwhere 
observed. In the representation of objects in 
painting, where line is strictly speaking merely a 
conventional means of delineating the boundary 
of forms, such lines have been found capable of 
a variety of expression. Line in Japanese, more 
than in any other style of painting, has developed 
a distinctive power of its own, and become a 
vehicle for conveying the spirit and character of 
the painter. Sometimes the intrinsic qualities 
of line have been revelled, in to the utter neglect 
of realism of representation, in which case it is 
natural that the result should be condemned by 
those incapable of appreciating the language of 
line, and conscious only of the departure from 
realism. The language of line is only a stereo- 
typed form of what we may call the poetry of 
motion^ The Japanese fascination for lines of 
motion is observable in the dancing art. Here, 
whether it be in the flowing lines of female 
posturings, or in the more vigorous and angular 
movements of male dancers, the charm of the art 
lies in the rythmical succession and balance of 
lines or motions of different character. The 
leaping cascade, the rushing torrent, curling 
waves, floating mists, and similar evanescent 
forms have in Japanese art received . a simple 
interpretation in lines which convey an unmis- 

— 4 — 

takable impression of their form, motion, and 
force. This sh'ght digression has been thought 
necessary in order to point out the importance of 
line in Japanese compositions, and to shew how 
the people of this country possess a very keen 
perception for the lines of beauty and harmony 
which underlie many natural forms. The 
European florist concerns himself with no such 
lineal distribution in his flower compositions. 
Mass, colour, and geometrical arrangements of 
the same, according to certain arbitrary rules of 
harmony and taste, alone receive his attention. 
The stems are used only to be hidden, and with 
the sole purpose of keeping the blossoms in their 
place, and leaves are interposed merely to en- 
hance the brighter colours, and without any re- 
gard for their connections with the flowers be- 
tween which they are bound. In studying, there- 
fore, the principles of Japanese floral arrange- 
ments it is necessary to rid one's mind entirely 
of all preconceived ideas of flower compositions 
according to western standards. 
Indian and The artistic arrangement of flowering branches 
Sin^(rf"'flower and plants in vases and other receptables is 

arrangements. .. « , . « t 

attributed by certam Japanese writers to an In- 
dian and religious origin. The same Buddhist 
doctrine which forbad the wanton sacrifice of 
animal life is said to have suggested the gather- 
ing of flowers, liable to rapid destruction in a 
tropical climate, and prolonging their life by 
careful preservation. The existence of such 
a theory would seem to shew that some form of 
the art was flrst introduced into this country 
with the adoption of the Buddhist faith, and then 
not so much as a part of its ritual, as forming 
a pious pastime of its devotees. Several stories 
are preserved relating to the early practice of 
arranging flowers by Buddhist priests of distinc- 

— 5 — 

tion, Shotoku Taishi, when a child, amused 
himself by disposing plants in seven separate 
vessels, classifying them according to their 
natural growth, as Land Plants Land Tree^ 
Forest Plants Forest Tree^ Mountain Plants 
Mountain Tree and Water Plant, and designat- 
ing them respectively as Heaven, Earth, Man, 
Sun, Moon, Planet and Star. In later times 
the priest Meikei Shonin is said to have adopt, 
ed a similar seven-fold arrangement using the 
names of the five terrestrial elements, ^r^, earthy 
metal, water, and wood in combination with the 
male and female principles respectively called by 
the Japanese In and Yo, Both of these stories 
are related in explanation of the use of seven 
lines of distribution as being the most perfect 
number for flower compositions. They also 
serve to illustrate a certain philosophical spirit 
which underlies the whole of the art. Those 
distinctions of growth observed in the child>like 
arragements of Shotoku are moreover charac- 
teristic of the logic of design as followed in all 
later compositions. The natural locality of 
production, whether it be mountain, plain, or 
river, is never lost sight of even in the most 
artificial arrangements. 

The earliest known method of arranging flow- Earliest forma 

. , , , r of the art. 

ers m a smgle composition went by the name of 
Shin^no-hana and consisted of a formal disposi- skin-no-kana 


tion of various branches and leaves about a stiff 
and vertical central stem, (see Plates la and 
lb). Branches were used in their natural form 
as cut and fastened together in balancing mass- 
es ; but the idea of imparting graceful curves 
and harmonious lines to the composition ^by art- 
ificial means was as yet undeveloped. TheS/^in- 
no-hana method of arrangement is still used for 
religious flower offerings placed before shrines. 

— 6 — 

A somewhat similar style, differing chiefly in 
the disposal of the central stem, and going by 

Rikkwa style, the name of Rikkwaj was also followed at this 
. time. Whereas in the Shin-no-hana the principal 
line was central and vertical, in the Rikkwa it 
was invariably bent and out of centre, (see 
Plate 2) In these early styles the use of large 
stumps of trees to form the principal line or 
lines was customary, and in some examples, ar- 
ranged in broad vessels, the composition re- 
sembled rather a kind 'of miniature gardening 
than a composition of flowers. Heavy branch- 
ed trunks of willow, pine, and plum trees were 
grouped together with plants and grasses added 
at their base in imitation of the grouping of 
natural vegetation. Unlike the later and more 
refined flower arrangements both of these early 
methods were distinguished by the mixture of a 
great variety of materials. The different lines 
of a composition distinguished by such terms as 
centre, sub-centre, support, and secondary support, 
were respectively formed of a branch of different 
growth. Some of these were in full leaf or 
flower, and others purposely light and spare in 
character, the chief object aimed at being variety 
and a judicious balance of contrasting forms. 
In the use of large leaves, which formed an im- 
portant part of such compositions, careful atten- 
tion was bestowed upon the bend and direction 
of their surfaces so as to reveal front and back 

Relative pro- in Well balanced Contrast. The proportion which 

portionuig of 

lines. the length of the principal line or centre held to 

the height of the vessel and to the width of the 
alcove in which it was placed, as well as the pro- 
portions between such centre and the various 
subsidiary lines of the composition were relative- 
ly established. The technical details of these 
primitive styles are elaborately treated in certain 



.1 r a J 

Earlv stvle of flowl 


Early style of fla 

old books, but their consideration will better fol- 
low than precede a study of the later and more 
artistic methods. 

To the famous philosopher Sen no Rikiu is at- The later 
tributed the introduction of the more modem art. 
The style which he followed is called the Koriu 
and from it have sprung the later schools, among 
which are the Enshm Riuj Shinsho RiUj Seki- 
shiu Rin, Jikkei Ritiy Mishd Riu, Kodd Riu^ 
and Seizan Riu. These schools owe their names 
to new teachers and differ principally in their 
theories and philosophy, though there is a con- 
siderable similarity in their results. Each school 
moreover possessed certain secret traditions of 
its own called Hiden which were jealously 
guarded and imparted only to those who had 
attained great proficiency in the art. 

It is proposed in the following paper to consi- 
der principally the Enshiu style of flower arrange- 
ment, this being at the same time the most 
elaborate and most popular of the more modern 

The Enshiu Riu was originated by a retainer The Enshiu 
of the Shogun lyeyasu called Kobori TotOmi '*^*'* 
no Kami, a hatamoto of the province Omi. He 
was a distinguished professor of the Tea Cere- 
morial {Cha no yu) and became teacher of this 
accomplishment to the Shogun's heir lyemitsu. 
As a tea professor (chajin) he was known under 
the title of S6h6. Compared with some of the 
other styles the Enshiu Riu is characterised by 
a greater degree of artificiality in its arrange- 
ments, by which is meant, that the materials 
employed are subjected to more elaborate mani- 
pulation in building into compositions, and the 
leading lines of the designs produced are 
distinguished by a greater amount of artistic 
affectation. Notwithstanding however the pre- 

— 8 — 

dominance of such artificiality, a leading prin- 
ciple insisted on in flower compositions of this 
school, is a due regard for the natural habits of 
growth and for the varying characteristics dis- 
played by the same plants at different seasons. 
The whole ethics of the art are founded upon a 
devoted observance of natural laws and natural 
beauty and appropriateness, but there is little or 
no attempt to deceive by resorting to a slavish 
imitation where the result might be unsatisfactory 
and even abortive. In the main construction of 
parts an almost architectural comventionality is 
applied, which, while honestly proclaiming the 
compositions as works of well studied artifice, at 
the same time calls for admiration in as much as 
it is founded upon principles of proportion and 
harmony which nature itself reveals in numerous 
Three govcr- Creations. The Enshiu school insist on three 

ing principles. . 

pnnciples, called the San-gi^ to be observed in all 
flower arrangements. The first called Kioku is 
the art of giving feeling and expression to com- 
positions, the second called Shitsu is the art of 
conveying the particular nature of the growth, 
and the third called ^i refers to the principle of 
keeping in mind the particular season, in the 
proper use of buds, open flowers, withered 
leaves, dew, etc. 

As previously stated an analysis of flower 
compositions shews that the lines or directions 
taken by different stems or branches form the 
basis of all arrangements. Technically the sur- 
Trcatment facc of the watcr in which the flowers are placed 
their base or is regarded as the soil from which the artificial 
group is supposed to spring. The composer 
must here convey the impression of a stable and 
vigorous origin. There is here no actual inten- 
tion to deceive by a futile attempt to represent 
the soil within the narrow limits of a slender 

— 9 — 

vessel, but the principle laid down for observance 
is one founded upon the law of natural growth 
for the reason that its violation would produce 
an impression of weakness and want of vitality. 
The directions of such origin need not be always 
strictly vertical, but if curved, the curves employ- 
ed must be strong and all weak bends and angles 
studiously avoided. As a composition generally 
consists of several lines there will be several 
lines of springing or origin. In some cases 
these are united in one continuous springing 
technically called Ne-jime^ in other cases they 
are kept separate and apart, in a manner termed 
Ne-wake. There is also another term called 
Sashi-wake, used when the stems are united at 
their extreme base but separated almost im- 
mediately above. 
In the arrangement of the principal lines of Distribation 

, ... , , - . of the princi* 

the composition above the base the artist studi- pai lines of a 

, . , < . , , • » . • flower coinpo- 

ously avoids an equal sided or symmetncal dis- sition. 
tribution, but he obtains by means of varied forms 
a well balanced whole. This harmony and bal- 
ance without resort to symmetry, though existing 
in the best periods of the arts of all peoples, 
demands here some observation, inasmuch as, 
when occurring in Japanese designs it has been 
criticised by some as irregular and bizarrCf 
and by others has been lauded as peculiarly 
unique. Symmetry, which has come to be the 
bye word of the ignorant in matters of art, is 
after all a highly unnatural and mechanical 
method of balancing forms in a composition. 
In nature, the great model of all art, symmetry 
nowhere exists, but everywhere, whether it be in 
the lines and masses of the mountains, or even 
in the proportions of the fingers of the human ? 

hand, a harmony and balance is discoverable 
more recondite but far more beautiful. Variety 

— xo — 

in harmony is the leading principle of Japanese 
design, as it was in early Christian and even in 
Pagan art, notwithstanding those few purely 
symmetrical examples which remain- 
In the flower compositions under considera- 
tion, the lines of each stem, or more properly 
speaking, the central lines of each group of stems, 
receive first attention. Such lines generally 
consist of any number from three to seven (see 
Plate 3). Single line and double line composi- 
tions as well as those exceeding seven in number 
are sometimes made, but they are comparatively 
exceptional. The triple arrangement is a favour- 
ite and very characteristic one, as it contains the 

Three lined three radical lines of ShiUf GiOf and So, addition- 
arrangement. , ,. , . « .,• t ■ 
al Imes bemg more or less auxiliary to these. 

These terms of Shin Gio and So are used by the 
Japanese in many of their arts to denote different 
degrees of elaboration.* The Shin is the most 
central and longest line of the composition and 
is arranged in a double curve with the upper 
extremity vertical and perpendicularly in a line 
with the base. As this base is also vertical for 
a certain height above its origin, the gene- 
ral form assumed by the Shin is somewhat that 
of an English archer's bow. The So should be